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Art  and  the  Empire-G 
New  York,  1825-1861 


Art  and  the  Empire  City 
New  York,  1825-1861 


Art  and  the  Empire  City 
New  York,  1825-1861 

Edited  by  Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger  and  John  K.  Howat 


The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York 
Yale  University  Press,  New  Haven  and  London 


This  volume  has  been  published  in  conjunction  with  the 
exhibition  "Art  and  the  Empire  City:  New  York,  1825-1861," 
organized  by  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
and  held  there  from  September  19,  2000,  to  January  7,  2001. 

The  exhibition  is  made  possible  by  0  Fleet 

The  exhibition  catalogue  is  made  possible  through  the  support 
of  the  William  CuUen  Bryant  Fellows. 

Published  by  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York 

Copyright  ©  2000  by  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York 

All  rights  reserved.  No  part  of  this  publication  may  be  repro- 
duced or  transmitted  by  any  means,  electronic  or  mechanical, 
including  photocopying,  recording,  or  information  retrieval 
system,  without  permission  from  the  publishers. 

John  P.  O'Neill,  Editor  in  Chief 

Carol  Fuerstein,  Editor,  with  the  assistance  of  Margaret  Donovan 

Bruce  Campbell,  Designer 

Peter  Antony  and  Merantine  Hens,  Production 

Robert  Weisberg,  Computer  Specialist 

Jean  Wagner,  Bibliographer 

New  photography  of  Metropolitan  Museum  objects  by  Joseph 
Coscia  Jr.,  Anna-Marie  Kellen,  Paul  Lachenauer,  Oi-Cheong  Lee, 
Bruce  Schwarz,  Eileen  Travell,  Juan  Trujillo,  Karin  L.  Willis, 
and  Peter  Zeray,  the  Photograph  Studio,  The  Metropolitan 
Museimi  of  Art 


Galliard  typeface  designed  by  Matthew  Carter 

Printed  on  Phoenix  Imperial  135  gsm 

Separations  by  Professional  Graphics,  Rockford,  Illinois 

Printed  and  bound  by  Amoldo  Mondadori,  S.pA.,  Verona,  Italy 

Jacket/cover  illustration:  Detail,  cat.  no.  143,  William  Wellstood, 
after  Benjamin  F.  Smith  Jr.,  NetP  Tarky  i8ss,from  the  Limivg 
Observatoryy  1855 

Frontispiece:  Cat.  no.  221,  Unknown  cabinetmaker.  Armchair, 
ca.  1825 

Endpapers:  fig.  5,  John  Randel  Jr.,  adapted  and  published  by 
William  Bridges,  This  Map  of  the  City  of  New  Tork  and  Island  of 
Manhattan  as  Laid  Out  by  the  Commissioners,  1811 

Library  of  Congress  Cataloging-in-Publication  Data 

Art  and  the  empire  city  :  New  York,  1825-1861  /  edited  by 
Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger  and  John  K.  Howat. 
p.  cm. 

Exhibition  held  Sept.  19,  2000  through  Jan.  7,  2001  at  the 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York. 

Indudees  bibliographical  references  and  index. 

ISBN  0-87099-957-5  (he.  :  alk.  paper)— isbn  0-87099-958-3 
(pbk.  :  alk.  paper)— 0-300-08518-4  (Yale  University  Press) 

I.  Art,  American— New  York  (State)— New  York— Exhi- 
bitions. 2.  Art,  Modem— 19th  century— New  York  (State)  — 
New  York— Exhibitions.  1.  Voorsanger,  Catherine  Hoover. 
II.  Howat,  John  K.  Ill,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 
(New  York,  N.Y) 

N6535.N5  A28  2000 

709'.  747*10747471 — dc2i  00-041855 


Contents 


Sponsor's  Statement  vi 

Terrence  Murray^  FleetBoston  Financial 

Director's  Foreword  vii 
Philippe  de  Montebello 

Lenders  to  the  Exhibition  viii 

Preface  and  Acknowledgments  x 

John  K  Howaty  Catherine  Hoover  Voorsan^er 

Contributors  to  the  Catalogue  xv 

Note  to  the  Reader  xvi 

ESSAYS 

Inventing  the  Metropolis:  Civilization  and 
Urbanity  in  Antebellum  New  York  3 
Dell  Upton 

Mapping  the  Venues:  New  York  City 
Art  Exhibitions  47 
Carrie  Rebora  Barratt 

Appendix  A,  Exhibition  Venues  66 
Appendix  B,  Exhibitions  and  Auctions  75 

Private  Collectors  and  PubUc  Spirit: 
A  Selective  View     8  3 
John  K,  Howat 

Selling  the  Sublime  and  the  Beautiful:  New  York 
Landscape  Painting  and  Tourism  109 
Kevin  J,  Avery 

Modeling  a  Reputation:  The  American  Sculptor 
and  New  York  City  135 
Thayer  Tolles 

Building  the  Empire  City: 
Architects  and  Architecture  169 
Morrison  H.  Heckscher 


The  Currency  of  Culture:  Prints  in  New  York  City  189 
Elliot  Bostwick  Davis 

"A  Palace  for  the  Sun":  Early  Photography  in 
New  York  City  227 
JeffL,  Rosenheim 

"Ahead  of  the  World":  New  York  City  Fashion  243 
Caroline  Rennolds  Milbank 

The  Products  of  Empire:  Shopping  for  Home 
Decorations  in  New  York  City  259 
Amelia  Feck 

"Gorgeous  Articles  of  Furniture":  Cabinetmaking 
in  the  Empire  City  287 
Catherine  Hoover  Voorsan^fer 

Empire  City  Entrepreneurs:  Ceramics  and  Glass 
in  New  York  City  327 
Alice  Cooney  Frelin^huysen 

"Silver  Ware  in  Great  Perfection":  The  Precious- 
Metals  Trades  in  New  York  City  355 
Deborah  Dependahl  Waters 

WORKS  IN  THE  EXHIBITION 

Checklist  of  the  Exhibition  575 
Bibliography  599 
Index  618 

FhotO£fraph  Credits  636 


vi 


Sponsor's  Statement 


Fleet  is  proud  to  sponsor  the  exhibition  "Art  and  the 
Empire  City:  New  York,  1825-1861"  at  The  Metropol- 
itan Museum  of  Art.  This  beautiful  exhibition,  which 
celebrates  New  York's  evolution  into  the  country's 
cultural  and  commercial  heart,  is  especially  close  to 
ours.  Featuring  works  by  Thomas  Cole,  Frederic  E. 
Church,  Gustave  Herter,  and  Tiffany  and  Company, 
among  many  others,  this  exhibition  of  more  than  310 
objects  is  a  visual  celebration  of  the  innovative  spirit 
of  New  York  and  its  imparalleled  ability  to  lead  the 
way  for  our  country  and  the  world. 

This  sponsorship,  our  first  at  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  marks  a  true  coming  of  age  for  our 
company.  FleetBoston  Financial  has  evolved  into  a 
world-class  provider  of  dynamic  financial  services, 
bringing  innovative  thinking  and  expertise  to  more  than 


20  million  customers  throughout  the  United  States, 
Latin  America,  Asia,  and  Europe.  Our  customers  and 
communities  depend  upon  us  for  innovation  in  con- 
sumer and  commercial  banking,  investment  banking, 
institutional  and  individual  investment  services,  and  for 
creative  investments  in  our  communities.  In  that  regard, 
we  are  pleased  to  fund  the  largest  school-pass  program 
in  the  Museum's  history,  issuing  fi-ee  admission  passes 
to  1.5  million  schoolchildren  and  their  families  through- 
out New  York  City.  With  this  program  and  this 
exhibition,  we  hope  to  convey  our  unwavering  com- 
mitment to  the  arts  and  our  stakeholders  and  to  playing 
a  vital  role  in  the  glorious  future  of  the  Empire  City. 

We  hope  you  enjoy  the  exhibition  and,  for  many 
years  to  come,  the  treasures  and  history  depicted  in 
this  catalogue. 

Terrence  Murray 

Chairman  and  Chief  Executive  Officer 
FleetBoston  Financial 


Director's  Foreword 


The  years  1825  to  1861  are  those  between  the  comple- 
tion of  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War.  This  was  a  tinie  of  remarkable  growth,  when  the 
small  and  lively  city  of  New  York  became  a  great  and 
vibrant  metropolis.  One  of  the  most  extraordinary 
developments  that  marked  the  period  was  an  aston- 
ishing flowering  of  all  the  arts,  a  flowering  that  assured 
the  city  its  place  as  the  cultural  capital  of  the  nation. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  is  proud  to  present  "Art 
and  the  Empire  City:  New  York,  1825-1861,"  an  exhi- 
bition that  offers  an  exceptionally  broad  selection  of 
the  finest  examples  of  the  visual  arts  produced  or 
acquired  during  the  memorable  years  it  covers.  Together 
the  exhibition  and  its  accompanying  catalogue  illumi- 
nate the  nature,  range,  and  refinement  of  those 
objects  as  well  as  the  cultural  life  of  the  era. 

The  Museum  is  deeply  grateful  for  the  generosity  of 
the  eighty-four  institutions  and  private  individuals 
whose  loans  of  objects  of  significant  quality  allow 
us  to  display  the  history  of  art  in  New  York  City 
rather  than  the  history  of  New  York  City  as  seen  in  its 
art.  A  particular  debt  is  owed  to  The  New-York 
Historical  Society  and  the  Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  which,  not  surprisingly,  after  the  Metro- 
politan Museum  made  by  far  the  largest  number  of 
loans.  Other  sister  institutions  also  granted  multiple 
loans  that  were  essential  to  the  realization  of  our  exhi- 
bition; especially  important  were  those  from  The 
New  York  Public  Library;  the  Brooklyn  Museum  of 


Art;  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston;  the  Rare 
Book  and  Manuscript  Library  of  Columbia  Univer- 
sity; and  Columbia's  Avery  Architectural  and  Fine 
Arts  Library. 

Many  acknowledgments  follow,  but  here  I  wish 
to  single  out  for  particular  notice  John  K.  Howat, 
Lawrence  A.  Fleischman  Chairman  of  the  Depart- 
ments of  American  Art  at  the  Metropolitan  Museum, 
for  originating  the  concept  of  the  exhibition  and 
for  his  leadership  throughout  its  realization,  and 
Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger,  Associate  Curator, 
Department  of  American  Decorative  Arts,  and  Projea 
Director,  for  her  exceptional  skills  as  organizer  and 
diplomat,  which  guaranteed  success  in  the  enterprise. 

Undertakings  of  this  importance  and  scale  require 
significant  financial  expenditure,  and  various  organi- 
zations have  made  major  contributions  in  this  respect. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  is  extremely  grateful  to 
Fleet  and  its  Chairman,  Terrence  Murray,  for  their 
generous  support  of  the  exhibition.  The  support  pro- 
vided by  the  Homeland  Foundation  is  also  notewor- 
thy, as  it  has  helped  to  make  possible  the 
conservation  of  several  objects  in  the  exhibition.  In 
addition,  the  Museum  is  thankful  for  the  assistance 
provided  by  the  Private  Art  Dealers  Association, 
Inc.  Conner-Rosenkranz  has  also  kindly  provided 
support  for  this  project.  The  publication  accompany- 
ing the  exhibition  was  made  possible  by  the  William 
Cullen  Bryant  Fellows  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum. 

Philippe  de  MontebeUo 
Director 


Lenders  to  the  Exhibition 


Albany,  Albany  Institute  of  History  and  Art  277 

Baltimore,  The  Baltimore  Musevmi  of  Art  288 

Baltimore,  The  Walters  Art  Gallery  50 

Baton  Rouge,  Louisiana  State  University  Museum 
of  Art  302 

Bennington,  Vermont,  Bennington  Museum  270 

Boston,  Mxasexmi  of  Fine  Arts  11,  23, 35, 125, 130, 131, 
147, 154,  237 

Boston,  Society  for  the  Preservation  of  New  Eng- 
land Antiquities  215 

Brooklyn,  Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art  13,  26,  33, 
89A,  B,  149,  224,  244,  262,  298 

Brooklyn,  St.  Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity  Church  280 

Chicago,  The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago  105,  247 

Cincinnati,  Cincinnati  Art  Museum  164 

Cooperstown,  New  York  State  Historical  Associa- 
tion 28,  282A,  B 

Coming,  New  York,  The  Corning  Museum  of 
Glass  273-75 

Dallas,  Dallas  Museum  of  Art  289,  300 

Detroit,  The  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts  285 

Fort  Worth,  Texas,  Kimbell  Art  Museum  44 

Hartford,  Connecticut,  Wadsworth  Atheneum  24 

Kansas  City,  Missouri,  Hallmark  Photographic  Col- 
lection, Hallmark  Cards,  Inc.  171, 173, 174, 
177, 194 

Kansas  City,  Missouri,  The  Nelson-Atkins  Museum 
of  Art  241 

Lexington,  Kentucky,  Henry  Clay  Memorial  Foun- 
dation, located  at  Ashland,  The  Henry  Clay  Estate 
296 

London,  The  National  Gallery  47 


London,  Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects 
Library  82,  83 

Los  Angeles,  The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museimi  185-91 

Los  Angeles,  The  Los  Angeles  Covinty  Museum 
of  Art  34 

Milwaukee,  Milwaukee  Art  Miaseum  245 

Minneapolis,  The  Minneapolis  Institute  of  Arts  54 

Newark,  The  Newark  Museum  60,  252,  303 

New  Haven,  Yale  Center  for  British  Art  49 

New  Haven,  Yale  University  Art  Gallery  57 

New  Paltz,  New  York,  Huguenot  Historical 
Society  65 

New  York,  Art  Commission  of  the  City  of 
New  York  2 

New  York,  Columbia  University,  Avery  Architectural 
and  Fine  Arts  Library  79,  86-88,  93,  99, 100, 103 

New  York,  Columbia  University,  Rare  Book  and 
Manuscript  Library  146 

New  York,  Congregation  Emanu-El  305 

New  York,  Cooper-Hev^tt,  National  Design 
Museum,  Smithsonian  Institution  218 

New  York,  Donaldson,  Lufldn  &  Jenrette  Collection 
of  Americana  i 

New  York,  Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection  160, 
169, 175, 173, 196 

New  York,  Grace  Church  95 

New  York,  Mercantile  Library  Association  58 

New  York,  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art  4,  9, 
14, 15, 17,  20-22,  29,  31,  32,  39,  41-43,  48,  51-53,  55, 
59,  62,  66,  68,  69,  71,  73-77,  80,  81,  84,  85,  97, 102, 
113-16, 118-23, 127, 129, 132-35, 142, 144, 145, 148, 
153, 156, 158, 165A,  B,  195, 197-200,  202,  205,  212-14, 
216,  217,  219,  223,  225,  235,  236A,  B,  240A-C,  242, 


ix 


243,  246,  248,  251,  257,  259,  260,  269,  272,  276,  278, 

279,  281A,  B,  291-95,  301,  307,  308 

New  York,  Municipal  Archives,  Department  of 
Records  and  Information  Services  192, 193 

New  York,  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York  25, 38, 
63, 141, 150, 151, 199,  200,  203-5,  220,  238,  239,  253, 
268,  284, 301, 306, 310 

New  York,  National  Academy  of  Design  6,  8 

New  York,  The  New-York  Historical  Society  7,  27, 
40,  45,  46,  61,  67,  70,  72,  78,  94,  96, 104, 110-12, 
152, 155, 162, 167,  170, 172, 179, 182-84,  209, 
283A,  B,  297 

New  York,  The  New  York  Public  Library  5,  30, 
106-9, 143, 157, 159, 163, 181 

New  York,  Parish  of  Trinity  Church  304 

Norfolk,  Virginia,  Chrysler  Museum  of  Art  64, 166 

Pittsfield,  Massachusetts,  The  Berkshire  Museum  10 

Pordand,  Maine,  Victoria  Mansion,  The  Morse- 
Libby  House  249 

Richmond,  Virginia,  Valentine  Museum  201 

Rome,  New  York,  Jervis  Public  Library  90,  91 

Tarrytown,  New  York,  Historic  Hudson  Valley  3,  207 

Tarrytown,  New  York,  Lyndhurst,  A  National  Trust 
Historic  Site  234 

Toledo,  Ohio,  The  Toledo  Museum  of  Art  36 

Trenton,  New  Jersey  State  Museum  263,  264 

Washington,  D.C.,  Library  of  Congress  92, 124, 
126,  211 

Washington,  D.C.,  National  Gallery  of  Art  37 

Washington,  D.C.,  National  Portrait  Gallery,  Smith- 
sonian Institution  56, 161, 168 

Washington,  D.C.,  Octagon  Museum  loi 


Washington,  D.C.,  Smithsonian  Institution 
Libraries  98 

Winterthur,  Delaware,  Winterthur  Museum  221, 
254,  265,  271,  287 

Worcester,  Massachusetts,  American  Antiquarian 
Society  117,  i37,  139,  140 

Worcester,  Massachusetts,  Worcester  Art  Museum  12 

Mrs.  Sammie  Chandler  233 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gerard  L.  Eastman,  Jr.  290 

Jock  Elliott  138 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stuart  P.  Feld  250 
Arthur  R  and  Esther  Goldberg  266 
Frederick  W  Hughes  229 
Matthew  R.  Isenburg  176, 180 
Richard  Hampton  Jenrette  231,  232 
Kaufman  Americana  Foundation  255 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  Lewis  256,  258,  261,  267 
Gloria  Manney  16, 18, 19 
Robert  Mehlman  299 
Leonard  L.  Milberg  128 

Mulberry  Plantation,  Camden,  South  Carolina  222 

Dr.  and  Mrs.  Emil  F.  Pascarelli  227 

D.  Albert  SoelFing  309 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peter  G.  Terian  228,  230 

Mark  D,  Tomasko  136 

Janet  Zapata  208 

Anonymous  lenders  206,  210,  226,  286 


Preface  and  Acknowledgments 


Widi  the  exhibition  "Art  and  the  Empire 
City:  New  York,  1825-1861"  and  the  pub- 
lication of  this  volume,  the  Metropolitan 
Museum  presents  the  engaging  story  of  how  New 
York  became  a  world  city  and  assumed  its  vital  role  as 
the  visual  arts  capital  of  the  nation— a  position  it 
retains  as  we  enter  the  twenty-first  century. 

The  organizers  of  the  exhibition  and  the  authors  of 
the  catalogue  have  considered  the  full  range  of  the 
visual  arts  and  the  related  themes  that  assumed  major 
importance  in  the  city,  and  the  nation  as  well,  in  the 
four  decades  prior  to  the  Civil  War.  The  physical  and 
cultural  growth  of  New  York  City;  the  city's  develop- 
ment as  a  marketplace  for  art  and  a  center  for  public 
exhibitions  and  private  collecting;  new  departures 
in  architecture,  painting,  and  sculpture;  printmaking, 
a  fine  art  and  a  democratic  one;  the  new  medium  of 
photography;  New  York  as  a  fashion  center;  the  embel- 
lishment of  the  domestic  interior;  changing  styles  in 
furniture,  and  the  evolution  of  the  ceramics,  glass, 
and  silver  industries  are  the  primary  subjects  repre- 
sented by  the  works  chosen  for  the  exhibition  and  dis- 
cussed in  the  essays  contained  herein. 

A  coherency  of  historical,  cultural,  and  artistic 
forces  in  the  years  1825  through  1861  provides  ample 
license  for  the  choice  of  these  dates  as  the  framework 
for  the  exhibition.  The  year  1825  was  critical:  it  was 
then  that  the  Erie  Canal  was  completed,  after  sections 
of  the  waterway  opened  in  1820  and  1823,  making  a 
crucial  contribution  to  the  robust  financial  condition 
of  both  the  city  and  state  of  New  York.  By  1825  the  city 
had  surpassed  all  other  American  seaports  to  become 
the  financial  and  commercial  center  of  the  nation. 
During  the  antebellum  years  New  York  City  grew 
physically,  commercially,  and  culturally  with  such 
vigor  that  it  earned  not  only  the  enthusiastic  epi- 
thets the  Empire  City  and  the  Great  Emporium  but 
also  attracted  the  sometimes  envious,  and  frequendy 
bemused,  attentions  of  the  world. 

The  cultural  component  of  New  York's  dramatic 
burgeoning  was  as  significant  as  its  aggressive  com- 
mercial expansion.  The  year  1825  saw  the  establish- 
ment of  the  National  Academy  of  Design,  which 
became  the  focus  of  fine  arts  activities  in  the  city 
throughout  the  pre- Civil  War  era.  The  concurrent 
development  of  other  institutions,  associations,  and 


professions  devoted  to  the  arts  and  an  increase  in  the 
numbers  of  people  involved  in  the  production  of  the 
arts  were  among  the  most  notable  signs  that  New 
York  was  becoming  a  metropolis  of  primary  impor- 
tance and  considerable  cultural  sophistication.  With 
Broadway  at  the  heart  of  the  Great  Emporium,  New 
York  was  transformed  into  the  nation's  major  manu- 
facturing and  retailing  center,  the  depot  for  luxury 
goods  both  made  in  and  aroimd  the  city  and  im- 
ported from  abroad.  Despite  occasional  catastrophic 
fires  (in  1835  and  1845,  notably)  and  financial  depres- 
sions (in  1837  and  1857,  for  example)  visited  on  the 
city,  the  New  York  art  world  flourished  in  the  decades 
prior  to  1861.  But  this  felicitous  situation  came  to  a 
painful  end  that  year. 

Southern  forces  fired  on  Fort  Sumter  on  April  12, 
1861,  to  begin  the  Civil  War.  In  both  the  North  and 
South  energies  that  had  been  applied  to  trade,  build- 
ing prosperity,  and  creating  a  rich  and  sophisticated 
culture  in  America  were  turned  toward  the  conflict. 
The  impact  of  the  war  on  the  New  York  art  world  was 
immediate.  As  Charles  Cromwell  Ingham,  acting 
president  of  the  National  Academy  of  Design, 
reported  in  May  1861,  "the  great  Rebellion  has  startied 
society  firom  its  propriety,  and  war  and  politics  now 
occupy  every  mind.  No  one  thinks  of  the  arts,  even 
among  the  artists,  patriotism  has  superceded  painting, 
and  many  have  laid  by  the  palette  and  pencil,  to  shoul- 
der the  musket.  .  .  The  post- Civil  War  years  wit- 
nessed significant  growth  in  and  support  for  the  visual 
arts  of  all  kinds:  thus,  the  Metropolitan  Museum, 
founded  in  1870,  and  many  other  great  institutions 
were  established.  However,  in  cosmopolitan  New 
York  City  there  emerged  a  renewed  appreciation  of 
both  early  and  contemporary  European  art  and  deco- 
ration, and  there  was  a  concomitant  waning  of 
interest  in  American  culture.  It  was  a  decidedly  new 
cultural  climate. 


Planning  and  executing  an  exhibition  and  a  book  of 
the  magnitude  of  the  present  projea  is  an  extended 
process  that  involves  many  individuals  who  must  be 
acknowledged.  "Art  and  the  Empire  City*'  is  the  largest 
exhibition  undertaken  by  the  Museum's  Departments 


xi 


of  American  Art  since  1970,  when  "ipth-Century 
America"  celebrated  the  institution's  one-hundredth 
birthday,  and  it  has  been  over  five  years  in  the  making. 
It  is  also  unique  in  its  focus,  for,  while  aspects  of  the 
arts  in  America  during  this  period  have  been  exam- 
ined previously,  until  now  the  subject  of  New  York  as 
the  primary  crucible  for  the  nation's  visual  arts  has  not 
been  addressed. 

Our  first  thanks  are  to  Philippe  de  Montebello, 
Director  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  who  endorsed 
the  exhibition  and  stood  behind  it  from  its  inception. 
We  are  also  deeply  grateful  to  the  lenders,  whose 
names  appear  elsewhere  in  this  catalogue,  for  gener- 
ously allowing  us  to  show  their  works,  many  of  which 
normally  do  not  travel,  and  to  hundreds  of  colleagues 
throughout  this  country  and  abroad,  whose  willing 
collaboration  guaranteed  the  project's  successful  real- 
ization. Special  gratitude  is  due  to  The  New-York 
Historical  Society  and  the  Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  which  have  lent  more  works  than  any 
other  institution  save  the  Metropolitan  Museum. 
Their  curatorial  and  administrative  staffs,  under  the 
leadership  of  Betsy  Gotbaum  and  Robert  Macdonald, 
respectively,  have  supported  our  endeavors  whole- 
heartedly. Our  indebtedness  to  the  sponsors  whose 
financial  assistance  has  been  crucial  is  detailed  in  the 
Director's  Foreword. 

"Art  and  the  Empire  City"  was  conceived  in  the 
early  1990s,  with  the  imderstanding  that  the  visual 
arts  of  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  in 
America  had  not  been  studied  adequately  H.  Barbara 
Weinberg,  Alice  Pratt  Brown  Curator  of  American 
Paintings  and  Sculpture  at  the  Metropolitan  Museum, 
and  Paul  Staiti  and  Elizabeth  Johns,  J.  Clawson  Mills 
Fellows  in  the  American  Wing  in  1991-92  and  1992-93, 
respectively,  helped  frame  the  questions  we  needed  to 
address.  At  first  the  scope  of  our  inquiry  was  national, 
but  over  time  it  became  clear  that  New  York  City 
should  be  our  focus.  Kenneth  T.  Jackson,  Jacques 
Barzun  Professor  of  History  and  Social  Sciences, 
Columbia  University,  and  editor  of  the  Encyclopedia 
of  New  Tork,  took  an  interest  in  our  undertaking 
early  on  and  served  as  an  informal  advisor  through- 
out. Historians  Kenneth  Myers,  Postdoctoral  Fellow 
in  1995-96,  and  Valentijn  Byvanck,  Predoctoral  Fel- 
low in  1996-98,  contributed  valuable  perspectives 


during  the  planning  of  the  exhibition,  which  began  in 
earnest  in  1995. 

In  1996  and  1997  many  colleagues  participated  in  a 
series  of  seminars  on  exhibition  themes  and  the  selec- 
tion of  objects,  and  to  them  we  express  our  appre- 
ciation. Ulysses  G.  Dietz,  Donald  L.  Fennimore, 
Katherine  S.  Howe,  Frances  G.  Safford,  D.  Albert 
Soeffing,  Kevin  L.  Stayton,  and  Deborah  Dependahl 
Waters  discussed  silver  and  other  metalwork  with  us; 
Alan  M.  Stahl  guided  our  choice  of  medals.  Mary- 
Beth  Betts,  Elizabeth  Blackmar,  Andrew  Dolkart, 
Sarah  Bradford  Landau,  Peter  Marcuse,  the  late 
Adolph  K.  Placzek,  Dell  Upton,  and  Mary  Woods 
contributed  views  on  architecture,  city  planning,  and 
related  subjects,  Michele  Bogart,  Valentijn  Byvanck, 
H.  Nichols  B.  Clark,  David  B.  Dearinger,  Linda  Fer- 
ber,  Elizabeth  Johns,  David  Meschutt,  Jan  Seidler 
Ramirez,  Paul  Staiti,  and  John  Wilmerding  conferred 
on  American  paintings  and  sculpture,  and  Stephen  R. 
Edidin  made  recommendations  about  foreign  works. 
Mary  Ann  Apicella,  Frances  Bretter,  Wendy  A.  Cooper, 
Barry  R.  Harwood,  Peter  M.  Kenny,  John  Scherer, 
Thomas  Gordon  Smith,  Page  Talbott,  and  Deborah 
Dependahl  Waters  shared  their  knowledge  of  furni- 
ture. Florence  1.  Balasny-Barnes,  Barbara  and  David 
Goldberg,  Esther  and  Arthur  Goldberg,  and  Emma 
and  Jay  Lewis  participated  in  a  discussion  of  ceram- 
ics. Georgia  B.  Barnhill,  Thomas  P.  Bruhn,  Nancy 
Finlay,  Harry  S.  Katz,  Shelley  Langdale,  Leslie  Nolan, 
Wendy  A.  Shadwell,  and  John  Wilmerding  consulted 
on  the  history  of  printmaking  and  print  collecting. 
Laurie  Baty,  Dale  Neighbors,  Mary  Panzer,  Sally 
Pierce,  Alan  Trachtenberg,  Julie  Van  Haaften,  and, 
later,  Herbert  Mitchell  advised  us  about  early  Ameri- 
can photography 

Valentijn  Byvanck  recommended  the  portraits 
shown,  and  Janet  Zapata  selected  the  jewelry.  Phyllis 
D.  Magidson  of  the  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York 
worked  closely  with  Caroline  Rennolds  Milbank  on 
choosing  the  costumes  and  related  accoutrements. 
Chantal  Hodges  researched  bookbindings.  Laurence 
Libin,  Research  Curator,  Department  of  Musical 
Instruments  at  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  served  in 
an  adjunct  curatorial  capacity. 

In  every  aspect  of  the  preparation  of  both  the  exhi- 
bition and  the  catalogue,  we  have  been  supported  by 


our  superb  research  assistants,  who  have  contributed 
significantly  in  matters  both  scholarly  and  profes- 
sional. Medill  Higgins  Harvey,  who  coordinated  the 
research  campaign,  was  a  supremely  accomplished 
leader.  Julie  Mirabito  Douglass  directed  research  per- 
taining to  collectors  and  with  Medill  Harvey  compiled 
a  bibliography  of  nineteenth-  and  twentieth-century 
sources,  which  provided  the  curators  with  a  platform 
from  which  to  embark  on  studies  of  their  own.  For 
assistance  during  this  phase  of  the  project,  we  are 
grateful  to  have  had  access  to  the  Seymour  B.  Durst 
Old  York  Library  Collection  and  especially  thank  Eva 
Carrozza,  former  Librarian,  for  her  help.  While  the 
icons  of  American  painting  and  sculpture  of  our 
period  were  well  known  from  the  outset,  master- 
pieces in  the  other  arts  were  not  well  documented.  In 
search  of  objects  from  New  York  that  might  have 
been  dispersed  nationwide,  hundreds  of  art  muse- 
ums, historic-house  museums,  historical  societies, 
and  regional  centers  were  contacted.  To  all  who 
answered  our  queries,  and  to  those  who  hosted  our 
visits,  we  extend  appreciation.  Jeni  L.  Sandberg  took 
charge  of  periodical  research.  Her  insightful  survey  of 
periodicals  and  travelers'  accounts  published  between 
1825  and  1861  yielded  the  raw  material  on  which  many 
of  the  catalogue  essays  and  the  themes  of  the  exhibi- 
tion are  predicated. 

Austen  Barron  Bailly  researched  foreign  works  of 
art  and  oversaw  countless  administrative  and  art- 
historical  details.  Brandy  S.  Gulp  skillfully  researched 
art  patrons,  surveyed  manuscript  collections,  and 
managed  the  database  of  exhibition  objects.  In  the 
last  task  she  relied  on  the  indispensable  assistance  of 
Frances  Redding  Wallace,  as  well  as  the  support  of 
Jennie  W.  Choi  of  Systems  and  Computer  Services. 
Jodi  A.  Pollack  coordinated  the  photography  for  the 
catalogue  with  consummate  efficiency.  Cynthia  Van 
Allen  Schaffner  contributed  expert  research  assistance 
and  imflagging  support  of  myriad  kinds. 

During  the  course  of  the  project,  the  staffs  of 
the  libraries  of  many  institutions  graciously  assisted 
our  researchers.  We  thank  the  following  institutions 
and  individuals:  the  library  of  The  New-York  Histor- 
ical Society,  especially  Richard  Frascr,  Megan  Hahn, 
Wendy  S.  Raver,  and  May  Stone;  the  New  York  Soci- 
ety Library,  especially  Heidi  Haas,  Janet  Howard,  and 
Mark  Piel;  the  New  York  Biographical  and  Genea- 
logical Library,  especially  Joy  Rich;  The  New  York 
Public  Library,  especially  Virginia  Bartow,  Robert 
Rainwater,  and  Roberta  Waddell;  Janet  Parks  and  the 
staff  of  the  Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University;  Claudia  Funke  and  Jennifer  Lee 


of  the  Rare  Books  and  Manuscript  Library,  Columbia 
University;  Special  Collections,  Baker  Library,  Harvard 
Business  School,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  especially 
A.  F.  Bartovics;  Stephen  Van  Dyk,  Cooper-Hewitt, 
National  Design  Museum,  New  York;  W.  Gregory 
Gallagher,  The  Century  Association,  New  York; 
Judith  Gelemter,  The  Union  Club,  New  York;  Burt 
Denker,  Decorative  Arts  Photographic  Collection,  and 
E.  Richard  McKinstrey,  Gail  Stanislow,  and  Eleanor 
McD.  Thompson,  Winterthur  Museum  Library,  Dela- 
ware; Linda  Ayres  and  C.  Ford  Peatross,  Library  of 
Congress,  Washington,  D.C.;  and  Brian  Cuthrell  and 
Henry  Fulmer,  South  Caroliniana  Library,  Univer- 
sity of  South  Carolina,  Columbia.  Our  work  was 
enriched  by  the  holdings  of  the  Archives  of  American 
Art,  Washington,  D.C.;  the  Boston  Public  Library; 
and  the  Inventories  of  American  Paintings  and 
Sculpture,  Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.C. 
William  H.  Gerdts,  Professor  Emeritus  of  Art  His- 
tory, City  University  of  New  York,  shared  nineteenth- 
century  exhibition  reviews  in  his  files.  Last,  but  certainly 
not  least,  we  acknowledge  our  colleagues  in  the 
Thomas  J.  Watson  Library,  Metropolitan  Museum, 
especially  Kenneth  Soehner,  Arthur  K.  Watson  Chief 
Librarian,  Linda  Seckelson,  Robert  Kauftnann,  and 
Katria  Czerwoniak. 

Graduate,  undergraduate,  and  high-school  interns, 
as  well  as  volunteers,  contributed  invaluable  assistance, 
without  which  we  could  not  have  realized  this  proj- 
ect. They  combed  primary  documents  for  information 
on  works  of  art,  artists  and  manufacturers,  collectors 
and  dealers,  and  other  subjects  germane  to  our  efforts. 
In  this  category  we  thank:  Mary  Ann  Apicella,  Lisa 
Bedell,  Gilbert  H.  Boas,  Rachel  D.  Bonk,  Alexis  L. 
Boylan,  Millicent  L.  Bxims,  Vivian  Chill,  Elizabeth 
Clark,  Amy  M.  Coes,  Claire  Conway,  Gina  D'Angelo, 
Tara  Dennard,  Jennifer  M.  Downs,  Cynthia  Drayton, 
Margarita  Emerson,  Dinah  Fried,  Michal  Fromer, 
Kevin  R.  Fuchs,  Palma  Genovese,  Angela  George, 
Alice  O.  Gordon,  Joelle  Gotlib,  Rachel  Ihara,  Carol  A. 
Irish,  Jamie  Johnson,  Melina  Kervandjian,  Lynne 
Konstantin,  Amy  Kurtz,  Barbara  Laux,  Katharine  P. 
Lawrence,  Ruth  Lederman,  Karen  Lemmey,  Josephine 
Loy,  Constance  C.  McPhee,  Andrea  Miller,  Mark  D. 
Mitchell,  Jennifer  Mock,  Francesca  Pietropaolo,  Anne 
Posner,  Katherine  Reis,  Katherine  Rubin,  Emily  U. 
Sadoff,  Sxizannah  Schatt,  Elizabeth  Schwartz,  Lonna 
Schwartz,  Nanette  Scofield,  Sheila  Smith,  Susan  Solny, 
David  Sprouls,  Lois  Stainman,  Susan  Stainman, 
Jennifer  Steenshorne,  Margaret  Stenz,  Rush  Sturges, 
Michele  L.  Symons,  Jeffrey  Trask,  Barbara  W.  Veith, 
Daphne  M.  Ward,  Julia  H.  Widdowson,  Jennifer 


Wingate,  and  Katharine  Voss.  Amy  M.  Goes,  Barbara 
Laux,  Heather  Jane  McCormick,  Jodi  A.  Pollack,  and 
Cynthia  Van  Allen  SchafFner  wrote  masters'  theses 
that  contributed  to  our  knowledge  of  furniture  mak- 
ing in  the  Empire  City. 

The  subject  of  the  exhibition  spawned  several  grad- 
uate courses,  which  resulted  in  useful  new  research. 
Princeton  students  Peter  Barberie,  Peter  Betjemann, 
Lorna  Britton,  Thomas  Forget,  Andrew  E.  Hersch- 
berger,  Gordon  Hughes,  Sarah  Anne  Lappin,  and 
Mark  D.  Mitchell  enlarged  our  understanding  of 
nineteenth-century  printmaking  through  their  work 
for  a  seminar  conducted  in  1997  by  John  Wilmerding, 
Christopher  B.  Sarofim  '86  Professor  of  American 
Art,  and  Elliot  Bostwick  Davis.  In  1999  the  Ph.D. 
program  in  Art  History  at  the  City  University  of  New 
York  offered  a  broadly  focused  seminar  in  conjunc- 
tion with  "Art  and  the  Empire  City"  taught  by  Pro- 
fessor Sally  Webster  and  several  of  the  exhibition's 
curators.  The  same  year  Paul  Bentel  and  Dorothy  M. 
Miner  initiated  a  year-long  study  of  the  Empire  City 
itself  with  students  in  the  Historic  Preservation  Pro- 
gram at  Columbia  University. 

Many  other  colleagues,  collectors,  friends,  and  fam- 
ily members  extended  themselves  in  countless  ways. 
In  particular,  we  are  grateful  for  the  help  of  Clifford 
S.  Ackley,  Sue  Allen,  Lee  B.  Anderson,  Elizabeth  Bid- 
well  Bates,  Thomas  Bender,  John  Bidwell,  Mosette 
Broderick,  Sally  B.  Brown,  Frank  Brozyna,  Nicholas 
Bruen,  Douglas  G.  Bucher,  Stanley  and  Sara  Burns, 
Richard  T.  Button,  Teresa  Carbone,  Sasha  Cher- 
mayeff,  Janis  Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz,  Holly 
Connor,  Tom  Crawford,  Anna  T  D'Ambrosio,  Leslie 
Degeorges,  Ellen  Denker,  Ed  Polk  Douglas,  Stacy 
Pomeroy  Draper,  Richard  and  Eileen  Dubrow,  Inger 
McCabe  Elliott,  Richard  Fazzini,  Stuart  P.  Feld, 
David  Eraser,  Margaret  Halsey  Gardiner,  Max  Har- 
vey, Donna  J.  Hassler,  Ike  Hay,  Paul  M.  Haygood, 
Sam  Herrup,  Peter  Hill,  Erica  Hirshler,  R.  Bruce 
Hoadley,  Anne  Hadley  Howat,  Margize  Howell, 
Joseph  Jacobs,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  F.  Johnson, 
Richard  Kelly,  Julia  Kirby,  Joelle  Kunath,  Leslie 
LeFevre-Stratton,  Margaretta  M.  Lovell,  Bruce  Lund- 
berg,  Maureen  McCormick,  Brooks  McNamara, 
Mimi  and  Ron  Miller,  Patrick  McCaughey,  Richard  J. 
Moylan,  Marsha  Mullin,  Arlene  Katz  Nichols,  Arleen 
Pancza- Graham,  John  Paolella,  David  Scott  Parker, 
Martin  H.  Pearl,  Joanna  Pessa,  the  late  Churchill  B. 
Phyfe,  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Henry  Pinckney  Phyfe,  Mrs. 
James  D.  Phyfe,  Catha  Rambusch,  Hugo  A.  Ramirez, 
Sue  Welsh  Reed,  Ethan  Robey,  Mary  P.  Ryan,  Anna- 
marie  V  Sandecki,  Cynthia  H.  Sanford,  Arlene  Palmer 


Schwind,  Lisa  Segal,  Mimi  Sherman,  Kenneth  Snod- 
grass,  Jane  Shadel  Spillman,  S.  Frederick  Spira,  Theo- 
dore E.  Stebbins  Jr.,  Diana  and  Gary  Stradling,  Laura 
Turansick,  Bart  Voorsanger,  Malcolm  Warner,  Fawn 
White,  Shane  White,  Robert  Wolterstorff,  Sylvia 
Yoimt,  and  Philip  D.  Zimmerman. 

Colleagues  throughout  the  Museum  supported  our 
efforts  with  good  grace,  good  advice,  and  assistance. 
We  offer  warm  thanks  to  Mahrukh  Tarapor,  Associate 
Director  for  Exhibitions,  and  her  assistants  Martha 
Deese  and  Sian  Wetherill;  Doralyim  Pines,  Associ- 
ate Director  for  Administration;  Linda  M.  Sylling, 
Associate  Manager  for  Operations  and  Special  Exhi- 
bitions; Emily  Kernan  Rafferty,  Senior  Vice  President 
for  External  Affairs;  Nina  McN.  Diefenbach,  Chief 
Development  Officer;  Kersten  Larsen,  Deputy  Chief 
Development  Officer,  her  predecessor  Lynne  Morel 
Winter,  and  Sarah  Lark  Higby,  Assistant  Development 
Officer;  Missy  McHugh,  Senior  Advisor  to  the  Presi- 
dent; ICay  Bearman,  Administrator  for  Collections 
Management;  and  Jeanie  M,  James  and  Barbara  W. 
File,  Archives.  Aileen  K.  Chuk,  Registrar,  deserves 
special  notice  for  her  seemingly  effortless  coordina- 
tion of  the  comings  and  goings  of  the  many  objects  in 
the  exhibition. 

For  important  loans  from  within  the  Museum,  we 
thank  Everett  Fahy,  John  Pope-Hennessy  Chairman, 
European  Paintings;  George  R.  Goldner,  Drue  Heinz 
Chairman,  Drawings  and  Prints;  Maria  Morris  Ham- 
bourg,  Curator  in  Charge,  Photographs;  J.  Kenneth 
Moore,  Frederick  P.  Rose  Curator  in  Charge,  Musical 
Instruments;  Olga  Raggio,  Iris  and  B.  Gerald  Cantor 
Chairman,  European  Sculpture  and  Decorative  Arts; 
and  Myra  Walker,  Acting  Associate  Curator  in  Charge, 
Costume  Institute.  We  are  also  grateful  to  Maxwell  K. 
Hearn,  Asian  Art;  Deirdre  Donohue,  Minda  Drazin, 
Emily  Martin,  and  Chris  Paulocik,  Costume  Insti- 
tute; Heather  Lemonedes,  Valerie  von  Volz,  David 
del  Gaizo,  John  Crooks,  and  Stephen  Benkowski, 
Drawings  and  Prints;  Katharine  Baetjer,  Keith  Chris- 
tiansen, Walter  Liedtke,  and  Gary  Tinterow,  Euro- 
pean Paintings;  and  Thomas  Campbell,  James  David 
Draper,  Johanna  Hecht,  Danielle  O.  Kisluk-Grosheide, 
and  William  Rieder,  European  Sculpture  and  Deco- 
rative Arts;  as  well  as  Giovanni  Fiorino-Iannace, 
Antonio  Ratti  Textile  Center.  Particular  recognition  is 
owed  to  Helen  C.  Evans,  Medieval  Art,  and  Malcolm 
Daniel,  Photographs,  for  exceptional  collegial  support. 

The  extraordinary  expertise  of  the  Museum's  con- 
servators has  been  of  central  importance.  Gratitude  is 
due  to  Marjorie  Shelley,  Conservator  in  Charge,  Ann 
Baldwin,  Nora  Kennedy,  Margaret  Lawson,  Rachel 


Mustalish,  Nancy  Reinhold,  and  Akiko  Yamazaki- 
Kleps,  Paper  Conservation;  Dorothy  Mahon,  Paintings 
Conservation;  Elena  Phipps,  Textile  Conservation; 
Mindell  Dubansky,  Watson  Library;  James  H.  Frantz, 
Conservator  in  Charge,  Hermes  Knauer,  Yale  Knee- 
land,  Jack  Soultanian  Jr.,  and  especially  Marinus 
Manuels,  who  was  assisted  by  Tad  Fallon,  and  Pas- 
cale  Patris,  Objects  Conservation.  Nancy  C.  Britton, 
Objects  Conservation,  merits  special  mention  for  her 
extensive  investigation  and  interpretation  of  nearly  all 
the  upholstered  furniture  in  the  exhibition.  She  was 
assisted  by  Susan  J.  Brown,  Hannah  Carlson,  L. 
Ann  Frisina,  Charlotte  Stahlbxisch,  and  Agnes  Wnuk. 
We  also  thank  Mary  Schoeser,  who  researched  fur- 
nishing fabrics  in  England,  Guy  E.  O.  Evans,  John 
Buscemi,  and  Edward  Goodman  for  help  with  uphol- 
stery research. 

Jeffrey  L,  Daly,  Chief  Designer,  with  the  assistance 
of  Dennis  Kois,  experdy  shepherded  the  exhibition 
through  its  preliminary  laying  out.  Daniel  Bradley 
Kershaw  inventively  designed  the  exhibition,  and 
Sophia  Geronimus  created  the  compelling  graphics, 
while  Zack  Zanolli  worked  his  usual  magic  with  the 
lighting.  We  also  thank  installers  Jeffrey  W.  Perhacs, 
Fred  A.  Caruso,  Nancy  S.  Reynolds,  Frederick  J. 
Sager,  and  Alexandra  Wolcott. 

Kent  Lydecker,  Associate  Director  for  Education, 
and  Nicholas  Ruocco,  Stella  Paul,  Pia  Quintaro,  Alice  1. 
Schwarz,  Jean  Sorabella,  and  Vivian  Wick  are  among 
the  colleagues  in  the  Education  Department  who  cre- 
ated lively  special  programs  to  enhance  the  exhibition. 
Other  members  of  the  Education  Department  to 
whom  we  are  grateful  are  Rika  Burnham,  Esther  M. 
Morales,  and  Michael  Norris.  Hilde  Limondjian, 
General  Manager  of  Concerts  and  Lectures,  also  pro- 
duced special  events.  Harold  Holzer,  Vice  President 
for  Communications,  and  his  staff  members  Elyse 
Topalian  and  Egle  Zygas  skillfully  publicized  "Art 
and  the  Empire  City."  Valerie  Troyansky  and  her  mer- 
chandizing team  brought  out  handsome  products  to 
accompany  the  exhibition. 

On  behalf  of  all  the  authors  of  the  catalogue,  we 
express  our  sincere  thanks  to  John  P.  O'Neill,  Editor 
in  Chief,  and  his  outstanding  staff  for  making  this 


magnificent  book  a  reality.  Carol  Fuerstein,  our  lead  edi- 
tor, masterminded  the  massive  editing  project  with  cru- 
cial assistance  from  Margaret  Donovan  and  additional 
expert  help  from  Ellyn  Allison,  Ruth  Lurie  Kozodoy, 
and  M.  E.  D.  Laing.  Jean  Wagner,  v^th  assistance  from 
Mary  Gladue,  verified  the  accuracy  of  the  notes  and 
created  the  bibliography.  Peter  Antony  and  Merantine 
Hens,  with  assistance  from  Sally  VanDevanter,  superbly 
executed  the  production,  and  Robert  Weisberg  adroitiy 
managed  the  desktop  publishing.  Bruce  Campbell  is 
responsible  for  the  book's  elegant  design.  For  produc- 
ing the  lion's  share  of  the  photographs  used  in  the 
book,  we  thank  Barbara  Bridgers,  Manager,  the  Photo- 
graph Studio,  and  her  staff,  especially  Joseph  Coscia 
Jr.,  Anna-Marie  Kellen,  Paul  Lachenauer,  Oi-Cheong 
Lee,  Bruce  Schwarz,  Eileen  Travell,  Juan  Trujillo, 
Karin  L.  Willis,  and  Peter  Zeray.  Eugenia  Burnett 
Tinsley  printed  the  black-and-white  images,  and  Chad 
Beer,  Josephine  Freeman,  and  Nancy  Rutiedge  con- 
tributed administrative  and  archival  assistance.  Jerry 
Thompson  photographed  sculpture  in  the  American 
Wing  as  well  as  other  objects.  We  are  extremely  grate- 
ful to  colleagues  who  supplied  photographs  of  exhibi- 
tion objects  and  images  for  the  essays  in  record  time. 
We  are  appreciative  also  of  the  help  received  from 
Deanna  D.  Cross,  Diana  H.  Kaplan,  Carol  E.  Lekarew, 
Lucinda  K.  Ross,  and  Sandra  Wiskari-Lukowski  in 
the  Museum's  Photograph  and  Slide  Library. 

For  enduring  the  inconveniences  occasioned  by  this 
project  for  more  than  five  years,  we  thank  all  our  col- 
leagues in  the  American  Wing,  especially  Peter  M. 
Kenny,  Curator  and  Administrator,  his  assistant  Kim 
Orcutt,  and  her  predecessor  the  late  Emely  Bramson.  As 
always,  we  are  grateful  to  our  administrative  assistants 
Noe  Kidder  and  her  predecessor  Kate  Wood,  Dana  Pil- 
son  and  her  predecessor  Julie  Eldridge,  Ellin  Rosen- 
zweig,  and  Catherine  Scandalis  and  her  predecessor 
Yasmin  Rosner.  Our  technicians  Don  E.  Templeton, 
Gary  Burnett,  Sean  Farrell,  and  Rob  Davis  are  the  best  in 
the  business  and  we  are  grateful  for  their  participation. 
Finally,  we  salute  our  fellow  curators,  the  authors  of 
this  mighty  tome.  "Art  and  the  Empire  City:  New  York, 
1825-1861"  and  its  accompanying  volume  are  the 
product  of  your  collective  expertise  and  collaboration. 

John  K.  Howat 

Lawrence  A.  Fleischman  Chairman^ 
Departments  of  American  Art 


Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger 
Associate  Curator,  Department  of 
American  Decorative  Arts 


XV 


Contributors  to  the  Catalogue 


Kevin  J.  Avery,  Associate  Curator,  Department 
of  American  Paintings  and  Sculpture, 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 

Carrie  Rebora  Barratt,  Associate  Curator, 
Department  of  American  Paintings  and  Sculpture, 
and  Manager,  The  Henry  R.  Luce  Center  for  the 
Study  of  American  Art,  The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art 

Elliot  Bostwick  Davis,  Assistant  Curator, 
Department  of  American  Paintings  and  Sculpture, 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 

Alice  Cooney  Frelinghuysen,  Curator, 
Department  of  American  Decorative  Arts, 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 

Morrison  H.  Heckscher,  Anthony  W. 
and  Lulu  C.  Wang  Curator,  Department  of 
American  Decorative  Arts,  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art 

John  K.  Hov^at,  Lawrence  A.  Fleischman 
Chairman,  Departments  of  American  Art, 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 

Caroline  Rennolds  Milbank,  fashion 
historian 


Amelia  Peck,  Associate  Curator,  Department  of 
American  Decorative  Arts,  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art 

Jeff  L.  Rosenheim,  Assistant  Curator, 
Department  of  Photographs,  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art 

Thayer  Tolles,  Associate  Curator,  Department 
of  American  Paintings  and  Sculpture, 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 

Dell  Upton,  Professor  of  Architectural  History, 
University  of  California,  Berkeley 

Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger,  Associate 
Curator,  Department  of  American  Decorative  Arts, 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  and  Project 
Director,  "Art  and  the  Empire  City:  New  York, 
1825-1861" 

Deborah  Dependahl  Waters,  Curator  of 
Decorative  Arts  and  Manuscripts,  Museum  of  the 
City  of  New  York 

Medill  Higgins  Harvey ,  Austen  Barron  Baillyy  Brandy  S. 
Culpj  Julie  Mirabito  Dou^lass^  Jodi  A.  Pollack^  Jeni  L. 
Sandher^y  and  Cynthia  Van  Allen  Schaffiiery  research 
assistants 


Note  to  the  Reader 


Spelling  and  pionctuation  of  original  tides  are  stan- 
dardized according  to  modern  usage.  Modern  tides 
are  listed  first,  preceding  period  tides  in  parentheses. 

The  photographer  Victor  Prevost's  work  survives 
primarily  as  waxed  paper  negatives.  The  three  original 
works  by  him  in  this  exhibition  are  reproduced  as 
negatives.  The  Prevost  photographs  illustrated  in  the 
essays  are  reproduced  from  new  gelatin  silver  prints 
made  for  this  book  from  original  negatives. 

All  works  in  the  exhibition  are  illustrated  in  a  section 
of  the  catalogue  that  immediately  follows  the  essays. 
Works  are  grouped  by  medium  as  follows:  paintings 
(portraits,  portrait  miniatures,  American  paintings, 
foreign  paintings);  sculpture  (foreign,  American); 
architectural  drawings  and  related  works;  watercolors; 
prints,  bindings,  and  illustrated  books  (American 
works,  foreign  prints);  photography;  costumes;  jew- 
elry; decorations  for  the  home;  furniture;  ceramics; 


glass;  silver  and  other  metalwork.  Within  each  cate- 
gory works  are  arranged  chronologically,  unless  the 
point  of  a  comparison  supersedes  the  significance  of 
chronology.  Abbreviated  captions  are  provided. 

Fuller  information  on  the  exhibited  works  appears 
in  the  checklist,  which  is  arranged  in  the  same  order 
as  the  illustrated  works.  For  measurements  in  the 
checklist,  height  precedes  v^dth,  precedes  depth  or 
length,  precedes  diameter.  Measurements  of  sculpted 
busts  include  the  socle.  Measurements  of  daguerreo- 
types are  based  on  the  standard  plate  size  and  do  not 
include  the  case.  Unless  otherwise  specified,  artists 
were  active  in  New  York  City,  works  were  made  in 
New  York  City,  and  original  owners  were  residents 
of  New  York  City.  For  most  works,  the  tide,  subject, 
sitter,  or  inscription  communicates  the  object's  rele- 
vance to  the  exhibition.  For  others,  an  explanatory 
sentence  or  noteworthy  information  is  given. 


Art  and  the  Empire  City 
New  York,  1825-1861 


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Inventing  the  Metropolis:  Civilization  mid 
Urbanity  in  Antebellum  New  Tork 

DELL  UPTON 


On  October  26,  1825,  the  canal  boat  Seneca 
Chief  left  Buffalo  at  the  head  of  a  parade  of 
gaily  decorated  craft  to  celebrate  the  open- 
ing of  the  Erie  Canal.  On  November  4  the  procession 
reached  New  York  City,  where  a  small  flotilla  carry- 
ing members  of  the  City  Council  and  other  New 
York  dignitaries  greeted  it  (cat.  no.  118).  Twenty- 
nine  steamboats  and  a  host  of  sailing  vessels  and 
smaller  craft  formed  a  circle  three  miles  in  diameter 
around  the  Seneca  Chief.  Governor  De  Witt  Clinton 
(cat.  nos.  4,  I22B),  the  canal's  most  ardent  pro- 
moter, lifted  a  keg  of  Lake  Erie  water  high  above 
his  head,  then  poured  it  into  the  ocean.  Other  partic- 
ipants added  waters  from  the  Mississippi,  Columbia, 
Orinoco,  La  Plata,  and  Amazon  rivers,  as  well  as 
from  the  Nile,  Gambia,  Thames,  Seine,  Rhine,  and 
Danube.  The  party  landed  at  the  Battery  and  led 
a  great  parade  up  Broadway  to  City  Hall,  and 
ultimately  to  a  dinner  for  three  thousand  at  the 
Lafayette  Theatre.^ 


As  the  celebrants  understood,  the  Erie  Canal- 
imagined  for  a  century,  projected  for  thirty  years,  and 
under  construction  for  eight— cemented  New  York's 
position  as  the  "capital  of  the  country,"  in  the  words 
of  the  painter  and  inventor  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse.^  New 
York  had  emerged  from  the  Revolution  as  the  new 
nation's  largest  city,  surpassing  Philadelphia,  the  colo- 
nial metropolis.  By  1825  New  York's  economic  domi- 
nance was  secured,  as  a  result  of  its  favorable  location 
and  year-roimd  harbor,  the  establishment  of  regular 
transatlantic  packet  lines  on  the  Black  Ball  Line  in 
1818,  and  its  good  fortune  in  being  the  site  where 
Britain  chose  to  dump  its  surplus  textiles  after  the 
War  of  1812,  which  gave  it  primacy  in  the  national  dry- 
goods  market  (cat.  no.  35;  fig.  i).^  If  New  York  had  no 
equal  by  the  time  the  Erie  Canal  was  completed,  the 
"artificial  river"  nevertheless  assured  the  city's  fiiture 
preeminence  at  the  geographical  and  financial  center 
of  a  web  of  national  and  international  commerce. 
Not  only  did  the  canal's  path  set  the  pattern  for 


I  am  grateful  to  Michele  H.  Bogart^ 
Margaretta  M.  Lovell,  Mary  P.  Ryan, 
Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger,  and 
Shane  White  for  comments  on  an 
earlier  draft  of  this  essay. 

1.  E.  Idell  Zeisloft,  ed.,  The  New 
Metropolis:  Memorable  Events 
ofThree  Centuries,  1600-1900, 
from  the  Island  of  Mana-hat-ta 
to  Greater  New  Tork  at  the 
Close  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury (New  York:  D.  Appleton, 
1899),  pp-  83-84;  Mary  P.  Ryan, 
Civic  Wars:  Democracy  and 
Public  Life  in  the  American 
City  during  the  Nineteenth 
Century  (Berkeley:  University 
of  California  Press,  1997), 

pp.  61-68. 

2.  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse  (1831), 
quoted  in  Paul  J.  Staiti,  Samuel 
F.  B.  Morse  (Cambridge:  Cam- 
bridge University  Press,  1989), 
p.  150.  See  also  Evan  Cornog, 
The  Birth  of  Empire:  DeWitt 
Clinton  and  the  American 
Experience,  1769-1828  (New 
York:  Oxford  University  Press, 
1998),  pp.  104-6, 171. 

3.  See  Robert  Greenhalgh  Albion, 
The  Rise  of  New  Tork  Port 
(181S-1860)  (New  York:  C. 
Scribner's  Sons,  1939;  reprint, 
Boston:  Northeastern  Univer- 
sity Press,  1984),  PP- 16-38; 
and  Eugene  P.  Moehring, 
"Space,  Economic  Growth, 
and  the  Public  Works  Revolu- 
tion in  New  York,"  in  Infra- 
structure and  Urban  Growth 
in  the  Nineteenth  Century 
(Chicago:  Public  Works  His- 
torical Society,  1985),  p.  31. 


Fig.  I.  William  Guy  Wall, 
New  Tork  from  the  Hei£[hts  near 
Brooklyn,  1823.  Watercolor  and 
graphite.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold 
Collection  of  New  York 
Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W  C. 
Arnold,  1954  54.90.301 


Opposite:  detail,  cat.  no  135 


4    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


4.  See  Comog,  Birth  of  Empire, 
pp.  161-72;  and  Carol  Sheriff, 
The  Art^cial  River:  The  Erie 
Canal  and  the  Paradox  of 
Progress,  1817-1862  (New  York: 
Hill  and  Wang,  1996),  pp.  5, 
18-21. 

5.  A  Philadelphia  Perspective:  The 
Diary  of  Sidney  George  Fisher 
Covering  the  Tears  1834-1871, 
edited  by  Nicholas  B.  Wain- 
wright  (Philadelphia:  Histori- 
cal Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
1967),  p.  197. 

6.  Lady  Emmeline  Stuart-Wordey, 
Travels  in  the  United  States, 
etc.  during  1849  and  1850  (New 
York:  Harper  and  Brothers, 
1851),  p.  13;  "Monumental 
Structures,"  New-Tork  Mirror, 
and  Ladies'  Literary  Gazette, 
December  12, 1829,  p.  183. 

7.  Northern  Star,  "The  Observer: 
The  City  of  New-York,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies*  Liter- 
ary Gazette,  November  15, 
1828,  p.  147. 

8.  Mrs.  Felton,  American  Life: 

A  Narrative  of  Two  Tears'  City 
and  Country  Residence  in  the 
United  States  (Bolton  Percy: 
The  Author,  1843),  P-  35- 

9.  Timothy  Dwight,  Travels  in 
New-England  and  New-Tork, 

'  Ar  vols.  (New  Haven:  Timothy 
Dwight,  1821-22;  facsimile 
edited  by  Barbara  Miller  Solo- 
mon, Cambridge,  Massachu- 
setts: Harvard  University  Press, 
1969),  vol.  3,  p.  330. 

10.  Stuart-Wordey,  Travels,  p.  13; 
"The  City  of  Modem  Ruins," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  June  13, 
1840,  p.  407. 

11.  "Widening  of  Streets,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  November  2, 1833, 
p.  143. 

12.  E.  E.,  "Letters  Descriptive  of 
New-York,  Written  to  a  Liter- 
ary Gendeman  in  Dublin, 
No.  II,"  New-Tork  Mirror, 
and  Ladies'  Literary  Gazette, 

'  January  6, 1827,  p.  187. 

13.  John  E  Watson,  Annals  of 
Philadelphia     .to  Which  Is 
Added  an  Appendix,  Contain- 
ing! Olden  Time  Researches 
and  Reminiscences  of  New 
Tork  City  (Philadelphia:  E.  L. 
Carey  and  A.  Hart,  1830), 
appendix  p.  74. 

14.  "Editor's  Easy  Chair,"  Harper's 
New  Monthly  Magazine  21 
(June  i860),  p.  127. 

15.  "Great  Cities,"  Putnam's 
Monthly  \  (March  1855), 
pp.  257,  256. 


urban,  railroad,  road,  and  communication  networks 
focused  on  the  Empire  Citjr  (cat.  nos.  145, 152),  but  its 
construction  also  attracted  foreign  investment  to 
the  city  and  assured  the  dominance  of  New  York- 
based  capital  in  the  nation's  economy."^ 

The  story  of  antebellum  New  York  is  the  story  of 
New  Yorkers'  struggle  to  come  to  grips  with  a  city 
exponentially  larger  than  any  ever  before  known  on 
the  American  continent.  By  1825  its  population  had 
passed  125,000.  That  figure  was  in  turn  dwarfed  by 
the  nearly  815,000  people  who  lived  in  New  York 
thirty-five  years  later.  After  a  visit  in  1847  the  Phila- 
delphia diarist  Sidney  George  Fisher  noted  ruefully, 
"Philad:  seems  villagelike."  ^ 

To  visitors  New  York  was  the  "Empress  City  of  the 
West,"  the  "queen  of  American  cities,"  the  "London 
of  the  Western  world."^  As  impressed  as  these  visitors 
were,  they  could  not  match  New  Yorkers'  own  self- 
absorption.  There  was  no  aspect  of  their  town  that 
did  not  seem  vaster  or  more  numerous,  grander  or 
meaner,  more  sophisticated  or  cruder,  more  refined  or 
more  debased,  more  virtuous  or  more  vicious  than 
elsewhere.  No  element  was  too  subtie  to  escape  atten- 
tion or  too  trivial  to  convey  some  vitally  significant 
insight  into  the  life  of  the  city.  Confronted  with  the 
"littie  world"  they  lived  in,  New  Yorkers  marveled.^ 

However  great  it  had  become,  antebellum  New  York 
was  still  a  work  in  progress  over  which  hung  a  perva- 
sive "air  of  newness."^  "The  bustie  in  the  streets,  the 
perpetual  activity  of  the  carts,  the  noise  and  hurry  at 
the  docks  which  on  three  sides  encircle  the  city;  the 
sound  of  saws,  axes,  and  hammer  at  the  shipyards;  the 
continually  repeated  views  of  the  numerous  buildings 
rising  in  almost  every  part  of  it,  and  the  multitude  of 
workmen  employed  upon  them  form  as  lively  a  spec- 
imen of  'the  busy  hum  of  populous  cities'  as  can  be 
imagined,"  observed  Yale  University  president  Timo- 
thy Dwight.^  But  a  work  in  progress  was,  fi-om  another 
perspective,  a  "half-finished  city,"  a  "city  of  perpetual 
ruin  and  repair.  No  sooner  is  a  fine  building  ereaed 
than  it  is  torn  down  to  put  up  a  better."  New  York 
would  be  a  "fine  place— if  they  ever  got  it  done."^^ 

New  Yorkers'  public  bravado  was  tempered  by  an 
equally  public  uncertainty  about  the  city's  standing 
and  its  future.  What  did  it  mean  to  be  the  Empire  City, 
"the  greatest  commercial  emporium  of  the  world" 
As  early  as  1830  a  New  York-born  historian  of  Phila- 
delphia discerned  in  his  birthplace  "the  very  ambition 
to  be  the  metropolitan  city,"  a  quality  which  "gave  them 
cares  which  I  am  willing  to  see  remote  enough  from 
Philadelphia."^^  All  agreed  that  quantity— mere  size 
and  wealth— was  not  enough.  Some  elusive  qualities 


of  charaaer  and  accomplishment  were  also  necessary. 
"It  is  curious  and  melancholy  to  observe  how  littie 
manly  and  dignified  pride  New  York  has  in  its  own 
character  and  position,"  lamented  Hurper^s  New 
Monthly  Magazim.  "A  man  may  be  large;  but  if  his 
size  be  bloat,  there  is  nothing  imposing  in  it."^"^ 

"Great  cities,"  claimed  another  essayist,  are  "the 
greatest  and  noblest  of  God's  physical  creations  on 
earth."  The  nineteenth  century  was  an  age  of  great 
cities,  and  the  greatest  were  characterized  by  "Civiliza- 
tion" and  "Urbanity"  (as  well  as  by  Protestant  Chris- 
tianity and  the  English  language).  The  first  meant 
"'making  a  person  a  citizen\^  that  is— the  inhabitant  of 
a  city,"  developing  the  ability  to  live  responsibly  and 
effectively  with  one's  neighbors;  the  second,  "the  qual- 
ity, condition,  or  manners  of  the  inhabitant  of  a  city," 
cultivating  the  ability  to  live  with  style.  This  was  not  to 
suggest,  the  writer  added  hastily,  "that  the  bustiing, 
staring,  heedless,  rude,  offensive  manners  of  most  self- 
important  inhabitants  of  some  modern  commercial 
cities  are  the  perfected  result  of  the  highest  possible 
civilization,  or  are  the  acme  of  genuine  urbanity." 

Antebellum  New  Yorkers  pursued  many  paths  to 
bringing  civilization,  or  citizenship,  and  urbanity  to 
their  city  and  its  residents.  Art  was  one  path,  for  it 
offered  both  diagnostic  and  ideal  images  that  helped 
educated  New  Yorkers  define  themselves  and  influ- 
ence the  development  of  their  city,  and  it  embodied 
the  refinement  that  urbanity  implied.  At  the  same 
time,  the  arts  were  deeply  embedded,  intellectually  and 
practically,  in  antebellum  New  York's  tirban  demo- 
graphic upheaval  and  economic  efflorescence.  They 
were  conmiodities  and  speaacles— "public  ;entertain- 
ments"— offered  for  sale  alongside  laxatives  and  fine 
carriages  and  freak  shows  and  houses  and  operas  and 
food  and  women's  bodies  and  fashionable  clothing 
and  grain  futures.  Art  was  shown  and  sold  cheek  by 
jowl  with  these  other  commodities  and  spectacles  on 
the  streets,  in  stores  and  offices,  and  (except  for  the 
brothels)  in  the  classified  columnis  of  New  York's  news- 
papers. Thus  consideration  of  the  arts  entails  under- 
standing them  in  the  cotitext  of  the  entire  universe  of 
material  culture  that  defined  antebellum  New  York, 
including  the  planning  arid  construction  of  the  city,  its 
verbal  and  pictorial  representations,  and  its  consump- 
tion of  a  vasdy  expanded  world  of  goods  and  images. 

Regulating  New  Tork 

New  York's  phenomenal  econoinic  and  demographic 
growth  was  dramatically  visible  in  its  urban  land- 
scape. At  the  time  of  the  Revolution  the  city  was 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  5 


confined  to  the  southern  end  of  the  otherwise-rural 
Manhattan  Island.  Antebellum  New  Yorkers  often 
described  the  colonial  section  of  their  city  (those 
streets  south  of  City  Hall  Park— then  called  simply 
"The  Park")  as  "essentially  defective"  "a  labyrinth— a 
puzzle— a  riddle— incomprehensible  to  philosophers 
of  the  present  day."  It  was  nothing  of  the  sort.  Laid 
out  by  the  Dutch  as  a  rough  grid  (adapted  to  the 
shoreline)  with  major  streets  paralleling  the  East  River 
waterfront  and  perpendicular  streets  leading  back  into 
the  core  of  the  island,  the  city  was  continually 
extended  in  the  process  of  land  reclamation  along  the 
shore  (cat.  no.  124;  fig.  2). 

The  colonial  district  was  embellished  and  rational- 
ized (or  "regulated,"  as  it  was  called)  as  money  and 
occasion  permitted.  When  New  York  emerged  from 
the  Revolution  heavily  damaged  by  British  military 
occupation  and  by  a  disastrous  fire  of  1776  that 
burned  much  of  the  city  west  of  Broad  Street,  city 
officials  took  advantage  of  the  destruction  to  modify 
Broadway's  grade  as  it  descended  from  Wall  Street  to 
Bowling  Green  and  to  straighten  and  widen  some 
streets.  The  improvement  of  the  old  town  continued 
through  the  antebellum  era,  particularly  during  the 
1830s,  when  Ann,  Cedar,  and  Liberty  streets  were 
straightened  and  widened,  William  and  Nassau  streets 
enlarged,  and  Beekman,  Fulton,  and  Piatt  streets  newly 
cut.^^  During  the  same  years  the  waterfront  was  con- 
tinually redeveloped  as  landfill  extended  the  shoreline 
into  the  river  (cat.  no.  119). 

In  the  years  following  the  Revolution  urbanization 
began  to  creep  along  the  East  River  beyond  the 
Common,  which  comprised  the  present  City  Hall 
Park  and  the  land  adjacent  to  it,  and  the  Collect  Pond 
to  the  north.  By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century 
a  patchwork  of  gridded  plats  lay  between  the  Park 
and  Houston  Street.  Some  had  been  created  by  the 
city  from  its  common  lands  in  the  decades  after  the 
Revolution.  Others  were  laid  out  by  private  land- 
owners as  urban  development  moved  northward.  In 
the  east  Henry  Rutgers  issued  ground  leases  for  his 
farm  along  the  East  River,  laying  the  foundations 
of  the  present  Lower  East  Side.  In  the  west  Trin- 
ity Church,  a  major  landowner  in  Manhattan  from 
colonial  times  to  the  present,  subdivided  some  of 
its  properties,  notably  to  create  Hudson,  or  Saint 
John's,  Square  as  an  elite  residential  enclave  focused 
on  Saint  John's  Church,  Trinity's  chapel  of  ease.  The 
section  of  Broadway  that  passed  through  these  pri- 
vate grids  was  the  scene  of  the  most  active  retail  com- 
mercial development  during  the  three  decades  after 
1825  (cat.  no.  123).  1^ 


Fig.  2.  Water  Courses  of  Manhattan  y  1999.  Line  drawing 
by  Sibel  Zandi-Sayek,  after  Egbert  L.  Viele,  Sanitary  and 
Topographical  Map  of  the  City  and  Island  of  New  Tork^  1865, 
reprinted  in  Patil  E.  Cohen  and  Robert  T.  Augustyn, 
Manhattan  in  Maps^  1527-1995  (New  York:  Rizzoli  Inter- 
national Publications,  1997) 

Then  the  city  exploded  (fig.  3).  By  1828  the  streets 
had  been  paved  and  gaslit  as  far  north  as  Thirteenth 
Street  across  most  of  the  island.  At  midcentury 
urban  development  had  reached  Madison  Square, 
and  by  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War  oudying  residen- 
tial neighborhoods  were  being  built  in  the  Thirties 
and  Forties  (cat.  no.  136;  fig.  4). 

In  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century 
New  York  was  an  irregular  collection  of  mostiy  regu- 
lar grids,  a  patchwork  but  not  a  labyrinth.  As  a  cor- 
respondent to  Putnam^s  Monthly  noted,  in  terms  more 
measured  than  those  of  most  of  his  contemporaries, 
lower  Manhattan  was  "quite  irregular.  This  irreg- 
ularity, however,  is  in  the  position  of  the  streets, 
rather  than  in  their  direction,"  as  he  demonstrated  by 
comparing  lower  Manhattan  to  a  baby's  bootee  with 
a  few  misplaced  threads. 

Although  the  old  city  was  no  medieval  maze,  it  was 
dramatically  different  from  those  parts  north  of 
Houston  Street  (and  especially  north  of  Fourteenth 
Street)  that  were  shaped  by  the  single  most  dramatic 


16.  Thomas  N.  Stanford,  A  Con- 
cise Description  of  the  City  of 
New  York  .  .  .  (New  York: 
The  Author,  1814),  quoted  in 
Hendrik  Hartog,  Public  Prop- 
erty and  Private  Power:  The 
Corporation  of  the  City  of  New 
York  in  American  Law,  1730- 
1870  (Chapel  Hill:  University 
of  North  Carohna  Press,  1983), 
p.  159;  "The  Walton  Mansion- 
House.— Pearl  Street,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  March  17, 1832, 

p.  289. 

17.  Paul  E.  Cohen  and  Robert  T. 
Augustyn,  Manhattan  in 
Maps,  IS27-199S  (New  York: 
Rizzoli  International  Publica- 
tions, 1997),  p-  94- 

18.  "Late  City  Improvements," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies^ 
Literary  Gazette,  March  27, 
1830,  p.  303;  "Widening  of 
Streets,"  New-Tork  Mirror, 
November  2, 1833,  p.  143;  "City 
Improvements,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  November  3,  1833, 

p.  175;  John  F.  Watson,  Annals 
and  Occurrences  of  New  Tork 
City  and  State,  in  the  Olden 
Time  .  .  .  (Philadelphia:  H.  F. 
Anners,  1846),  pp.  144-45. 

19.  Elizabeth  Blackmar,  Manhat- 
tan for  Rent,  1785-1850  (Ithaca: 
Cornell  University  Press,  1989), 
pp.  30-31,  41;  Peter  Marcuse, 
"The  Grid  as  City  Plan:  New 
York  City  and  Laissez-Faire 
Planning  in  the  Nineteenth 
Century,"  Planning;  Perspectives 
2  (September  1987),  p-  297; 
Edward  K.  Spann,  "The  Great- 
est Grid:  The  New  York  Plan 
of  1811,"  in  Two  Centuries  of 
American  Planning,  edited  by 
Daniel  Schaffer  (Baltimore: 
Johns  Hopkins  University 
Press,  1988),  pp.  14-16.  Mar- 
cuse's  and  Spann's  essays,  along 
with  Hartog,  Public  Property, 
chap.  II,  are  the  best  treat- 
ments to  date  of  the  evolution 
of  New  York's  plan  between 
the  Revolution  and  the  mid- 
nineteenth  century,  and  they 
are  the  sources  of  the  follow- 
ing paragraphs,  unless  other- 
wise noted. 

20.  Watson,  Annals  and  Occur- 
rences of  New  Tork  City, 
pp.  144-45- 

21.  "New-York  Daguerreotyped. 
Group  First:  Business-Streets, 
Mercantile  Blocks,  Stores,  and 
Banks,"  Putnam's  Monthly  i 
(February  1853),  p.  124. 


6    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


A.  Bowling  Green 

B.  WaU  Street 

C.  Broadway 

D.  The  Park 

E.  Chatham  Square 
R  The  Bowery 

G.  Hudson  (Saint  John's) 
Square 

1.  Casde  Clinton 

2.  Branch  Bank  of  the 
United  States 

3.  City  Hall 

4.  Old  Almshouse 

5.  The  Rotunda 

6.  New  York  State  Prison 

7.  Vauxhall  Gardens 


Fig.  3.  New  Tork  Settlement  in  1820, 1999.  Line  drawing  by  Sibel  Zandi-Sayek,  after  Egbert  L.  Viele,  Sanitary  and  Topographical 
Map  of  the  City  and  Island  of  New  Torky  1865,  reprinted  in  Paul  E.  Cohen  and  Robert  T.  Augustyn,  Manhattan  in  MapSj 
IS27-I99S  (New  York:  Rizzoli  International  Publications,  1997) 


22.  Cohen  and  Augustyn,  Manhat- 
tan in  Maps,  p.  102;  Hartog, 
Public  Property,  pp.  167-75. 


physical  project  to  achieve  civilization  and  urbanity, 
the  Commissioners'  Plan  of  1811  (fig.  5).  This  was  the 
work  of  a  blue-ribbon  panel  appointed  by  the  state 
legislature  in  1807  to  make  a  long-range  plan  for  the 
city's  growth  after  the  Common  Council  and  prop- 
erty owners  had  been  unable  to  agree  on  a  satisfactory 
course  of  action.  The  three  commissioners  in  turn 
hired  John  Randel  Jr.  to  survey  the  island.  Together 
Randel  and  his  employers  established  the  all- 
encompassing  framework  for  nearly  every  subsequent 
urban  development  in  Manhattan. 

Randel  made  three  large  maps  on  which  he  later 
drew  the  plan  chosen  by  the  commissioners,  a  grid  that 


was  divided  into  2oo-by-8oo-foot  blocks  extending 
up  the  island  as  far  as  155th  Street.  For  a  decade  after 
the  plan's  publication,  the  young  surveyor  and  his 
assistants  tramped  Manhattan  placing  marble  posts 
at  the  sites  of  all  ftiture  intersections,  although  the 
regulation  and  construction  of  streets  and  avenues 
proceeded  on  a  block-by-block  basis  as  urbaniza- 
tion moved  northward  over  the  course  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  2^ 

In  creating  the  plan  the  commissioners  and  their 
surveyor  carefiilly  considered  the  nature  of  cities  and 
the  fixture  of  their  own,  as  they  made  clear  in  the 
"Remarks"  issued  to  accompany  William  Bridges's 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  7 


A.  Bowling  Green 

B.  Broadway 

C.  WaU  Street 

D.  The  Park 

E.  Five  Points 

F.  Chatham  Square 

G.  The  Bowery 

H.  Hudson  (Saint  John's) 
Square 

I.  Tompkins  Square 

J.   Washington  Square 
K.  Stuyvesant  Square 
L.  Union  Square 

1.  Castie  Garden 

2.  Trinity  Church 

3.  Custom  House 

4.  Branch  Bank  of  the 
United  States 

5.  Second  Merchants' 
Exchange 

6.  American  (Barnum's) 
Museum 

7.  Astor  House 

8.  CityHaU 

9.  Old  Almshouse 

10.  The  Rotunda 

11.  A.  T.  Stewart  store 
(The  Marble  Palace) 

12.  Edgar  H.  Laing  stores 

13.  New  York  Halls  of  Justice 
and  House  of  Detention 
(The  Tombs) 

14.  E.  V  Haughwout  store 

15.  Niblo's  Garden 

16.  New  York  University 

17.  La  Grange  Terrace  / 
Colonnade  Row 

18.  Grace  Church 

19.  Bellevue  institutions 


Fig.  4.  New  Tork  Settlement  in  i860,  i999-  Line  drawing  by  Sibel  Zandi-Sayek,  after  Egbert  L.  Viele,  Sanitary  and  Topographical 
Map  of  the  City  and  Island  of  New  Tork,  1865,  reprinted  in  Paul  E.  Cohen  and  Robert  T.  Augustyn,  Manhattan  in  Maps, 
i$27-i99s  (New  York:  Rizzoli  International  Publications,  1997) 


published  version.  In  a  famous  passage  they 
reported  that  "one  of  the  first  objects"  they  had  con- 
sidered was 

whether  they  should  confine  themselves  to  rectilinear 
and  rectangular  streets^  or  whether  they  should 
adopt  some  of  those  supposed  improvements  by  circles^ 
ovalsy  and  stars,  which  certainly  embellish  a  plan, 
whatever  may  be  their  effect  as  to  convenience  and 
utility.  In  considering  that  subject,  they  could  not 
but  bear  in  mind  that  a  city  is  to  be  composed  prin- 
cipally of  the  habitations  of  men,  and  that  strait- 
sided,  and  right-angled  houses  are  the  most  cheap  to 


build  and  the  most  convenient  to  live  in.  The  effect 
of  these  plain  and  simple  reflections  was  decisive. 

In  addition,  they  wanted  to  devise  a  plan  that  would 
mesh  with  "plans  already  adopted  by  individuals"  in  a 
way  that  would  not  require  major  adjustments.^^ 

The  product  was  New  York's  famous  grid.  Look- 
ing back  half  a  century  after  the  creation  of  the 
Commissioners'  Plan,  Randel  boasted  that  many  of  its 
opponents  (who  objected  to  the  costs  of  the  improve- 
ments and  to  their  conflict  with  already  established 
land  uses  and  building  dispositions)  had  been  forced 
to  admit  "the  facilities  afforded  by  it  for  the  buying, 


"Remarks  of  the  Commission- 
ers for  Laying  out  Streets  and 
Roads  in  the  City  of  New 
York,  under  the  Act  of  April  3, 
1807,"  in  Manual  of  the  Corpo- 
ration of  the  City  of  New  Tork, 
edited  by  David  T.  Valentine 
(New  York:  The  Council, 
1866),  p.  756. 


8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  5.  John  Randel  Jr.,  cartographer;  adapted  and  published  by  William  Bridges,  This  Map  of  the  City  of  New  York  and  Island  of  Manhattan  as  Laid  Out  by  the 
CommissionerSy  1811.  Hand-colored  line  engraving  on  copper.  Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C.,  Geography  and  Map  Division 


24.  John  Randel  Jr.  (1866),  quoted 
in  Spann,  "Greatest  Grid," 

p.  26. 

25.  On  the  new  economic  theories, 
see  Joyce  O.  Appleby,  Economic 
Thought  and  Ideolo^iy  in  Seven- 
teenth Century  England  (Prince- 
ton: Princeton  University  Press, 
1978);  for  their  influence 

in  the  early  republic,  see 
Joyce  O.  Appleby,  Capitalism 
and  a  New  Social  Order:  The 
Republican  Vision  of  the  1790s 
(New  York:  New  York  Uni- 
versity Press,  1984). 

26.  "Remarks  of  the  Commis- 
sioners." 

27.  [Samuel  L.  Mitchill],  The  Pic- 
ture of  Hew -fork;  or.  The 
Traveller's  Guide,  throujfh  the 
Commercial  Metropolis  of  the 
United  States,  by  a  Gentleman 
Residing  in  This  City  (New 
York:  I.  Riley  and  Co.,  1807), 
pp.  128-43. 

28.  Edward  K.  Spann,  The  Nerv 
Metropolis:  New  York  City, 
1840-1857  (New  York:  Colum- 
bia University  Press,  1981), 
pp.  144-45. 

29.  "Washington  Market,"  Gleason's 
Pictorial  Drawin£-Room  Com- 
panion', March  5, 1853,  P- 160. 


and  improving  real  estate,  on  streets,  avenues,  and 
public  squares,  already  laid  out  and  established  on  the 
ground  by  monumental  stones  and  bolts."^"^ 

Still,  the  1811  plan  was  not  simply  a  partition  for 
resale.  Although  it  has  been  criticized  for  its  lack  of 
public  squares  and  broad  processional  avenues  con- 
ducive to  civic  grandeur  and  ritual,  these  already 
existed  in  the  old  city.  As  the  plan  was  being  drawn,  a 
monumental  new  city  hall  was  rising  on  the  Park 
at  the  head  of  Broadway  (cat.  nos.  186,  254),  then  and 
throughout  the  antebellum  era  New  York's  principal 
processional  street. 

The  Commissioners'  Plan  can  most  accurately  be 
described  as  the  embodiment  of  an  economically 
informed  vision  of  urban  society.  It  was  created  at  a 
time  when  large-scale  merchants  and  public  officials 
were  converting  to  economic  theories  that  envisioned 
commerce  as  an  all-encompassing,  impersonal,  sys- 
tematic exchange  of  commodities  rather  than,  as  it 
had  traditionally  been  regarded  (and  still  was  by  many 
small  traders),  a  series  of  discrete,  highly  personal, 
morally  tinged  relationships.^^ 

This  sense  of  trade  as  a  commodity  system  was 
incorporated  most  explicidy  in  the  commissioners' 
provision  of  a  large  marketplace  (for  foodstuffs  and 
other  "provisions")  between  First  Avenue  and  the 
East  River,  and  Seventh  and  Tenth  streets.  Eventually, 
they  argued,  householders  would  recognize  that  their 
time  and  money  could  be  more  efficiently  spent 


shopping  in  a  centralized  venue  than  among  the  city's 
many  dispersed  marketplaces.  At  the  same  time,  ven- 
dors would  enjoy  a  more  stable  clientele  and  a  more 
predictable  demand,  which  "has  a  tendency  to  fix  and 
equalize  prices  over  the  whole  city."^^ 

The  commissioners'  vision,  imexceptionable  to 
modern  eyes,  marked  a  radical  change  in  the  time- 
honored  conception  of  the  relationship  between 
urban  government  and  the  markets.  One  of  the  firnc- 
tions  of  European  and  American  city  governments 
was  to  protect  the  food  supply.  City  officials  determined 
the  sites  of  marketplaces,  rented  stalls,  set  market  hours, 
controlled  the  quality,  weight,  and  sanitary  condition 
of  goods  sold,  and  most  of  all  regulated  prices.  In  the 
early  nineteenth  century  New  York  had  one  main 
market,  the  Fly  Market,  replaced  by  Fulton  Market  in 
1816  (cat.  no.  120),  and  seven  local  ones.^^  At  midcen- 
tury  there  were  thirteen.  The  Commissioners'  Plan 
envisioned  a  single  large  market  whose  prices  would 
be  governed  by  competition  rather  than  law.  This  was 
the  de  facto  system  by  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century  when,  as  one  journalist  noted  of  Washington 
Market,  the  traditional  rules  for  pricing,  quantity,  and 
quality,  although  stringent,  were  "dead  letters,  for 
they  are  seldom  or  never  carried  into  execution  ."^^ 

Increasingly  New  York's  city  government  stepped 
away  from  economic  regulation  and  devoted  itself 
instead  to  creating  the  infrastructure  that  would 
enable  an  ostensibly  benign  system  to  operate  freely. 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  9 


Even  had  they  wished  to  continue  regulation,  New 
York's  superior  harbor  (cat.  no.  121)  and  good  fortune 
in  controlling  access  to  the  easiest  inland  route,  which 
were  the  foundations  of  its  power,  also  integrated  it 
into  a  world  economy  no  longer  susceptible  to  local 
control.  The  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  in  1825  and 
the  completion  of  the  transatlantic  cable  in  1858 
reinforced  the  city's  position  as  a  key  node  in  the 
geography  of  trade  (cat.  nos.  307-309). 

The  Commissioners'  Plan,  revised  in  minor  ways 
and  published  in  definitive  form  in  1821,  laid  out  both 
the  intellectual  assumptions  and  the  physical  frame- 
work within  which  New  York  grew  throughout  the 
antebellum  period.  The  theoretically  grounded  belief 
in  a  systematic  economic  order  inspired  a  conception 
of  the  city  as  a  spatial  system  that  would  articulate  all 
uses  and  all  users,  permitting  maximum  freedom  of 
individual  action  while  ensuring  transparent  overall 
order.  Again  this  differed  from  traditional  concepts, 
which  regarded  urban  spaces  as  static,  unrelated  aggre- 
gations of  adjacent  properties  gathered  around  public 
spaces.  Early-nineteenth-century  writers  sometimes 
used  the  analogy  of  a  table,  with  a  grid  of  "cells,"  each 
of  which  varies  independendy  in  its  values  but  stands 
in  clear  relationship  to  every  other  one.  It  was  an  appro- 
priate metaphor  for  the  image  of  the  articulated  grid, 
which  the  New  York  commissioners  shared  with  their 
merchant  counterparts  in  other  cities  throughout  the 
new  nation. ^1 


In  New  York,  as  in  other  American  cities,  public 
officials  threw  themselves  into  the  business  of  regu- 
lation with  a  vengeance,  cutting  and  filling  and 
smoothing  to  make  Manhattan  Island  resemble  as 
closely  as  possible  the  flat  surface  and  regular  lines  of 
the  Commissioners'  Plan.  The  Collect  Pond  and  the 
Swamp,  the  Beekman  property  east  of  City  Hall  Park, 
were  drained,  watercourses  were  filled,  the  shoreline 
was  extended,  and,  one  by  one,  hills  were  leveled  and 
valleys  and  ravines  filled  (cat.  no.  124).  The  Evening  Post 
complained  in  1833  of  the  many  plans  "for  opening 
new  streets,  widening  others,  ploughing  through 
church  yards,  demolishing  block  after  block  of  build- 
ings, for  miles  in  length,  filling  up  streets  so  that  you 
can  step  out  of  your  second  story  bed  room  window 
upon  the  side  walk,  and  turning  your  first  story  par- 
lors and  dining  rooms  into  cellars  and  kitchens,  with 
various  other  magnificent  projects  for  changing  the 
appearance  of  the  city,  and  for  preventing  any  part  of 
it  from  ever  getting  a  look  of  antiquity."  "The  great 
principle  which  governs  these  plans  is,  to  reduce  the 
surface  of  the  earth  as  nearly  as  possible  to  dead  level," 
complained  the  poet  and  academic  Clement  Clark 
Moore. ^3  Moore  was  right,  but  his  objections  and 
those  of  his  fellow  landowners  had  less  to  do  with  the 
intention  than  with  the  assessments  levied  against 
them  for  work  adjacent  to  their  properties. 

The  campaign  to  supply  the  city  with  water,  the  most 
conspicuous  and,  in  some  New  Yorkers'  minds,  the 
most  heroic  effort  to  regulate  the  city,  strikingly  illus- 
trates the  power  of  the  systematic  urban  vision.  New 
Yorkers  obtained  their  water  from  wells  far  into  the 
nineteenth  century.  As  neighborhoods  were  popu- 
lated, the  city  typically  ordered  the  provision  of  wells 
and  pumps  along  with  the  paving  of  streets.  The  ear- 
liest efforts  to  create  a  systematic  water  supply  also 
depended  on  wells.  ^""^  One  after  another  those  few  of 
these  schemes  that  progressed  beyond  the  planning 
stage  failed.  Even  as  other  cities,  such  as  Philadelphia 
and  New  Orleans,  managed  to  get  their  water  systems 
under  way,  New  York's  efforts  stalled. 

The  major  difficulty  lay  in  the  conception  of  the 
government's  role.  City  corporations  like  New  York's 
had  traditionally  accomplished  major  public  works  by 
offering  construction  incentives  to  private  landown- 
ers.^^ At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
city  decided  to  undertake  in  its  own  name  an  ambi- 
tious plan  to  obtain  water  from  the  Bronx  River.  It 
was  opposed  by  those  who  did  not  believe  that  the 
city  should  take  on  a  project  with  uncertain  financial 
returns  and  by  others  who  regarded  such  works  as 


30.  Amy  Bridges,  A  City  in  the 
Republic:  Antebellum  New 
Tork  and  the  Origins  of  Ma- 
chine Politics  (Cambridge: 
Cambridge  University  Press, 
1984),  p.  I. 

31.  Dell  Upton,  "Another  City: 
The  Urban  Cultural  Landscape 
in  the  Early  Republic,"  in 
Everyday  Life  in  the  Early 
Republic,  edited  by  Catherine 
E.  Hutchins  (Winterthur, 
Delaware:  Henry  Francis  Du 
Pont  Winterthur  Museum, 
1994),  pp.  67-70;  Dell  Upton, 
"The  City  as  Material  Culture," 
in  The  Art  and  Mystery  of 
Historical  Archaeology:  Essays 
in  Honor  of  James  Deetz, 
edited  by  Anne  E.  Yentsch  and 
Mary  C.  Beaudry  (Boca  Raton, 
Florida:  CRC  Press,  1992), 
pp.  53-56. 

32.  Untided  item,  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  February  26, 1833. 

33.  Quoted  in  Cohen  and  Augus- 
tyn,  Manhattan  in  Maps, 

p.  108. 

34.  E.  Porter  Belden,  New-Tork: 
Past,  Present,  and  Future; 
Comprisin£i  a  History  of  the 
City  of  New'Tork,  a  Descrip- 
tion of  Its  Present  Condition 
and  an  Estimate  of  Its  Future 
Increase,  2d  ed.  (New  York: 
G.  P.  Putnam,  1849),  p-  37; 
Edward  Wegmann,  Jhe  Water- 
Supply  of  the  City  of  New  Tork, 
I6s8-i89s  (New  York:  J.  Wiley 
and  Sons,  1896),  pp.  3-10; 
"Corporation  Notice"  (adver- 
tisement), New-Tork  Evening 
Post,  September  30, 1826,  p.  3. 

35.  Jane  Mork  Gibson,  "The  Fair- 
mount  Waterworks,"  Philadel- 
phia Museum  of  Art,  Bulletin 
84  (summer  1988),  pp.  2-11; 
Gary  A.  Donaldson,  "Bringing 
Water  to  the  Crescent  City: 
Benjamin  Latrobe  and  the 
New  Orleans  Waterworks 
System,"  Louisiana  History  28 
(fall  1987),  pp.  381-96. 

36.  Hartog,  Public  Property,  pp.  8, 
21-24,  62-68. 


lO    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


37.  Wegmann,  Water-Supply, 
pp.  11-12. 

38.  Belden,  New-York,  p.  38; 
Wcgmann,  Water-Supply, 
pp.  12-14;  "Pure  and  Whole- 
some Water,**  New-Tork  Mirror, 
and  Ladies'  Literary  Gazette, 
December  22, 1827,  p.  190. 
The  Manhattan  Company 
merged  with  Chase  National 
Bank  in  1955  to  become  the 
Chase  Manhattan  Bank. 

39.  "Pure  and  Wholesome  Water" 
p.  190. 

40.  Wegmann,  Water-Supply, 
pp.  16-37;  Larry  D.  Lankton, 
The  '^Practicable''  En^fineer: 
John  B.  Jervis  and  the  Old 
Croton  Aqueduct  (Chicago: 
Public  Works  Historical  Soci- 
ety, 1977),  pp.  4-16. 

41.  Wegmann,  Water-Supply, 
pp.  49-51, 57-59;  Lankton, 
'^Practicable^  Engineer,  p.  24. 

42.  "The  Croton  Aqueduct,"  Niks' 
National  Register,  July  16, 
1842,  pp.  308-9;  Wegmann, 
Water-Supply,  pp.  39-40,  55- 

43.  "Croton  Aqueduct,"  pp.  308-9. 
The  editors  added  that  the 
Egyptian-style  architecture  of 
the  distributing  reservoir  was 
"Svell  fitted  by  its  heavy  and 
imposing  character  for  a  work 
of  such  magnitude," 

44.  Beiden,  New-Tork,  p.  41. 


business  opportunities  rather  than  public  obligations 
and  wished  to  reap  the  profits  themselves.  Some  of 
the  latter,  including  Aaron  Burr,  obtained  a  charter  as 
the  Manhattan  Company  in  1799  and  set  up  operations 
on  Chambers  Street.  They  dug  a  well,  built  a  small 
reservoir,  and  began  to  lay  wooden  pipes  through  the 
streets  of  the  city.^'' 

In  the  early  nineteenth  century  state  legislatures 
commonly  allowed  private  undertakers  of  public  proj- 
ects such  as  waterworks  and  canals  to  establish  banks 
in  order  to  finance  themselves.  The  Manhattan  Com- 
pany's charter  permitted  them  to  raise  capital  as  they 
saw  fit  and  to  make  whatever  use  they  wished  of  it 
over  and  above  the  costs  of  building  and  operating 
the  works.  The  company  concentrated  its  efforts  on 
its  banking  enterprise  and  pumped  only  as  much  water 
as  was  necessary  to  protect  its  franchise,  a  practice  that 
it  maintained  until  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
fighting  off  all  attempts  to  charter  bona  fide  water 
companies  to  serve  New  York.^^ 

By  the  1830s  the  water  supply  desperately  needed 
reconstruction:  public  wells  had  become  polluted, 
and  firemen  were  hampered  by  lack  of  water  in  extin- 
guishing major  fires,  such  as  the  conflagration  of 
December  16  and  17,  1835,  which  destroyed  much  of 
lower  Manhattan's  business  district  (cat.  nos.  no,  in; 
fig.  6).^^  With  the  publicly  financed  construction  of 


the  Erie  Canal  to  offer  as  precedent,  the  city  negoti- 
ated with  the  state  the  right  to  explore  potential 
sources  of  water  fi-om  newly  drilled  wells  on  Manhat- 
tan Island,  from  the  Bronx  River,  and  from  the  more 
distant  Croton  River.  Engineer  David  B.  Douglass 
was  hired  to  draft  a  report,  which  favored  the  Croton 
River  as  the  only  source  capable  of  supplying  the 
anticipated  population  of  the  city  over  the  next  sev- 
eral decades.  When  the  Common  Council  and  the 
voters  approved  the  project,  Douglass  was  named 
projert  engineer  and  began  work  in  May  1835.  His 
lack  of  progress  led  to  his  replacement  in  the  fall  of 
1836  by  John  B.  Jervis,  an  engineer  who  had  learned 
his  profession  during  eight  years'  employment  in  the 
construction  of  the  Erie  Canal.'^** 

Within  a  year  construction  of  the  water  system  was 
in  full  swing  along  the  forty-one-mile  aqueduct  that 
connected  a  dam,  created  six  miles  upstream  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Croton  River,  to  a  double  receiv- 
ing reservoir  between  Sixth  and  Seventh  avenues  and 
Seventy-ninth  and  Eighty-sixth  streets,  in  an  area  that 
would  later  become  Central  Park.  From  there  water 
was  conducted  to  a  distributing  reservoir  on  Murray 
Hill  (cat.  no.  90),  on  the  present  site  of  the  New  York 
Public  Library  ^1 

The  builders'  most  vexing  problem  was  to  devise  a 
means  of  carrying  the  water  across  the  Harlem  River. 
After  considering  an  inverted  siphon  imder  the  river 
and  a  pipe  laid  across  a  suspension  bridge  (the  sugges- 
tion of  renowned  suspension-bridge  builder  Charles 
EUet),  the  Water  Commission  and  its  engineers  chose 
to  build  a  1,450-foot  aqueduct,  now  known  as  High 
Bridge,  across  the  river  (cat.  no.  91)."^^ 

The  Egyptian-style  architecture  of  the  distributing 
reservoir  and  the  High  Bridge's  resemblance  to  a 
Roman  aqueduct  were  meant  to  remind  New  Yorkers 
that  their  new  waterworks  rivaled  the  greatest  mon- 
uments of  antiquity.  The  Baltimore-based  Niles^ 
National  Register  wondered  whether  New  Yorkers 
were  aware  of  the  magnitude  of  their  achievement.  In 
constructing  "this  stupendous  structure"  they  were 
"surpassing  ancient  Rome  in  one  of  her  proudest 
boasts.  None  of  the  hydraulic  structures  of  that  city, 
in  spite  of  the  legions  of  slaves  at  her  command, 
equal,  in  magnitude  of  design,  perfection  of  detail, 
and  prospective  benefits,  this  aquedua.'"^^  Guide- 
book writer  E.  Porter  Beiden  agreed  that  the  aque- 
duct dwarfed  all  modem  engineering  works  and  rivaled 
ancient  Rome's  Aqua  Marcia  and  Anio  Novus,"^ 

The  waterworks  projects  called  into  question  some 
basic  assumptions  that  imderlay  the  sense  of  the  city 
as  a  system,  specifically  the  beliefs  that  the  pursuit  of 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS: 


CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  II 


individual  advantages  would  mesh  smoodily  into  an 
overarching  general  good  and  that  government  should 
be  a  neutral  arbiter  rather  than  an  active  agent  of 
development.  The  interests  of  the  Manhattan  Company 
direcdy  conflicted  with  those  of  the  city  at  large.  Nor 
was  the  Croton  Waterworks  as  neutral  as  it  seemed. 
Its  construction  was  embraced  by  the  Democratic 
city  administration,  which  saw  it  as  a  way  to  employ 
four  thousand  party  faithful,  mostly  Irish,  and  was 
driven  forward  by  its  contractors  in  the  face  of  re- 
peated strikes  and  disturbances  on  the  part  of  their 
underpaid,  overworked  laborers.  Afl:er  its  completion 
water  was  supplied  to  the  populace  only  through 
public  hydrants  and  even  then  over  the  objections  of 
the  water  commissioners,  who  believed  that  ordinary 
people  "abused"  the  privilege.  Only  paying  custom- 
ers—well-to-do householders  and  businesses— had 
water  delivered  directly  to  them.'''^ 


Republican  New  Tork 

A  day  of  civic  ritual  and  public  merriment  marked  the 
official  opening  of  the  Croton  Waterworks  on  Octo- 
ber 14,  1842.  A  parade  moved  from  the  Battery  up 
Broadway  to  Union  Square,  down  the  Bowery,  across 
East  Broadway,  and  back  to  City  Hall  Park.  The  pro- 
cession threaded  its  way  through  some  of  the  most 
emblematic  New  York  spaces,  connecting  the  elite 
and  plebeian  shopping  streets  along  Broadway  and 
the  Bowery  and  the  rich  and  poor  neighborhoods  at 
Union  Square  and  East  Broadway.  The  last  marchers 
passed  City  Hall  Park  just  as  the  head  of  the  pro- 
cession was  returning  to  it  down  Chatham  Street, 
forming  a  human  chain  that  tied  the  city's  diverse 
neighborhoods  to  the  center  of  its  political  universe  at 
City  Hall  and  the  Park,  where  speeches  and  choral 
odes  solemnized  the  day. 

These  festivities  produced  a  sense  of  oneness  in 
democratic  fellowship  among  New  Yorkers  of  all 
classes  (or  at  least  among  those  who  wrote  about  it). 
It  was  the  "proud  consciousness  which  every  citizen 
of  New-York  felt  that  his  or  her  own  cherished  and 
honored  city  had,  in  this  mighty  undertaking,  accom- 
plished a  work  with  no  superior,"  a  "gratification  such 
as  it  is  not  often  the  pleasant  lot  of  a  municipal  peo- 
ple to  enjoy,"  wrote  the  New  World^^ 

After  the  parades,  speeches,  and  illuminations  the 
New  World'^s  correspondent  concluded: 

There  was  much,  .  .  .  very  much — indeed  we  may 
say  everything — in  this  celebration — to  excite 


stron£fly  the  most  grateful  feelings  and  reflections. 
.  .  .  [TJhere  was  the  sense  of  grandeur  always  called 
into  being  by  the  sight .  ,  .  of  a  great  multitudcy 
animated  by  one  impulse,  and  moving  or  acting 
in  the  attainment  of  a  common  object.  Nor  was 
the  proud  reflection  absent,  that  under  the  benign 
influence  of  political  institutions  which  give  and 
secure  to  every  man  his  equal  share  in  the  general 
rights,  powers,  and  duties  of  citizenship;  amid  this 
great  convulsion,  as  it  may  be  called — this  mighty 
upheaving  and  commingling  of  society — where 
half-a-million  of  people  were  brought  together  into 
one  mass  as  it  were,  there  was  not  a  guard,  a 
patrol,  a  sentry,  not  even  a  solitary  policeman, 
stationed  any  where  to  hold  in  check  the  ebullition 
of  social  or  political  excitement;  that  there  was 
need  of  none. '^'^ 

The  New  WorWs  observer  articulated  a  characteris- 
tically republican  vision  of  New  York  society,  but  one 
that  was  rapidly  fading  by  the  time  the  Croton  Water- 
works opened.  At  its  heart  was  the  seductive  image  of 
a  diverse  population  acting  freely  but  as  though  ani- 
mated by  a  single  will. 

A  republic  was  a  polity  of  independent  but  related 
citizens  who  shared  essential  values  and  qualities  but 
were  differentiated  in  the  degree  to  which  they  pos- 
sessed them.  Sometimes  republicans  made  the  point 
by  comparing  citizens  to  currency,  whose  denomi- 
nations represented  various  quantities  of  the  same 
essential  value.  The  simile  led  one  ambitious  scholar 
of  "National  Arithmetic"  to  attempt  to  set  a  mone- 
tary value  on  the  population  of  the  United  States  and  to 
use  that  to  calculate  the  inevitable  increase  in  national 
wealth.^^ 

The  central  theoretical  problem  of  republicanism 
was  to  reconcile  economic  and  political  liberty  with 
order  and  the  notion  of  a  single  overarching  public 
good.  How  could  one  allow  citizens  the  maximum 
self-determination  and  still  hope  to  have  an  orderly 
society?  As  it  was  worked  out  by  the  earliest  American 
political  theorists,  a  republic  depended  heavily  on  the 
concept  of  virtue,  a  quality  of  charaaer  that  prompted 
its  members  to  discipline  themselves  and  to  subor- 
dinate personal  interests  to  the  larger  good.  Virtue 
depended  on  the  inculcation  of  common  values  into 
citizens  who,  whatever  their  differences,  all  possessed 
an  inherent,  trainable  moral  sense. Because  republi- 
cans could  not  imagine  the  state's  surviving  without 
roughly  equivalent  degrees  of  knowledge,  values,  and 
goals  among  all  its  citizens,  they  asserted  the  neces- 
sity of  "republican  equality,"  of  a  society  not  rent  by 


45.  Bridges,  City  in  the  Republic^ 
p.  130;  Edwin  G.  Burrows  and 
Mike  Wallace,  Gotham:  A  His- 
tory of  New  Tork  City  to  1898 
(New  York:  Oxford  University 
Press,  1999),  pp-  625-28; 
Wegmann,  Water-Supply, 

pp.  64-65. 

46.  "The  Croton  Celebration," 
New  World,  October  22, 1842, 
p.  269. 

47.  Ibid. 

48.  [Samuel  Blodget],  Thoughts 
on  the  Increasing  Wealth 
and  National  Economy  of  the 
United  States  of  America 
(Washington:  Printed  by  Way 
and  GrofF,  1801),  pp.  7-10. 

49.  Dell  Upton,  "Lancasterian 
Schools,  Republican  Citi- 
zenship, and  the  Spatial 
Imagination  in  Early 
Nineteenth- Century  Amer- 
ica," Journal  of  the  Society  of 
Architectural  Historians 

55  (September  1996), 
pp.  243-46. 


12    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


50.  Gwendolyn  Wright,  Building 
the  Dream:  A  Social  History  of 
Housing  in  America  (New 
York:  Pantheon  Books,  1981), 
pp.  24-25. 

51.  Ronald  Schultz,  The  Republic 
of  Labor:  Philadelphia  Artisans 
and  the  Politics  of  Class,  1720- 
1830  (New  York:  Oxford  Uni- 
versity Press,  1993),  pp.  6-7; 
Margaretta  M.  Lovell,  "'Such 
Furniture  as  Will  Be  Most 
Profitable':  The  Business  of 
Cabinetmaking  in  Eighteenth- 
Century  Newport,"  Winter- 
thur  Portfolio  26  (spring  1991), 
pp.  27-28;  Sean  Wilentz, 
Chants  Democratic:  New  Tork 
City  and  the  Rise  of  the  Ameri- 
can Working  Class,  1788-1850 
(New  York:  Oxford  University 
Press,  1984),  pp.  61-103;  How- 
ard B.  Rock,  Artisans  of  the 
New  Republic:  The  Tradesmen 
of  New  Tork  City  in  the  A^e 
of  Jefferson  (New  York:  New 
York  University  Press,  1979), 
pp.  142-43;  Bridges,  City  in 
the  Republic,  pp.  102-7. 

52.  Blackmar,  Manhattan  for  Rent, 
pp.  51-61;  Rock,  Artisans, 

pp.  295-301;  Wilentz,  Chants 
Democratic,  pp.  27-35;  Elva 
Tooker,  Nathan  Trotter,  Phila- 
delphia Merchant,  1787-1853 
(Cambridge,  Massachusetts: 
Harvard  University  Press,  1955), 
pp.  60, 137-38- 

53.  Watson,  Annals  and  Occur- 
rences of  New  Tork  City,  p.  205. 

54.  Appleby,  Capitalism  and  a 
New  Social  Order,  pp.  14-15; 
Rowland  BerthofF,  "Indepen- 
dence and  Attachment,  Virtue 
and  Interest:  From  Republican 
Citizen  to  Free  Enterpriser, 
1787-1837,"  in  Uprooted  Ameri- 
cans: Essays  to  Honor  Oscar 
Handlin,  edited  by  Richard 
Bushman  et  al.  (Boston:  Littie, 
Brown,  1979),  pp.  97-124. 

55.  Brooke  Kindle,  The  Pursuit  of 
Science  in  Revolutionary  Amer- 
ica, 1735-1789  (Chapel  Hill: 
University  of  North  Carolina 
Press,  1956),  pp.  260-62;  John 
C.  Greene,  American  Science 
in  the  A^e  of  Jefferson  (Ames: 
Iowa  State  University  Press, 
1984),  pp.  52-57;  Robert  E. 
Schofield,  "The  Science 
Education  of  an  Enlightened 
Entrepreneur:  Charles  Willson 
Peale  and  His  Philadelphia 
Museum,  1784-1827,"  American 
Studies  30  (fall  1989),  p.  21; 
Charles  Coleman  Sellers,  Mr. 
Peak's  Museum:  Charles  Willson 
Peale  and  the  First  Popular 
Museum  of  Natural  Science 
and  Art  (New  York:  W.  W. 
Norton,  1980),  pp.  193,  214. 


excessive  disparities,  or  excessively  visible  disparities, 
of  wealth  and  condition. 

Republican  equality  was  most  strongly  emphasized 
in  the  "artisan  republicanism"  favored  by  craftsmen 
and  small  tradesmen.  Artisan  republicanism  endorsed 
the  workers'  long-held  belief  that  every  economic 
actor,  high  or  low,  earned  a  niche  in  society  by  pro- 
viding a  service  to  the  community  and  that  each  per- 
son consequendy  had  a  right  to  a  "competency,"  the 
resources  necessary  to  live  an  independent  life  with 
access  to  the  necessities  and  comforts  appropriate  to 
his  or  her  station.  Self-respect  demanded  economic 
independence  as  a  sign  of  public  recognition.  For 
artisans,  then,  republicanism  incorporated  an  ideal  of 
independent  existence  based  on  the  ownership  of  one's 
own  residence  and  place  of  business.  Its  echoes  can 
be  heard  in  the  commissioners'  "Remarks,"  in  their 
assumption  that  the  city  they  laid  out  would  primarily 
be  a  city  of  individual  residences.  Artisan  republi- 
canism viewed  society  as  a  network  of  interdependent 
relationships  and  obligations.  Artisans  were  respon- 
sible for  their  apprentices'  and  employees'  welfare, 
and  their  patrons  were  in  turn  responsible  for  theirs. 
Artisans  and  merchants  counted  on  a  loyal  clientele, 
making  imseemly  competition  among  themselves 
unnecessary.^^  The  historian  John  Fanning  Watson, 
who  decried  the  "painted  glare  and  display"  of  capi- 
talist competition  (even  though  he  was  one  of  its 
prime  movers  in  Philadelphia),  emphasized  this 
difference  as  he  looked  back  nostalgically  on  business 
practices  in  prerevolutionary  New  York.  "None  of 
the  stores  or  tradesmen's  shops  then  aimed  at  rivalry 
as  now,"  he  wrote  in  1843;  "they  were  content  to  sell 
things  at  honest  profits,  and  to  trust  an  earned  repu- 
tation for  their  share  of  business." 

For  some  patrician  conservatives,  on  the  other  hand, 
republicanism  was  a  hierarchical  concept  that  empha- 
sized the  variations  among  individuals  in  the  desirable 
qualities  of  citizenship.  Those  who  traditionally  ruled 
should  continue  to  rule,  but  on  the  basis  of  superior 
virtue  and  wisdom  rather  than  inherited  privilege. 
Like  artisans,  although  for  different  reasons,  they  wor- 
ried about  the  consequences  of  extreme  differences 
between  the  top  and  the  bottom  of  republican  society. 
They  sought  to  marshal  their  personal  social  and  cul- 
tural authority  over  their  inferiors  in  defense  of  stability 

Eventually  a  third  variety,  liberal  republicanism, 
emerged  as  the  dominant  strain.  This  emphasized  the 
degree  of  personal  liberty  that  was  permitted  if  society 
and  the  economy  were  assumed  to  be  governed  by 
higher  ordering  forces  that  would  act  no  matter  what 
individuals  might  do.  Liberal  republicanism  replaced 


the  call  for  self-denying  virtue  with  a  definition  of 
virtue  that  stressed  enterprise  and  self-reliance  in  pro- 
moting one's  own  and  one's  dependents'  welfare. 
Self-interest  would  be  restrained  by  the  self-regulation 
of  a  market-based  political  economy,  integrating  dis- 
parate individual  goods  into  a  common  one.^"^ 

Republicans  of  all  stripes  hoped  that  universal 
public  education  would  inculcate  republican  equality 
and  civic  virtue.  Li  early-nineteenth-century  America 
knowledge  was  still  popularly  imagined  in  Enlighten- 
ment terms:  to  list  and  classify  was  to  know.  At  his 
celebrated  museum  in  Philadelphia,  for  example,  the 
artist,  scientist,  and  educator  Charles  Willson  Peale 
amassed  an  ever-expanding  collection  of  natural  his- 
tory specimens  and  a  portrait  gallery  of  American 
patriots  that  grew  to  nearly  one  hundred  paintings  as 
he  added  politicians,  American  and  European  scientists 
and  artists,  and  (as  he  grew  older)  Americans  famous 
for  their  longevity.  Peale  wished  to  create  an  articu- 
lated, totalizing  system  of  knowledge  that  would  edu- 
cate his  fellow  Americans  for  republican  citizenship.^^ 

Given  these  assumptions,  it  is  easy  to  understand 
how  the  grid  might  have  been  viewed  as  the  spatial 
order  most  likely  to  encourage  republican  equality  by 
coordinating  citizens'  activities  and  interests.  The  grid 
was  particularly  congenial  to  the  republican  concept 
of  knowledge,  for  it  was  thought  to  facilitate  the  sepa- 
mtion  and  class^mtion  (two  ubiquitous  watchwords 
of  antebellum  cultural  life)  that  Americans  then  val- 
ued in  every  aspect  of  human  activity.  New  York's 
gridded  spaces  satisfied  the  republican  love  of  a  kind 
of  order  that  could  be  laid  out  in  a  simple,  quickly  and 
easily  grasped  scheme. 

Yet  the  prospects  for  republican  community  seemed 
threatened  by  significant  changes  in  the  social  and 
economic  structure.  Liberal  republicanism's  embrace 
of  capitalist  political  economy  eventually  eradicated 
the  mutual  dependency  that  artisan  republicans  advo- 
cated. Until  the  late  eighteenth  century  employers 
had  provided  the  necessities  of  life— food,  shelter, 
clothing— in  addition  to  or  in  place  of  wages,  and  had 
exercised  broad  control  over  their  employees'  lives. 
Male  heads  of  households  assumed  the  same  rights  of 
social  and  moral  direction  over  those  who  worked  for 
them  as  over  their  relatives. 

Traditional  labor  relations  disintegrated  under  the 
impact  of  the  new  commodity-driven,  capitalist  econ- 
omy. Employers  rapidly  abandoned  responsibility  for 
their  workers'  social  and  spiritual,  as  well  as  their  eco- 
nomic, welfare,  substituting  a  simple  wage-labor  sys- 
tem. Workers  may  have  gained  independence  fi*om 
paternalistic  supervision,  but  they  were  rarely  paid 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  I3 


enough  to  enjoy  their  freedom  or  to  compensate  for 
some  of  the  material  benefits  they  had  derived  from 
living  under  their  employer's  roofs.  Artisan  employers, 
too,  suffered  the  loss  of  a  dependable  living,  as  adver- 
tising, display  windows,  and  longer  hours  marked  the 
growing  desire  for  customers'  immediate  patronage 
rather  than  their  long-term  loyalty. 

The  new,  rough-and-tumble,  laissez-faire  capitalism 
transformed  the  lives  of  New  Yorkers  of  all  classes. 
The  old  colonial  mercantile  and  agrarian  elite  were 
affected  as  surely  as  small  shopkeepers,  artisans,  and 
laborers.  Those  who  clung  to  their  former  habits 
entered  upon  a  long  decline,  while  others  discovered 
ways  to  profit  from  urban  land  speculation  and  invested 
in  banks,  insurance  companies,  manufacturing,  the 
infrastructure,  and  retail  sales.  By  the  time  of  the  Civil 
War  115  millionaires  resided  in  New  York.  They  and 
their  predecessors  of  a  generation  or  two  earlier- 
men  such  as  banker  John  Pintard,  auctioneer  and 
diarist  Philip  Hone  (cat.  no.  58),  fur  trader  and  land 
speculator  John  Jacob  Astor,  merchant  and  art  col- 
lector Luman  Reed  (cat.  no,  9),  and  banker  and  art 
collector  Samuel  Ward— formed  a  self-designated  elite 
who  increasingly  retreated  into  luxurious  seclusion. 

The  new  elite  dismayed  many  of  their  fellow  citi- 
zens, for  republican  equality  survived  in  popular 
sentiment  even  though  it  was  theoretically  outmoded 
by  liberal  republicanism.  At  midcentury  the  journal- 
ist Caroline  M.  Kirkland  criticized  the  new  rich  of 
Fifth  Avenue  for  building  houses  "in  luxury  and 
extravagance  emulating  the  repudiated  aristocracy 
of  the  old  world"  (cat.  no.  185).^^  Another  journalist 
took  the  opposite  tack:  those  mansions  were  "the 
spontaneous  outgrowth  of  good  old  Knickerbocker 
industry,  enterprise  and  thrift,  engrafted  on  a  freedom- 
loving  and  liberal  spirit,  and  are  scarcely  possible  under 
any  other  than  republican  institutions."  Consequendy 
everything  along  Fifth  Avenue  was  "suggestive  of  equal- 
ity, although  wealth  has  made  that  equality  princely." 

The  social  and  economic  elite  withdrew  from  their 
traditional  political  activism  in  the  quarter-century 
before  the  Civil  War,  as  they  had  from  urban  social 
life,  leaving  politics  in  the  hands  of  new,  up-from-the- 
ranks  career  politicians  who  catered  to  middling 
and  lower-class  constituencies.  As  economic  interests 
diverged  and  ethnic  and  class  divisions  hardened,  the 
extension  of  the  franchise  to  all  white  men  and 
the  active  participation  of  working-class  men  in  poli- 
tics made  the  process  of  governing  the  city  more 
democratic,  but  also  more  fragmented  and  more  diffi- 
cult, and  the  eighteenth- century  assumption  of  a  sin- 
gle public  good  collapsed.  ^1 


Republican  values  appeared  to  be  threatened  from 
below  as  well  as  from  above.  By  i860  just  under  half 
of  the  city's  population  was  foreign  born,  with  most 
immigrants  having  arrived  after  1845.  Of  these  the 
Irish-born  comprised  about  30  percent  of  the  popu- 
lation and  the  German-born  another  15  percent.  Only 
1.5  percent  were  African  Americans,  down  from  just 
under  10  percent  in  1820.  Their  numbers  had  remained 
roughly  stable  since  then  as  the  white  population 
expanded,  after  having  kept  pace  with  the  city's  growth 
in  the  decades  just  before  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal. 
In  1825  a  few  remained  enslaved  or  held  as  indentured 
servants  under  the  provision  of  New  York  State's  Grad- 
ual Manumission  Act  of  1799.  They  were  finally  freed 
in  1827,  but  African  Americans  remained  at  the  bot- 
tom of  New  York's  social  and  economic  hierarchies.^^ 

In  the  opinion  of  many  middling  and  elite  New 
Yorkers,  these  groups— immigrants  and  blacks— 
formed  the  cadres  of  a  vast  army  of  paupers,  crimi- 
nals, and  lunatics.  Beginning  with  the  construction  of 
the  New  York  State  Penitentiary  on  the  Hudson  River 
side  of  Washington  Street  between  Christopher  and 
Perry  streets  in  Greenwich  Village  in  1796-97,  the 
city  was  encircled  by  a  growing  corps  of  institutions 
intended  to  rescue  and  reform  New  Yorkers— almost 
exclusively  poor  New  Yorkers— from  their  failures  as 
republican  citizens,  substituting  institutional  oversight 
for  the  personal  relationships  and  direct  supervision 
of  dependents  that  well-off  urbanites  had  abandoned 
with  the  advent  of  wage  labor.  These  new  institutions 
included  the  complex  of  a  hospital,  jail,  workhouse, 
and  almshouse  built  at  Bellevue  in  1816  to  replace  their 
predecessors  aroxmd  City  Hall  Park;  a  third  genera- 
tion of  the  same  institutions  built  on  Blackwell's  (now 
Roosevelt)  Island  between  1828  and  1859;  the  Bloom- 
ingdale  Insane  Asylum,  successor  to  the  wing  for  luna- 
tics in  the  old  New  York  Hospital  on  lower  Broadway; 
the  House  of  Refuge,  or  reform  school,  on  the  parade 
grounds  (Madison  Square);  and  a  dizzying  assortment 
of  asylums— for  deaf  mutes,  the  blind,  orphans,  Jewish 
widows  and  orphans,  Protestant  half-orphans,  Roman 
Catholic  orphans,  friendless  "respectable,  aged,  indi- 
gent females,"  friendless  boys,  aged  and  ill  sailors  (the 
Sailors'  Snug  Harbor),  magdalens  (reformed  pros- 
titutes), and  female  ex-convicts.  Feterson^s  Monthly 
counted  twenty-two  asylums  plus  eight  hospitals  in 
New  York  City  in  1853. 

In  addition  to  meticulously  separating  and  classi- 
fying their  charges  among  these  institutions,  their 
founders  all  assumed  the  need  for  separation  and  clas- 
sification within  each  institution,  and  they  assumed 
as  well  that  gridded  spaces,  like  those  that  organized 


56.  Appleby,  Capitalism  and  a 
New  Social  Order,  pp.  59-78, 
95-96;  Blackmar,  Manhattan 
for  Rent,  pp.  60-68. 

57.  Bridges,  City  in  the  Republic, 
pp.  11,  50-54,  70-71;  Blackmar, 
Manhattan  for  Rent,  pp. 
61-68. 

58.  Cor  nog,  Birth  of  Empire, 

p.  162;  Blackmar,  Manhattan 
for  Rent,  pp.  36-43;  Alan 
Wallach,  'Thomas  Cole  and 
die  Aristocracy,"  Arts  Maga- 
zine 56  (November  1981), 
pp.  98, 103-4;  Spann,  New 
Metropolis,  pp.  205-11. 

59.  C[aroline]  M.  Kirkland,  "New 
York,"  Sartain's  Union  Maga- 
zine of  Literature  and  Art  9 
(August  1851),  p.  149. 

60.  "Fifth  Avenue,"  Home  Journal, 
April  1, 1854,  p.  2. 

61.  Bridges,  City  in  the  Republic, 
pp.  62,  71-75, 127-31;  Ryan, 
Civic  Wars,  pp.  8-11, 108-13. 
The  wealthy  continued  to 

be  active  behind  the  scenes 
as  financial  contributors  and 
party  functionaries,  but  their 
authority  was  diminished. 

62.  Nathan  Kantrowicz,  "Popula- 
tion," in  The  Encyclopedia  of 
New  York  City,  edited  by  Ken- 
neth Jackson  (New  Haven: 
Yale  University  Press,  1995), 
pp.  921-23;  Rock,  Artisans, 

p.  14;  Spann,  New  Metropolis, 
p.  430;  Bridges,  City  in  the 
Republic,  pp.  39-41;  Eric 
Homberger,  The  Historical 
Atlas  of  New  York  City:  A 
Visual  Celebration  of  Nearly 
400  Years  of  New  York  City's 
History  (New  York:  H.  Holt 
and  Co.,  1994),  p-  45;  Shane 
White,  Somewhat  More  Inde- 
pendent: The  End  of  Slavery  in 
New  York  City,  1770-1810  (Ath- 
ens: University  of  Georgia 
Press,  1991),  pp.  38,  47,  53-55, 
153-54- 

63.  [Thomas  Eddy],  An  Account 
of  the  State  Prison  or  Peniten- 
tiary House,  in  the  City  of  New- 
York;  by  One  of  the  Inspectors 
of  the  Prison  (New  York: 
Isaac  Collins  and  Son,  1801), 
pp.  17-18. 

64.  "The  Benevolent  Institutions  of 
New-York,"  Peterson^s  Monthly  i 
(June  1853),  pp.  673-86. 


14    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  7.  Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  architect  and  artist, 
House  ofWiUiam  C  H.  WaddeU, 
Fifth  Avenue  and  Thirty-ei0hth 
Street)  Perspective  and  Flan, 
1844.  Watercolor  and  ink. 
The  New  York  Public  Library, 
Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden 
Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira 
D.  Wallach  Division  of  Art, 
Prints  and  Photographs,  The 
Phelps  Stokes  Collection 


65.  Quoted  in  Samuel  L.  Knapp, 
The  Life  oflhomas  Eddy;  Com- 
prising an  Extensive  Corre- 
spondence with  Many  of  the 
Most  Distinguished  Philosophers 
and  Philanthropists  of  This 
and  Other  Countries  (New 
York:  Conner  and  Cooke, 
1834),  p.  76. 

66.  Belden,  New-Tork,  p.  49; 

"A  Visit  to  the  Tombs  Prison, 
New  York  City,"  Frank  Leslie's 
Illustrated  Newspaper,  Novem- 
ber 29, 1856,  pp.  388-89;  John 
Haviland,  ^Description  of  the 
House  of  Detention,  New 
York,  1835-38,  and  List  of 
Other  Works,"  manuscript, 
1846,  p.  6,  Simon  Gratz  Col- 
lection, case  8,  box  11,  Histor- 
ical Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia. 


good  citizens,  could  correct— civilize— errant  ones. 
By  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
all  large  institutional  buildings  were  planned  on  a  grid 
of  identical  cells  or  rooms  opening  off  one  or  both 
sides  of  a  corridor.  Ideally  each  prisoner,  inmate, 
or  patient  was  assigned  to  a  separate  imit.  This  iso- 
lated the  subject  and  prevented  infection  of  the 
body  or  of  the  character,  for  as  the  Quaker  mer- 
chant and  reformer  Thomas  Eddy  noted  of  prison 
inmates,  where  criminals  were  housed  in  groups, 
^'each  one  told  to  his  companions  his  career  of  vice, 
and  all  joined  by  sympathetic  villainy  to  keep  each 
other  in  countenance." 

The  New  York  State  Prison  at  Auburn,  converted  to 
separate  cells  in  1819-21  pardy  at  Eddy's  urging,  and 
the  renowned  Eastern  State  Penitentiary  at  Philadel- 
phia (1821-36)  established  separate  cells  for  individual 


offenders  as  the  standard  of  up-to-date  prison  design. 
New  York  City's  antebellum  penal  institutions  followed 
this  model,  most  notably  in  the  jail  portion  of  the 
New  York  Halls  of  Justice  and  House  of  Detention 
(1835-38),  popularly  known  as  the  Tombs  and  built  on 
Centre  Street  near  City  Hall  to  replace  the  old 
Bridewell  (cat.  no.  83).  Its  architect,  John  Haviland, 
had  made  his  reputation  as  the  architect  of  the  Eastern 
State  Penitentiary.  In  the  House  of  Detention  portion 
of  the  Tombs,  a  freestanding  i42-by-45-foot  block  on 
three  levels,  the  148  separate  cells,  "constructed  after 
the  model  of  the  State  Penitentiary  at  Philadelphia," 
were  additionally  "divided  into  four  distinct  classes 
for  prisoners,  and  rooms  for  male  and  female,  white 
and  black  vagrants"  (cat.  no.  82).*^'^  In  this  way,  jailers 
could  mete  out  food,  reading  matter,  labor,  and 
himian  contact  individually.  Most  important,  in  his 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  I5 


cell,  "where  he  is  lonseen  and  unheard,  nothing  can 
reach  [tJie  convict]  but  the  voice  which  must  come  to 
him,  as  it  were,  from  another  world." 

The  failure  of  the  cell  system  was  evident  by  the 
1840S,  and  institutional  discipline  relaxed.  When  the 
Swedish  novelist  and  travel  writer  Fredrika  Bremer 
visited  the  Tombs  in  the  1850s,  she  found  the  pris- 
oners sharing  cells  and  even  worse,  "walking  about, 
talking,  smoking  cigars."  Although  New  Yorkers 
continued  to  voice  hopes  for  republican  community 


after  the  1830s,  they  turned  their  main  attention  to  the 
excitements  of  commercial  society. 

Selling  New  Tork 

Liberal  republicanism  and  capitalist  enterprise  had 
transformed  the  landscape  of  antebellum  New  York. 
Until  the  late  eighteenth  century  merchants  and  artisans 
commonly  lived  in  or  beside  their  places  of  business 
or  work,  in  households  that  included  their  servants, 


67.  Knapp,  Life  of  Thomas  Eddy, 
p.  94- 

68.  Fredrika  Bremer,  TTje  Homes  of 
the  New  World;  Impressions  of 
America,  translated  by  Mary 
Howitt,  2  vols.  (New  York: 
Harper  and  Brothers,  1853), 
vol.  2,  p.  605. 


Fig.  9.  Seth  Geer,  designer  and  builder,  La  Grange  Terrace^  Astor  Place-,  buildings,  1833;  photograph  by  Dell  Upton,  July  1998 


l6    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  lo.  Grove  Court,  Greenwich  ViUage,  New  Tork:  Rear  Tenements  behind  a  Street  of  Modest  Working-Class  and  Artisans' Houses,  build- 
ings, ca.  1850;  photograph  by  Dell  Upton,  July  1998 


69.  Diana  diZercga  Wall,  "The 
Separation  of  Home  and  Work- 
place in  Early  Nineteenth- 
Century  New  York  Cityf 
American  Archeokigy  5,  no.  3 
{1985),  pp.  185-86;  Blackmar, 
Manhattan  for  Rent,  pp.  78, 
roo-105. 

70.  Spann,  New  Metropolis,  p.  220. 

71.  James  Gallier,  Autobiography  of 
James  Gallier,  Architect  (Paris: 
E.  Briere,  1864;  reprint,  New 
York:  Da  Capo,  1973),  P- 18. 

72.  "Marble  Houses  at  Auction" 
(advertisement),  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  March  28, 1833, 
p.  4.  As  a  result  of  ambiguity 
in  the  record,  the  authorship 
of  La  Grange  Terrace  has  long 
been  a  matter  of  disagreement. 
See,  for  instance,  "Building  the 
Empire  City"  by  Morrison  H. 
Heckscher  in  this  publication, 
p.  179. 


apprentices,  and  employees.  As  they  disengaged  from 
these,  merchants  began  to  move  away  from  their 
waterfront  stores  and  residences,  slowly  at  first,  then 
in  earnest  around  1820,  with  artisans  following  suit  a 
decade  later.  The  city's  builders  and  its  growing 
coterie  of  professional  architects  erected  comfortable, 
sometimes  luxurious,  houses  for  the  mercantile 
migrants  near  the  western  side  of  the  island  and  up  its 
center  at  the  advancing  urban  edge,  near  Washington 
Square,  Bond  Street,  and  Astor  Place,  on  Union 
Square,  and  then  (after  the  mid-i840s)  up  Fifth  Ave- 
nue, the  hotbed  of  the  "Codfish  Aristocracy,"  as  the 
new  rich  were  called  (cat.  nos.  185, 188;  fig.  7)7^ 

Before  Fifth  Avenue  was  developed,  all  but  the 
wealthiest  New  Yorkers  were  satisfied  to  live  in 
dwellings  erected  by  speculative  builders,  most  often 
created  as  ready-made  commodities  fitted  to  the 
demands  of  the  grid  rather  than  to  those  of  individual 
clients.  They  ran  the  gamut  from  endless  rows  of  small, 
two-to-four-room  houses  for  artisans  up  to  substan- 


tial semidetached  houses  (cat.  nos.  84,  85;  fig.  8). 
Builders  for  middling  and  well-to-do  tenants  some- 
times retained  architects  to  design  relatively  standard- 
ized facades  to  enliven  highly  standardized  plans, 
paying  a  few  dollars  for  a  drawing  that  might  be 
dashed  off  in  a  morning  (cat.  nos.  87,  88).^^  At  the 
upper  end  were  luxurious,  architecturally  ambitious 
rows  such  as  La  Grange  Terrace  (Colonnade  Row)  on 
Lafayette  Place  (now  Astor  Place),  carved  out  of 
Vauxhall,  the  old  pleasure  garden  on  John  Jacob 
Astor's  land  (cat.  no.  86;  fig.  9)-  Designed  and  built  by 
the  developer  Seth  Geer,  this  "splendid  Terrace  Row" 
of  marble-fronted  houses  was  offered  at  auction  by 
Geer  in  April  1833.^^  Even  those  wealthy  enough  to 
construa  freestanding  residences,  such  as  Limian 
Reed,  who  was  said  to  have  "the  most  expensive 
house  in  New  York"  in  1835,  and  Samuel  Ward,  often 
relied  on  a  master  builder  to  construct  a  more  or  less 
standard  Georgian-plan  house,  sometimes  distin- 
guished by  an  architect-designed  facade. 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND   URBANITY  IJ 


Even  the  brisk  rate  of  construction  that  character- 
ized New  York  building  through  most  of  the  antebel- 
lum era  was  inadequate  to  accommodate  the  growing 
urban  population.  By  1840  the  city  was  engulfed  in  a 
housing  crisis  from  which  it  never  emerged/"^  While 
well-off  people  enjoyed  improved  accommodation, 
more  and  more  wage  earners  were  paying  higher  and 
higher  rents  for  smaller  and  worse  quarters.  Houses 
meant  for  one  family  were  subdivided,  often  with  a 


Fig.  II.  Gotham  Court,  Five  Points,  1850.  Wood  engraving,  from 
Frank  Leslie's  Sunday  Magazine  5  (June  1879),  p.  643 


different  family  or  tenant  group  in  every  room.  Build- 
ings of  the  flimsiest  and  most  insubstantial  sort  were 
converted  to  dwellings  for  those  who  were  too  poor 
to  afford  anything  better  or  who  were  excluded  from 
it  by  racial  discrimination.  On  a  lot  on  Ludlow  Street, 
between  Grand  and  Hester  streets,  were  "7  or  8  huts  in 
close  connection, . . .  mere  sheds,"  subdivided  into  more 
than  fifty  rooms  occupied  by  60  to  100  African 
Americans  in  1830.^^  Four  years  later  an  alderman 
complained  to  the  council  about  that  portion  of 
Laurens  Street  (now  West  Broadway)  between  Canal 
and  Spring  streets:  at  number  33  he  found  21  whites  and 
96  blacks  in  residence,  with  10  more  of  the  latter  living 
in  a  small  building  at  the  rear;  this  address  and  its  nine 
nearest  neighbors  had  a  total  population  of  280  whites 
and  173  blacks,  an  average  of  45  people  per  house. '"^ 

To  take  advantage  of  the  need  for  low-end  hous- 
ing that  these  documents  reveal,  new  buildings  were 
erected  as  tenant  dwellings  in  backyards  and  in  dis- 
tricts heavily  occupied  by  working  people,  where, 
after  the  1830s,  speculators  constructed  three-story 
tenements  for  multifamily  occupancy  in  place  of 
the  older,  subdivided  two -story  single-family  houses 
(fig.  io)7^  A  few  developers  built  rental  housing  that 
looked  forward  to  post-Civil  War  practices,  such  as 
the  seven-story  tenement  reputedly  constructed  at 
65  Mott  Street  in  the  1820s,  or  Silas  Wood's  Gotham 
Court  of  1850,  near  Murderer's  Row  in  the  Five  Points 
district  (fig.  11),  This  six-story  structure  provided  ten- 
by-fourteen-foot,  two-room  apartments  for  140  fam- 
ilies. By  1855  reformers  found  the  situation  so  dire  that 
they  erected  the  first  model  tenement,  the  Working- 
men's  Home,  designed  by  architect  John  W.  Bitch. 
Familiarly  known  as  the  Big  Flat,  this  philanthropic 
building  stood  just  north  of  Canal  Street  on  a  lot 
spanning  Mott  and  Elizabeth  streets.  Within  a  few 
years  it  had  become  a  problem  in  its  own  right. 

Even  middle-income  people,  especially  if  they  were 
single,  turned  to  multiple-occupancy  housing,  such  as 
the  "well  regulated  lodging-house  .  .  .  fitted  up  with 
all  the  modern  improvements,  the  furniture  entirely 
new  and  of  the  best  quality"  that  was  advertised  in  the 
Home  Journal  in  1850,  and  to  boardinghouses,  hotels, 
and  rooms  in  private  houses. Like  their  impover- 
ished fellow  citizens,  middle-class  families  were  often 
forced  to  "a  species  of  imcomfortable  communism," 
the  sharing  of  houses,  "so  that  the  direct  order  of  the 
family  is  lost."^*^ 

Although  workplaces  and  living  quarters  were 
beginning  to  be  separated  and  residential  districts 
to  be  differentiated  by  class  and  race,  and  although, 
crudely  speaking,  the  west  side  of  Manhattan  was  more 


73.  Thomas  U.  Walter,  Diary, 
1834-36,  p.  33,  Thomas  U. 
Walter  Papers,  Athenaeum  of 
Philadelphia.  Both  Reed's  and 
Ward's  houses  were  designed 
and  built  by  Isaac  G.  Pearson, 
although  Alexander  Jackson 
Davis  apparendy  made  a  facade 
drawing  for  Reed's;  see  Ella  M. 
Foshay,  Mr.  Luman  Reed's  Pic- 
ture Gallery:  A  Pioneer  Collec- 
tion of  American  Art  (New 
York:  New-York  Historical  So- 
ciety, 1990),  pp.  32,  50.  Phila- 
delphia architect  Thomas  U. 
Walter,  who  visited  both  houses 
in  i835>  attributed  them  to  the 
"pseudo  Architect"  Pearson, 

"a  merchant  from  Boston  who 
thought  he  had  peculiar  talents 
for  architecture,  and  left  his 
mercantile  persuits  [«V],  plung- 
ing headlong  into  the  practice 
of  the  art,  without  a  single 
qualification."  See  Walter, 
Diary,  1834-36,  pp.  22-24 
(quotes),  33-34. 

74.  ^h.<:)ijri2iT^  Manhattan  for  Renty 
pp.  204-12. 

75.  Deposition  of  Doctor  Knapp, 
in  The  People  v.  Barclay  Fan- 
ning, District  Attorney  In- 
dictment Papers,  New  York, 
May  14, 1830. 

76.  "Laurens  Street,  New  York," 
Niles'  Weekly  Register,  June  28, 
1834,  p.  303. 

77.  Blackmar,  Manhattan  for  Rent, 
pp.  70, 199-201. 

78.  Richard  Plunz,  A  History  of 
Housing  in  New  Tork  City: 
Dwelling  Type  and  Social 
Change  in  the  American 
Metropolis  (New  York:  Colum- 
bia University  Press,  1990), 
pp.  5-7;  Robert  H.  Bremner, 
"The  Big  Flat:  History  of  a 
New  York  Tenement  House," 
American  Historical  Review  64 
(October  1958),  pp.  54-62. 

79.  "Rooms  with  Breakfast  Only" 
(advertisement),  Home  Jour- 
nal, January  1, 1850,  p.  3;  Black- 
mar,  Manhattan  for  Rent, 

pp.  134-35,  197-98.  The  Home 
Journal  lodging  house  was  at 
the  corner  of  Broadway  and 
Bleecker  Street. 

80.  "New  York  Society,"  United 
States  Magazine,  and  Demo- 
cratic Review  31  (September 
1852),  p.  253. 


l8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


81.  Alice  B.  Haven,  "A  Nice  Neigh- 
borhood," Godey's  Lady^s  Book 
and  Magazine  62  (January 
1861),  p.  33. 

82.  "May-Day,"  New-Tork  Mirror, 
February  29, 1840,  p.  287;  "First 
of  May  in  New  York,"  Gleason^s 
Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Com- 
panion, May  10, 1851,  p.  21; 
"Effects  of  Moving,"  Niks' 
Weekly  Register,  May  9, 1835, 

p.  172;  "House-Hunting," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  February  29, 
1840,  p.  287;  Felton,  Ameri- 
can Life,  p.  52. 

83.  Longworth's  American  Alma- 
nac, New-Tork  Register,  and 
City  Directory  for  the  Sixty- 
Second  Tear  of  American  Inde- 
pendence (New  York:  Thomas 
Longworth,  1837),  pp.  17-22. 

84.  Alexander  Mackay,  The  Western 
World;  or,  Travels  in  the  United 
States  in  1846-47:  Exhibiting 
Them  in  Their  Latest  Develop- 
ment Social,  Political,  and 
Industrial;  Including  a  Chapter 
on  California,  2d  ed.,  3  vols. 
(London:  R.  Bendey,  1849), 
vol.  I,  pp.  83,  87  (quote);  E.  E., 
"Letters  Descriptive  of  New- 
York,  Written  to  a  Literary  Gen- 
deman  in  Dublin,  No.  in," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies^ 
Literary  Gazette,  January  13, 
1827,  p.  195. 


prosperous  than  the  east,  New  York  was  organized  on 
a  microscale  rather  than  a  macroscale,  like  most  other 
cities  of  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  in 
Europe  and  America.  However  exclusive  the  block  or 
row  in  which  one  lived,  one  was  never  far  from  a  fac- 
tory or  from  people  of  a  different  class  or  ethnicity. 
This  was  painfiilly  obvious  to  Mrs.  Ballard,  the  pro- 
tagonist of  a  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book  and  Magazine  story. 
She  and  her  husband,  Fred,  lived  in  a  block  of  four 
houses  on  Nineteenth  Street,  west  of  Eighth  Avenue, 
that  were  "unexceptionable,"  but  "one  had  to  pass  cer- 
tain tenement  houses  to  reach  them,  and  the  entire 
square  [block]  presented  an  incongruous  mixture  of 
comfort  and  squalor  which  one  often  sees  in  respectable 
localities  in  New  York  city."  The  Ballards  each  suffered 
their  own  particular  torments  in  the  mixed  neighbor- 
hood. For  him  it  was  "the  noisy  children  swearing  on 
the  sidewalk  near  their  pleasant  home,"  while  for  her 
it  was  "the  rag  man's  cart  with  its  noisy  bell."  The  rag 
man  "must  have"  lived  in  a  rear  tenement  behind  their 
house,  for  he  tied  his  dogs  to  the  curbstone  in  front. 

If  they  were  used  to  mixed  neighborhoods.  New 
Yorkers  were  also  used  to  frequent  changes  of  scene 
occasioned  by  the  tight  housing  market  and  the  rapid 
development  of  the  city.  Even  wealthy  homeowners 
such  as  Philip  Hone  or  George  Templeton  Strong 


periodically  sold  their  houses  and  moved  farther 
uptown.  Renters  of  all  classes  were  accustomed  to  the 
annual  spectacle  of  Moving  Day,  May  i,  when  all  leases 
expired  and  tenants  scrambled  to  find  cartmen  who 
would  move  them  (fig.  12).  The  streets  were  full  of 
vehicles  rushing  firom  one  location  to  the  other,  and 
the  failure  of  a  single  tenant  to  move  before  a  new  one 
arrived  could  induce  a  chain  paralysis  that  might  end 
up  in  police  court.  A  side  effect  of  the  moving-day 
custom  was  that  New  Yorkers  enjoyed  an  extensive 
view  of  the  ways  their  social  peers  lived.  One  journalist 
described  two  (probably  fictitious)  sisters  who  made 
a  hobby  of  house  hunting  as  a  pretext  for  sniffing  out 
scandalous  gossip  about  their  neighbors. 

New  York's  bxargeoning  antebellum  residential  neigh- 
borhoods complemented  its  booming  commercial 
and  industrial  districts.  On  Wall  Street,  the  center  of 
finance  and  channel  of  European  capital  into  the 
Empire  City,  banks  proliferated  (cat.  nos.  38,  71). 
Fifteen  of  the  twenty-nine  banks  in  Manhattan  in 
1837  were  located  on  or  just  off  Wall  Street,  along 
with  the  Custom  House  and  a  succession  of  mer- 
chants' exchanges  that  culminated  in  Isaiah  Rogers's 
monumental  marble  building  of  1836-42.  Its  prede- 
cessor, Josiah  R.  Brady  and  Martin  Euclid  Thompson's 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  I9 


niilpVJ"'"" 


Fig.  13.  Broadway,  New  York,  from  Canal  to  Grand  Street,  West  Side,  1856.  Tinted  lithograph  by  Jiilius  Bien,  published  by  W.  Stephenson  and 
Company  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1171 


exchange  of  1825-26  (cat.  nos.  74,  75),  had  been 
destroyed  in  the  Great  Fire  of  December  16  and  17, 
1835,  together  with  much  of  the  rest  of  Wall  Street  and 
its  environs. Along  the  waterfronts,  on  Pearl  and 
Front  and  South  streets,  wholesale  merchants  were  so 
busy  that  they  commandeered  the  sidewalks  to  stack 
goods,  leaving  pedestrians  "to  jump  over  boxes,  or 
squeeze  yourself,  as  best  you  can,  between  bales 
of  merchandize." 

Although  New  York  is  no  longer  commonly  thought 
of  as  an  industrial  city,  its  position  at  the  center  of  a 
trade  network  and  its  new  waterworks  made  it  an 
industrial  power  in  the  mid-nineteenth  century.  Croton 
water,  used  as  a  raw  material  in  the  chemical  industry 
and  to  supply  steam  power  to  a  host  of  other  manu- 
facturers, underpinned  a  550-percent  increase  in  indus- 
trial investment  in  Manhattan  in  the  two  decades  after 
1840.  In  i860  there  were  over  four  thousand  factories 
of  various  sizes  scattered  throughout  the  city.^^  There 
were  few  New  Yorkers  of  any  social  class  who  did 
not  live  in  close,  often  vexatious,  proximity  to  several 
of  them.^^ 

Retail  shops  snaked  up  Broadway  and  pushed  out 
along  its  side  streets.  At  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the 
Erie  Canal  the  premier  shopping  district  centered 
around  City  Hall  Park,  with  the  portion  of  Broadway 


south  of  Wall  Street  given  over  to  elite  residences  and 
small  hotels  (cat.  nos.  109, 123).  Over  the  decades  the 
retail  distria  moved  gradually  north,  passing  Wash- 
ington Square  by  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  (cat. 
no.  180;  figs.  13-15). 


85.  Mochring,  "Space,  Economic 
Growth,  and  the  Pubhc  Works 
Revolution,"  pp.  34-35. 

86.  See  Christine  Meisner  Rosen, 
"Noisome,  Noxious,  and 
Offensive  Vapors:  Fumes  and 
Stenches  in  American  Towns 


jti^iiiirflSi 


JB  a  DAB  WAT  *^ 

Fig.  14.  Broadway,  from  Warren  to  Reade  Streets,  ca.  1855.  Tinted  lithograph  with  hand  coloring  by 
Dumke  and  Keil,  published  by  W.  Stephenson  and  Company.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest 
of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1044 


20    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  15.  The  Ruins  cf Phelps  and  Peck's  Storey  Fulton  and  Cliff  Streets,  May  4, 1832, 1832.  Lithograph  by- 
Edward  W.  Clay.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


and  Cities,  1840-1865,"  His- 
torical Geography  25  {i997), 
pp.  67-82. 

87.  "The  Peculiar  Advantages 
of  Shopping  at  Coliimbian 
Hall**  (advertisement).  Chris- 
tian Parlor  Magazine  9  (1852), 
p.  2;  "Shopping  in  New-York," 
Home  Journal,  November  17, 
1849,  p-  4. 

88.  [William  M.  Bobo],  Glimpses 
of  New-Tork  City,  by  a  South 
Carolinian  (Who  Had  Noth- 
ing Else  to  Do)  (Charleston: 
J.  J.  McCarter,  1852),  p.  162. 

89.  Dickens,  American  Notes 
(1842),  in  American  Notes  and 
Pictures  from  Italy  (London 
and  New  York:  Oxford 
University  Press,  i957)>  p-  83; 
Kirkland,  "New  York,"  p.  150. 

90.  [Bobo],  Glimpses  of  New-Tork 
City,  pp.  117-19;  "Economy" 
(advertisement).  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  Oaober  22, 1832, 
p.  4;  "A  Card"  (advertisement). 
Morning  Courier  and  New- 
Tork  Enquirer,  November  i, 
1832,  p.  i;  Madisonian, 
"Sketches  of  the  Metropolis. 
The  Streets  of  New-York. 
Broadway-Chatham-Street," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  April  13, 
1839,  pp.  329-30. 

91.  "Modern  Buildings,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  March  15, 1834,  p.  295. 

92.  John  R  Watson,  Annals  of 
Philadelphia  and  Pennsylvania 
in  the  Olden  Time,  2d  ed. 


Broadway  was  not  the  only  commercial  strand. 
Grand  Street  was  the  discount  shopping  distria,  while 
Canal  and  Catherine  streets  were  also  popular  retail 
thoroughfares.^^  On  the  Bowery,  according  to  South 
Carolina  visitor  William  Bobo,  one  could  find  goods 
equal  to  those  offered  on  Broadway  at  prices  15  to 
20  percent  lower.  Most  of  the  Bowery's  businesses, 
however,  dealt  in  more  ordinary  commodities  such  as 
ready-made  clothing,  cooked  meats,  and  lively  enter- 
tainment. One  of  the  city's  principal  showplaces,  the 
often-burned  Bowery  Theatre,  was  located  there, 
along  with  a  zoo  and  a  riding  school.  Chatham  Street 
and  Chatham  Square,  which  connected  the  southern 
end  of  the  Bowery  to  the  Park,  were  the  home  not 
only  of  sidewalk  booksellers,  pawnbrokers,  old-clothes 
merchants,  and  "mock  auction"  houses  (where  the 
bidding  was  rigged  against  the  unsuspecting)  but  also 
of  silversmiths,  jewelers,  furniture  dealers,  and  shoe 
stores  (cat.  no.  178).  Chatham  Square  was  a  Jewish 
residential  center  (the  city*s  oldest  Jewish  cemetery  is 
there),  and  so  many  Chatham  Street  merchants  were 
Jewish  that  it  was  sometimes  referred  to  as  "Jerusa- 
lem." It  was  also  the  site  of  the  Italian  Opera  House, 
which  failed  and  was  converted  to  the  National  Thea- 
tre, a  favorite  working-class  venue. 

A  stroll  along  any  of  these  streets  in  the  antebel- 
limi  decades  would  have  made  clear  how  comfort- 
ably the  grid  accommodated  commerce  (figs.  13, 14). 


Each  owner  filled  his  property  as  he  or  she  saw  fit, 
but  the  lot  lines  and  the  street  network  articulated 
the  individually  defined  units  into  a  legible  overall 
order.  Each  wholesale  and  retail  store  was  often 
arranged  as  a  grid  within  a  grid  for  the  same  purpose 
(figs.  15, 16). 

Over  time  commercial  prosperity  and  soaring  real- 
estate  values  encouraged  more  and  more  intensive  lot 
coverage,  causing  individual  structures  to  balloon 
upward.  This  "babel  style  of  building"  was  already 
noteworthy  in  the  18305.^^  By  i860  it  was  possible  to 
read  a  street's  real-estate  history  in  its  cornice  lines, 
superimposed  like  archaeological  strata  (figs.  13,  14). 
The  lowest  were  the  two-  and  three-story  buildings 
constructed  during  the  1820s  and  1830s.  By  the  1840s 
the  stories  grew  taUer,  and  sometimes  a  fourth  or  fifth 
floor  was  added.  After  about  1850  six-  or  seven-story 
buildings  broke  what  a  frantic  John  Fanning  Watson 
called,  in  reaction  to  the  same  changes  in  Philadel- 
phia, "the  former  line  of  equality,  and  beauty."  city 
building  on  top  oftheformerr  he  exclaimed.  ^All^fo 
now  on  stilts!  "^^^  The  upward  trajeaory  continued 
throughout  the  century.  These  antebellum  buildings, 
designed  to  make  more  intensive  use  of  a  lot,  were 
products  of  real-estate  theories  that,  combined  with 
newer  building  technologies,  produced  the  skyscrap- 
ers of  the  late  nineteenth  century. 

In  commercial  streets  the  thinnest  of  architectural 
membranes  separated  public  space  from  private,  and 
merchants  discovered  that  it  was  to  their  advantage  to 
make  this  membrane  as  permeable  as  possible.  In 
wholesale  districts  granite-piered  shopfronts,  an  idea 
introduced  from  Boston  about  1830,  superseded  the 
round-arched  fronts  of  the  1820s  (fig.  17).^^  The  gran- 
ite piers  permitted  wider  openings  and  less  separation 
between  store  and  street.  For  the  same  reasons  cast- 
iron  piers  replaced  granite  at  midcentury.  Except  for 
these  thin  supports,  the  fronts  of  the  buildings  were 
completely  opened  up  to  extend  the  circulatory  space 
of  the  sidewalk  into  the  stores  and  to  spill  their  con- 
tents onto  the  sidewalk.  There  they  were  sheltered  by 
block-long  rows  of  awnings,  supported  on  curbside 
posts,  that  commandeered  public  space  as  a  commer- 
cial showroom.^"*^  In  retail  districts  the  process  of 
opening  up  led  from  the  bow  or  "bulk"  windows  of 
the  late  eighteenth  century  to  the  large  plate-glass 
shopfronts  of  midcentury  (fig.  14).  In  unpretentious 
shopping  districts  such  as  the  Bowery,  even  retail 
stores  might  have  open  fronts.  One  visitor  discovered 
that  in  the  Bowery's  most  commercial  stretches,  no 
residences  or  offices  interrupted  the  imbroken  line  of 
open-fronted  shops,  so  that  "the  sides  of  the  streets 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS: 


CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  21 


(Philadelphia:  J.  B.  Lippincott, 
1868),  p.  591.  These  lines  were 
written  for  Watson's  "Final 
Appendix  of  the  Year  1856." 

93.  One  journalist  identified  Ithiel 
Town's  Pearl  Street  store  for 
Arthur  Tappan  as  the  first 
granite-piered  warehouse  in 
New  York;  see  "The  Architects 
and  Architecture  of  New 
York,"  Brother  Jonathan^ 
May  27, 1843,  pp.  91-92. 

94.  Mackay,  Western  World,  vol.  i, 
p.  87;  Asa  Greene,  A  Glance  at 
New  York:  Embracin^i  the  City 
Government,  Theatres,  Hotels, 
Churches,  Mobs,  Monopolies, 
Learned  Professions,  Newspa- 
pers, Rogues,  Dandies,  Fires 
and  Firemen,  Water  and  Other 
Liquids,  &c.,  &€.  (New  York: 
A.  Greene,  Craighead  and 
Allen,  Printers,  1837),  pp.  7, 10. 

95.  [^obo].  Glimpses  of  New-Tork 
City,  p.  163;  Kirkland,  "New 
York,"  p.  150. 


Fig.  16.  Salesroom^  Main  Floor^  Haughwout  Building,  New  Tork.  Wood  engraving  by  Nathaniel  Orr 
and  Company,  from  Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal  3  (June  1859),  p.  142.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


appear  to  be  all  door,  and  the  wails  only  separate  the 
different  concerns  "^^ 

Whatever  their  size  or  date  these  buildings  were 
constructed  as  layers  of  open,  flexible,  but  carefully 
arranged  space,  unbroken  except  for  stairs.  This  is  evi- 
dent in  an  unusually  detailed  interior  description  of 
the  renowned  Haughwout  Building,  built  in  1856  at 


the  corner  of  Broadway  and  Broome  Street  as  the 
second  home  of  E.  V  Haughwout  and  Company  (cat. 
no.  98).  Like  many  antebellum  retailers  Haughwout's 
manufactured  much  of  what  it  sold,  and  it  decorated  or 
embellished  merchandise  procured  from  other  suppli- 
ers as  well.  The  new  building  was  a  "monster  manu- 
facturing and  sales  establishment"  that  "embraces 


Fig.  17.  Wholesale  Store,  200  Block,  Water  Street,  New  Tork,  building,  1827;  photograph  by  Dell  Upton, 
July  1998 


22    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  i8.  Cast-iron  Components.  Lithograph,  £rom  Bfu^er^s  Architeaural  Iron 
Work  Catcdqgue  (New  York:  Baker  and  Gcxlwin,  1865),  pi.  49.  Cooper-Hewitt, 
National  Design  Museum,  Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.C. 


96.  "Department  of  Useful  Art. 
First  Article.  The  Haughwout 
Establishment,"  Cosmopolitan 
Art  Journal  3  (June  1859), 
pp.  141-47,  quote  on  p.  141. 
The  Haughwout  firm  was 
founded  in  1832.  The  Haugh- 
wout Building's  steam-powered 
elevator  was  Elisha  Otis's  first 
commercial  installation, 
aldiough  other  kinds  of 
mechanical  elevators  had  been 
used  in  New  York  at  least  since 
Holt's  Hotel  opened  on  Fulton 
Street  in  1832.  See  Sarah  Brad- 
ford Landau  and  Carl  W. 
Condit,  Rise  of  the  New  Tork 
Skyscraper,  1865-1913  (New 
Haven:  Yale  University  Press, 
1996),  pp.  35-36;  and  "Holt's 
Marble  Building,"  Momin£r 
Courier  and  New-Tork 
Enquirer,  January  i,  1833,  p.  2. 

97.  Carl  R.  Lounsbury,  "The  Wild 
Melody  of  Steam:  The  Mech- 
anization of  the  Manufacture 


more  in  value  and  interest  than  any  single  building  in 
the  world  (if  we  except  the  Crystal  Palace  at  Syden- 
ham, England) according  to  a  journaUst  who  visited 
it  soon  after  it  opened.  The  seven  stories,  five  above 
ground  and  two  below,  were  arranged  like  a  grain 
mill,  meaning  that  goods  entered  at  the  lowest  level, 
the  cellar,  and  were  taken  by  steam-powered  elevator 
to  the  top.  There  they  were  processed  on  the  fourth 
and  fifth  floors,  before  filtering  down,  level  by  level, 
as  far  as  the  basement,  where  "plain  and  heavy  goods 
(crockery)"  for  ships,  hotels,  and  the  wholesale  trade 
were  sold,  along  with  seconds.  The  first  floor  offered 
silver  and  silver  plate,  as  well  as  antiques  and  luxury 
items  such  as  bronze  and  Parian  statuettes  (fig.  16); 
china  and  glass  occupied  the  second  floor;  and 
Haughwoufs  original  stock-in-trade,  chandeliers  and 
lamps,  was  displayed  on  the  third. 

As  in  many  commercial  buildings,  vaults  extended 
under  the  sidewalks.  Borrowing  a  page  from  the 


organizational  patterns  of  contemporary  textile  mills, 
where  ancillary  services  were  confined  to  projecting 
towers  to  keep  the  manufacturing  floor  free  of  obstruc- 
tions, Haughwout's  shipping  and  receiving  clerks 
worked  in  the  vaults  imder  Broadway  and  Broome 
Street,  leaving  the  cellar  floor  unencumbered.  Other 
offices  were  located  at  the  rear  of  the  first  floor, 
a  legacy  of  eighteenth-  and  early-nineteenth-century 
merchants'  counting  houses. 

The  fabrication  of  antebellum  commercial  struc- 
tures was  as  rationalized  as  their  operation.  Building 
construction  was  organized  by  modules  based  on  the 
customary  sizes  of  building  materials.  American  and 
British  bricks  were  made  to  a  standard  size  that  deter- 
mined wall  thicknesses,  wall  heights,  and  the  size  and 
position  of  openings.  Timbers,  window  fights,  and 
other  components  were  also  made  to  standard  pro- 
portions. This  meant  that  many  building  parts  could 
be  prefabricated  off  site.  With  the  introduction  of 
steam  machinery  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  sash-and-blind  factories  turned  out  vast 
numbers  of  standardized  doors,  windows,  shutters, 
mantels,  and  decorative  elements. 

Beginning  with  James  Bogardus's  remodeling  of 
John  Milhau's  drugstore  at  183  Broadway  in  1848, 
ironmasters  made  cast-iron  decorative  elements  and 
entire  facades  that  could  be  fastened  to  commercial 
structures  such  as  the  Haughwout  Building,  whose 
facades  were  fabricated  by  the  pioneer  cast-iron  man- 
ufacturers Daniel  D.  Badger  and  Company  (cat.  no. 
98;  fig.  18).^^  Cast  iron  offered  economies  of  scale  in 
production  over  even  the  wooden  components  pro- 
duced by  sash-and-blind  factories.  Rather  than  carv- 
ing the  same  decorative  element  in  an  endless  series 
of  wooden  or  marble  blocks,  the  artisan  could  make 


1 

1 

Fig.  19.  Haughwout  Buildifi£f J  constructed  1856;  photograph  by 
Dell  Upton,  November  1999 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  23 


a  single  wooden  mold  from  which  an  infinite  num- 
ber of  cast-iron  elements  could  be  formed.  This 
promoted  building  design  that  was  as  modular  as  the 
street  grid,  with  monumental  facades  built  up  of 
many  small,  repeated  elements  (fig.  19). 

Consuming  New  Tork 

Haughwout's  rationalized  spatial  organization,  build- 
ing process,  and  business  practices  served  the  con- 
sumption of  luxury  goods,  a  distincdy  irrational  social 
process.  Consumption  is  the  construction  of  self 
through  seeking,  acquiring,  and  appreciating  material 
objects;  we  might  describe  it  as  a  search  for  personal 
urbanity.  It  hinges  on  the  promise  that  in  purchasing 
an  object,  the  consumer  acquires  access  to  some  desir- 
able but  intangible  experience  that  cannot  be  direcdy 
bought.  Consumption  aims  less  to  satisfy  a  desire  for 
a  social  identity  than  one  for  the  sense  of  secure 
being  that  the  sociologist  Colin  Campbell  calls,  sim- 
ply, pleasure.  Pleasure  encompasses  both  sensory 
stimulation— "an  'excited  state  in  us" —  say,  in  the  feel 
of  a  silk  garment,  the  sound  of  a  song  well  sung,  or 
the  glint  of  the  polished  surfaces  of  a  mahogany  table, 
and  the  satisfaction  that  these  sensations  create.  ^^^^ 
Since  such  pleasures  produce  only  a  momentary  sense 
of  fulfillment,  the  process  of  consumption  never 
comes  to  an  end  but  exists  as  a  constant  state  of 
desire,  acquisition,  and  renewed  desire. 

The  material  language  of  consumption  in  antebel- 
lum New  York  was  borrowed  from  the  preindus- 
trial  aristocracy.  To  nineteenth- century  eyes  cast-iron 
classical  ornament  (and  the  marble  ornament  to 
which  it  referred)  gave  the  city's  retail  stores  the  air 
of  "mercantile  palaces." Haughwout's  was  a  "pal- 
ace of  industry*'  (cat.  no.  98).^^^  According  to  the  edi- 
tor of  HarperX  an  immigrant,  on  first  beholding 
A.  T.  Stewart's  dry-goods  store  or  Broadway's  luxury 
hotels  such  as  the  Irving,  the  Astor  House,  and  the 
Saint  Nicholas,  would  be  likely  to  ask:  "What 
are  these  splendid  palaces?" On  the  one  hand,  such 
buildings  served  to  democratize  American  luxury  as  a 
form  of  republican  equality:  ^'Here  palaces  are  for  the 
people."  ^^"^  On  the  other,  they  offered  New  Yorkers 
the  luxuries  of  the  "repudiated  aristocracy"  that  Caro- 
line Kirkland  challenged. 

The  association  of  mass-produced  consumer  goods 
with  the  tastes  and  prestige  of  aristocracy  was  a  sales 
technique  invented  by  English  ceramic  manufacturer 
Josiah  Wedgwood  in  the  eighteenth  century,  but 
luxury-goods  vendors  in  antebellum  New  York 
found  that  it  was  still  effective  a  century  later. 


The  journalist  who  visited  Haughwout's  store  was 
carefiil  to  list  the  prestigious  commissions  that  the 
firm  had  received— from  the  governor-general  of 
Cuba,  Czar  Nicholas  11  of  Russia,  the  "Imaum  of 
Muscat,"  and  the  United  States  government  as  a  gift 
to  the  emperor  of  Japan,  among  others.  To  buy  the 
same  chandelier  as  Nicholas  11  would  not  make  the 
purchaser  a  czar,  or  cause  him  to  be  mistaken  for  one, 
but  it  offered  the  possibility  that  by  inhabiting  the 
same  material  world  he  might  enjoy  some  of  the 
sybaritic  pleasures  that  the  czar  commanded— that  he 
might,  in  short,  feel  czarlike. 

The  association  with  specific  elite  customers  at 
establishments  such  as  Haughwouf  s  was  corollary 
to  an  evocation  of  luxury  that  began  with  the  archi- 
tectural imagery  of  the  long  procession  of  "palaces" 
that  lined  Broadway  and  continued  inside  each  one, 
where  customers  found  counters  "heaped  in  wild  pro- 
fusion with  every  imaginable  dainty  that  loom  and 
fingers  and  rich  dyes  and  the  exhausted  skill  of 
human  invention  have  succeeded  in  producing— 
drawn  together  by  the  magic  power  of  taste  and  cap- 
ital." Profusion  was  the  key.  Shoppers  confronted 
items  too  numerous  to  count  or  to  experience  individu- 
ally. The  generalized  experience  of  luxury  en  masse 
promised  nonspecific,  and  thus  potentially  more 
intense,  pleasure. 

Alexander  T.  Stewart,  who  emigrated  from  Ireland 
and  opened  a  store  at  283  Broadway  in  1823,  quickly 
mastered  and  refined  these  techniques.  For  that  reason 
he  enjoyed  a  reputation  throughout  the  antebellum 
period  as  New  York's  premier  dry-goods  merchant,  a 
man  with  a  "character  for  urbanity,  fairness  of  dealing 
and  the  immense  stock  of  goods,"  at  a  time  when  dry 
goods  accounted  for  over  half  the  city's  business. 
His  success  eventually  made  him  the  second  wealthiest 
property  owner  in  New  York,  after  William  B.  Astor, 
and  allowed  him  to  become  one  of  the  city's  premier 
art  collectors. 

In  1844  Stewart  began  to  construct  a  five-story 
^^dry^oods  palace^^  on  Broadway  at  Chambers  Street 
(soon  extended  to  Reade  Street),  across  from  "the 
low-browed  and  dingy  long-room"  he  had  occupied 
for  two  decades:  "'Shopping'  is  to  be  invested  with 
architectural  glories— as  if  its  Circean  cup  was  not 
already  sufHcientiy  seductive." The  project  attracted 
great  interest,  spurred  by  the  tantalizing  refusal  of  the 
architea  Joseph  Trench  to  let  his  design  be  published 
before  the  building  was  finished  (cat.  no.  96).^^^  The 
interior  of  A.  T.  Stewart's  was  organized  around  a 
light  court,  treated  as  a  hall  100  feet  by  40,  80  feet 
high,  topped  by  a  dome.  As  befit  a  royal  setting,  the 


of  Building  Materials,  1850- 
1890,"  in  Architects  and  Build- 
ers in  North  Carolina:  A  His- 
tory of  the  Practice  of  Building, 
by  Catherine  W.  Bishir  et  al. 
(Chapel  Hill:  University  of 
North  Carolina  Press,  1990), 
pp.  212-19,  221-26. 

98.  "New  Uses  of  Iron,"  Home 
Journal,  October  21, 1854,  p.  2; 
Margot  Gayle  and  Carol  Gayle, 
Cast-iron  Architecture  in 
America:  The  Si^n^cance  of 
James  Bo^ardus  (New  York: 
W.  W.  Norton,  1998),  pp.  77-81, 
224-25. 

99.  See  James  Bogardus  [with 
John  W.  Thompson],  "Cast 
Iron  Buildings"  (1856),  in 
America  Builds:  Source  Docu- 
ments in  American  Architec- 
ture and  Planning,  edited  by 
Leland  M.  Roth  (New  York: 
Harper  and  Row,  1983),  p.  72; 
and  Gayle  and  Gayle,  Cast- 
iron  in  America,  pp.  220-21. 

100.  Colin  Campbell,  The  Roman- 
tic Ethic  and  the  Spirit  of 
Modern  Consumerism  (Oxford: 
Basil  Blackwell,  1987),  p.  63; 
Peter  Lunt,  "Psychological 
Approaches  to  Consumption: 
Varieties  of  Research— Past, 
Present  and  Future,"  in 
Acknowledging  Consumption: 
A  Review  of  New  Studies, 
edited  by  Daniel  Miller  (Lon- 
don: Roudedge,  1994),  p-  249. 

101.  "Mercantile  Palaces  of  New 
York,"  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated 
Newspaper,  June  20, 1857,  p.  38. 

102.  "Palace  of  Industry,"  The  Inde- 
pendent, May  7, 1857,  p.  I. 

103.  "Editor's  Easy  Chair,"  Harper's 
New  Monthly  Magazine  7 
(November  1853),  p.  845. 

I04-  "Fashionable  Promenades," 
United  States  Review,  n.s.,  2 
(September  1853),  p.  233. 

105.  Neil  McKendrick,  "Josiah 
Wedgwood  and  the  Commer- 
cialization of  the  Potteries,"  in 
The  Birth  of  a  Consumer  Soci- 
ety: The  Commercialization  of 
Eighteenth-Century  England, 
by  Neil  McKendrick,  John 
Brewer,  and  J.  H.  Plumb 
(Bloomington:  Indiana  Uni- 
versity Press,  1982),  pp.  108-12. 

106.  "Department  of  Useful  Art," 
pp.  I43-++- 

107.  "Shopping  in  Broadway," 
Holden's  Dollar  Magazine  3 
(May  1849),  p.  320. 

108.  "New-York  Daguerreotyped. 
Business-Streets,  Mercantile 
Blocks,  Stores,  and  Banks," 
Putnam's  Monthly  i  (April 
1853),  p.  356;  "The  Dry  Goods 
Stores  of  Broadway,"  Home 
Journal,  October  27, 1849,  p.  3 
(quote).  New  York  imported  75 


24    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


percent  of  the  nation's  textiles; 
see  Moehring,  "Space,  Eco- 
nomic Growth,  and  the  Public 
Works  Revolution,"  p.  31. 

109.  Spann,  New  Metropolis,  p.  208. 

no.  "Diary  of  Town  Trifles,"  New 
Mirror,  May  18, 1844,  p.  104; 
"Topics  of  the  Month,"  Holden's 
Dollar  Magazine  i  (March 
1848),  p.  187. 

111.  "Architecture,"  Broadway  Jour- 
nal, March  22, 1845,  p.  188. 

112.  "New-York  Daguerreotyped," 
p.  358;  "Dry  Goods  Stores  of 
Broadway,"  p.  3. 

113.  Alice  B.  Neal,  "The  Flitting," 
Godey^s  Lady's  Book  and  Maga- 
zine 54  (April  1857),  p.  331- 

114.  "Shop  Windows,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Literary 
Gazette,  September  27, 1828, 
p.  93- 

115.  "Directions  to  Ladies  for  Shop- 
ping," An^lo  American,  Octo- 
ber 26, 1844,  p.  14. 

116.  Alexander  Walker,  Woman 
Physiologically  Considered,  as 
to  Mind,  Morals,  Marriage, 
Matrimonial  Slavery,  Infidelity 
and  Divorce  (New  York:  N.p., 
1843),  PP-  7-10;  "Literary 
Notices.  Domestic  Duties," 
American  Ladies'  Magazine  2 
(January  1829),  p.  45;  Mary  R. 
Mitford,  "Shopping,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Liter- 
ary Gazeue  January  31, 1829, 
pp.  233-34;  "Going  a  Shop- 
ping," Arthur's  Home  Maga- 
zine 2  (November  1853), 

pp.  329-31. 

117.  "Shopping  in  Broadway,"  p.  320. 

118.  "Why  People  Board,"  Godey's 
Lady's  Book  46  (May  1853), 
p.  476. 

119.  "The  Wife's  Error,"  Godey's 
Lady's  Book  46  (June  1853), 
p.  495. 

120.  Bridges,  City  in  the  Republic, 
p.  81. 

121.  "Directions  to  Ladies  for  Shop- 
ping," p.  14;  "Literary  Notices. 
Domestic  Duties,"  p.  45;  "Shop- 
ping in  Broadway,"  p.  320. 

122.  "Shopping  in  Broadway,"  p.  320. 

123.  "Shop  Wmdows,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Literary 
Gazette,  September  27, 1828, 
p.  93. 


walls  of  his  "Marble  Palace"  were  hung  with  paint- 
ings, while  merchandise— "every  variety  and  every 
available  style  of  fabrics  in  the  market' —was  piled  on 
every  surface  and  siispended  from  the  ceilings  and 
even  the  dome  (cat.  nos.  201,  219).  This  spectacle 
finally  overcame  Mrs.  Cooper,  the  protagonist  of  an 
Alice  B,  Neal  short  story,  on  a  visit  to  Stewart's:  "She 
cared  very  litde  for  dress,  and  could  look  at  the  gor- 
geous brocades,  suspended  in  the  rotunda,  as  quiedy 
as  she  did  at  the  painted  window-shades  of  her  oppo- 
site neighbor.  It  cost  no  effort  to  pass  by  the  lace  and 
embroideries  of  the  intervening  room,  or  to  turn  her 
back  upon  the  enticing  cloaks  and  mantles  beyond; 
but  those  fleecy  blankets,  those  serviceable  table- 
covers,  the  rolls  of  towelling,  and,  above  all,  the 
snowy  damask  piled  endwise,  as  children  do  their 
cob-houses,  were  a  sore  temptation." 

Nineteenth-century  commentators  recognized  the 
ways  in  which  sales  techniques  stimulated  desire, 
even  if  they  could  not  always  put  their  fingers  on 
them.  The  New-Tork  MirroVy  and  Ladies^  Literary 
Gazette  described  shop  windows  as  the  staging 
ground  of  a  dance  of  desire  that  involved  both  con- 
sumer and  merchant.  The  passerby  who  "looks  atten- 
tively and  delightedly  at  a  shop-window,  pleases  two 
people.  He  pleases  himself  by  indulging  his  curi- 
osity, or  by  gratifying  his  taste;  and  he  pleases  the 
shopkeeper  by  the  unartificial  homage  which  he  thus 
pays  to  the  taste  which  arranged  the  articles,  and  by 
the  promise  which  he  thus  holds  out  of  the  proba- 
bility of  his  becoming  a  purchaser."  ^^"^  The  An£flo 
American^  too,  sensed  the  nonspecific  nature  of  con- 
sumer desire,  offering  a  vignette  of  the  shopper  who 
sets  out  in  search  of  a  specific  item,  only  to  end  up 
with  a  whole  wardrobe  as  the  result  of  the  clerk's 
inquiry  as  to  "Svhether  there  is  any  other  article  today 
Whether  there  is  or  not,  let  the  shopman  show  you 
what  wares  he  pleases;  you  will  very  likely  desire  one 
or  more  of  them."^^^ 

Women  were  already  stereotyped  as  the  primary 
shoppers  and  the  most  avid  and  helpless  of  consum- 
ers. As  weak-minded  creatures  with  tenuous  senses  of 
selfhood,  they  were  peculiarly  susceptible  to  the  blan- 
dishments of  goods  for  sale,  for  their  sensibilities 
were  powerful  but  their  reason  was  not.^^^  Shopping 
seemed  to  produce  in  them  "urmatural  excitements," 
and  in  some  unfortunates  "a  morbid  excitement  of  the 
organ  of  acquisitiveness,"  leading  them  to  shoplift. 
Worse,  consumption  seemed  to  violate  the  ideology 
that  identified  women  as  the  keepers  of  higher  values 
in  the  home,  and  therefore  as  creatures  who  existed 
outside  the  realm  of  commerce.  Domestic  moralists 


decried  middle-class  women's  willingness  to  sacrifice 
"the  very  root  and  foundation  of  domestic  privacy, 
and  love,  and  faith"  by  taking  in  boarders,  an  act  that 
they  attributed  to  a  craving  for  "ornamental  stat- 
uettes, vases,  clocks,  and  literally  Svhat-nots.'"^^^ 

Shopping  was  the  complement  of  business:  while 
men  toiled  to  earn  money  at  the  Merchants'  Exchange, 
women  spent  it  at  the  "Ladies'  Exchange"— Stew- 
art's. Yet  antebellum  political  economy  recognized 
only  production  and  accumvilation  as  healthy  eco- 
nomic activities.  1^**  In  consuming,  women  entered  the 
economy  at  the  wrong  end,  for  consumption  was  a 
kind  of  fraud.  If  a  woman  bought,  she  squandered  her 
husband's  laboriously  acquired  wealth;  if  she  simply 
browsed,  she  cheated  male  clerks  out  of  their  liveli- 
hoods; if  she  shoplifted,  she  committed  the  equivalent 
of  stock  speculation  and  fraudulent  bankruptcy. 

As  the  antithesis  of  production,  consimiption  threat- 
ened republican  values,  particularly  the  rights  of  men 
to  the  firuits  of  their  labor.  Women  were  "the  empresses 
and  sultanas  of  our  republican  metropolis,"  seated 
before  counters  heaped  with  luxurious  goods,  while 
their  husbands  were  "slaves  of  the  dirty  mines  and 
dingy  laboratories  of  Wall  street  and  'down  town' .  .  . 
delving  their  lives  out  to  wring  from  the  accidents, 
the  mistakes  and  the  necessities  of  society  the  yellow 
dust  that  invests  their  ambitious  household  divinities 
with  these  magnificent  adornments." 

The  World  in  Little 

The  political  economy  of  consumption  dramatically 
challenged  a  primordial  assumption  of  republican 
citizenship,  which  emphasized  the  pursuit  of  knowl- 
edge as  a  path  to  virtue  and  the  obligation  of  the 
learned  and  the  talented  to  instruct  their  fellow  citi- 
zens. The  impulses  to  investigate  and  to  educate  were 
alive  in  New  York  intellectual  life  and  popular  cul- 
ture throughout  the  antebellxim  era,  but  more  and 
more  they  flowed  through  commercial  channels. 
'We  have  heard  of  a  young  man  who  learned  geog- 
raphy by  means  of  mapsellers'  windows,"  wrote  the 
New-Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies^  Literary  Gazette  in 
1828.  "That  was  certainly  stealing  knowledge;  but  he 
could  not  afford  to  pay  for  it,  and  therefore,  the  theft 
was  easily  forgiven." 

The  expansive  Enlightenment  confidence  in  the 
human  ability  to  encompass  all  knowledge  was  sub- 
sumed by  New  Yorkers'  sense  of  their  power  to 
acquire  anything  the  world  offered.  "Every  article 
which  can  please  the  fancy  is  here  daily  exposed  to 
the  gaze  of  the  curious,"  wrote  the  pseudonymous 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  2$ 


Fig.  20.  The  Five  Senses—No.  i.  Seeing.  Wood  engraving,  from  Harper's  New  Monthly  Magazine  9  (October  1854), 
p.  714.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


Madisonian.i^"^  In  the  words  of  another  observer  of 
the  city,  "Whatever  art  has  manufactured  for  the  com- 
fort and  convenience  of  man,  is  exposed  for  sale  in  her 
markets.  If  Europe  affords  a  luxury,  it  is  there;  and  if 
Asia  has  aught  rich  or  splendid,  money  wiU  procure 
it  in  New-York." 

Not  only  merchandise  but  also  lectures,  theatrical 
performances,  minstrel  shows,  symphonic,  vocal,  and 
band  concerts,  operas,  freak  shows,  public  gardens, 
fireworks  displays,  botanical  exhibits,  commercial 
museums  and  galleries,  and  other  diversions  were 
available  for  a  price  along  New  York's  great  com- 
mercial streets,  side  by  side  with  the  more  carnal 
delights  available  in  the  many  saloons  and  brothels 
scattered  throughout  the  city,  but  particularly  thick 
in  the  mid-nineteenth  century  in  the  entertainment 
district  of  Broadway. 

As  it  was  commercialized,  though,  the  universal 
popular  education  of  republican  ideals  was  trans- 
formed into  privatized  spectacle,  its  content  from  pub- 
lic knowledge  to  salable  commodity,  its  purpose  from 
civic  training  to  personal  pleasure  (fig.  20).  Spectacle 
emphasized  the  striking  and  exaggerated  fragment 
over  the  systematic  totality,  astonishment  over  under- 
standing, passive  consumption  over  active  investiga- 
tion, gratification  over  edification. 


The  process  was  most  evident  in  the  transformation 
of  such  characteristically  republican  institutions  as 
Charles  Willson  Peale's  Philadelphia  Museum,  which 
was  briefly  reincarnated  at  the  corner  of  Broadway 
and  Vesey  Street  in  New  York  by  his  son  Rubens.  The 
yoimger  Peale  presented  his  Museum  and  Gallery  of 
the  Fine  Arts,  which  opened  on  October  26, 1825,  the 
day  of  the  Erie  Canal  celebration,  as  an  enterprise 
with  the  same  intent  and  format  as  his  father's,  but  his 
instructive  human  prodigies  soon  became  a  collection 
of  freaks  to  compete  with  the  American  Museum 
across  Broadway.  After  P.  T.  Barnum  bought  the 
American  Museum  in  1840,  General  Tom  Thumb  was 
usually  in  residence  there  (cat.  no.  168),  and  from  time 
to  time  customers  could  inspect  such  sights  as 
a  "real  Albiness  and  his  mighty  hi0hnessy  the  Irish 
Giant,"  or  ^fifteen  Indians  and  Squaws  .  .  .  in  their 
NATIVE  costume,''^  who  were  "well  authenticated  as 
the  first  people  of  their  important  tribes."  A  journal- 
ist who  covered  the  Native  Ajnericans'  appearances 
wondered  whether,  "in  becoming  a  shilling  show  at 
the  Museum,  they  have  entered  civilized  society  upon 
a  stratum  parallel  to  their  own."^^^ 

Freak  shows  and  the  like  were  offered  under  the 
guise  of  "rational  amusement"  and  republican  educa- 
tion, not  only  at  the  American  Museum  but  at  more 


124.  Madisonian,  "Sketches  of  the 
Metropolis"  pp.  329-30. 

125.  Northern  Star,  "The  Observer," 
p.  147- 

126.  Sellers,  Mr.  Peale's  Museum, 
pp.  249,  256-57;  "Fourth  of 
July.  Peale's  Museum"  (adver- 
tisement), New-Tork  Evening 
Post,  July  1, 1826,  p.  3;  "Peale's 
Museum"  (advertisement), 
New-Tork  Evening  Post, 

July  14, 1826,  p.  2;  "American 
Museum"  (advertisement), 
New-Tork  Evening  Post,  Octo- 
ber I,  1832,  p.  I. 

127.  "American  Museum,"  The  New- 
Torker,  May  12,  1838,  p.  125; 
"Sketches  of  New-York,"  New 
Mirror,  May  13,  1843,  P-  86. 
Many  of  the  Indians  died  in 
New  York  before  they  could 
return  to  their  homes. 


26    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


THE  AZTEC  CHILDREN. 


CORKEE  OF  BEOABWAY  &  LEOIABJ)  STS. 

FOE  A  mOVtTU  OH  TWO. 

TThrrr  !hrj  ihts  litter  ktQ  FiktblN  iD  mwft  fl[  flafimfof  nm  or  Ffliif  *fgiiln ! 

JS'KfcSc^  '''^P*  "'"^  tniwfrilikwui  fUmEndkiiii  dl^EiiKt^  nir  I  t<4nl*t.(  -I, «  « 

^  amqu  vtk  r>^:!rrriirao?f  can  BE  mw,^  or  mmi. 


Fig.  21.  The  Aztec  Children:  Two  Active,  Spri£fhtlyj  Intelligent  Little  Beings,  Wood  engraving,  from 
The  Republic  3  (February  1852),  unpaginated  advertisement  at  end  of  issue 


AUMISSSU.X  as  CENTS,  ,  ,  rmLhU!:\  [fAU^  i%lCK  j 


128.  "The  Hybrid  or  Semi-Human 
Indian"  (advertisement),  New- 
Tork  Daily  Times,  December  8, 
1854,  p.  5. 

129.  "Two  Living  Specimens  of  the 
Aztec  Race"  (advertisement). 
The  Independent,  January  i, 
1852,  p.  4;  "The  Aztec  Chil- 
dren," The  Independent,  Janu- 
ary 15, 1852,  p.  10. 


genteel  institutions  as  well.  Masonic  Hall  offered  "the 
hybrid  or  semi-human  Indian  from  Mexico,"  purport- 
edly a  cross  between  a  woman  and  an  orang;utan, 
whose  appearances  were  said  to  be  "daily  thronged  by 
medical  or  scientific  men."^^^  At  the  New  York  Soci- 
ety Library  one  could  see  the  famed  Aztec  Children, 

"a  PIGMEAN  VARIETY  OF  THE  HUMAN  RACE!"  (fig.  2l). 

Again  the  exhibition  was  claimed  to  be  of  scientific 


interest  and  sparked  a  debate  over  whether  the  chil- 
dren were  "specimens  of  a  historic  race  now  extinct" 
or  merely  "idiotic  dwarfs  "^^^ 

New  Yorkers  made  litde  effort  to  distinguish  "high" 
from  "low"  culture  among  these  offerings.  Instead 
the  entertainment  offered  for  sale  in  antebeUimi  New 
York  was  classified  as  moral,  uplifting,  and  respectable 
or  immoral,  debasing,  and  disreputable.  While  Bar- 
num  assured  visitors  to  his  American  Museum  that 
the  exhibitions  were  "conducted  with  the  utmost  pro- 
priety," and  the  hybrid  or  semihuman  Indian  fi:om 
Mexico  was  commended  for  her  "refined  taste  and 
remarkable  disposition,"  a  journalist  attacked  the 
drama  Camille,  then  playing  in  New  York,  as  a  work 
in  which  "the  morals  of  a  courtesan  [are]  presented 
for  the  admiration  of  youth"  It  was  an  "attempt  to 
make  consumption  and  the  interior  of  a  sick  room,  a 
subject  fit  only  for  the  wards  of  a  hospital,  attractive 
and  artistic,"  which  he  thought  "melancholy  proof  of 
a  depraved  public  taste."  1^** 

Consequendy  a  hybrid  experience  awaited  most 
patrons  of  the  city's  commercial  pleasures.  The  public 
gardens  that  antebellum  New  Yorkers  enthusiastically 
patronized  offer  a  good  example  of  the  routine  mix- 
ture of  what  would  now  be  thought  of  as  radically 
different  kinds  of  entertainment.  Public  gardens  did 
not  necessarily  include  gardens  in  the  commonly 
imderstood  sense  of  the  term,  although  that  was  their 
origin.  Instead  they  were  primarily  staging  areas  for 
any  sort  of  entertainment  for  which  New  Yorkers 
would  willingly  pay. 

Niblo's  Garden,  opened  by  William  Niblo  at  576 
Broadway  in  1828,  was  the  best  known  and  probably 
the  favorite  of  these  establishments  (fig.  22). At 
first  music  and  fireworks  were  Niblo's  staples,  but  he 
continually  added  attractions.  On  July  15,  1839,  he 
offered  the  Ravel  family's  "astonishing  performance 
on  the  CORD  elasttque,"  along  with  "three  roman 
gladiators"  by  three  of  the  Ravels;  then,  after  inter- 
mission, "l'uomo  ROSSO:  Or,  the  Unforeseen  Illu- 
sion," a  "pantomime"  that  featured  "a  full  Gallopade, 
by  the  Corps-de-Ballet  of  30  persons."  In  addition 
Niblo's  own  orchestra  played  two  overtures.  Early 
on  Niblo  added  Italian  opera  and  "Vaudevilles"  to  his 
bill,  and  at  other  times  he  presented  military  bands, 
operatic  ballets,  and  Signor  Gambati,  a  celebrated 
valve  trumpeter.  On  one  occasion  visitors  could 
examine  a  panorama  of  Jerusalem,  based  on  a  David 
Roberts  painting,  ^^"^  Niblo's  'Svas  more  like  a  bazaar 
of  aU  amusements,  than  a  mere  theatre,  a  garden,  or  a 
salon  de  plaisir^^^^^  At  the  same  time  its  owner 
assured  the  public  that  "efficient  officers"  were  present 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  27 


Fig.  22.  Niblo's  Garden^  Broadway,  New  Tork.  Wood  engraving, 
from  Gleason^s  Pictorial  Drawin0-Room  Companion  2  (March  6, 
1852),  p.  145.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts 


to  prevent  the  admission  of  "improper  persons,"  by 
which  he  meant  unaccompanied  women. 

Public  gardens  were  traditionally  relandscaped  and 
embellished  anew  each  year  to  keep  patrons  from 
becoming  bored.  Niblo  not  only  regularly  reconfig- 
ured his  garden  but  also  filled  it  with  "saloons,"  the- 
aters, and  concert  halls,  all  cast  in  the  palatial  imagery 
of  consumerism,  to  house  his  long-running  acts.^^^ 
On  September  i8,  1846,  Niblo's  Garden  burned, 
destroying  his  greenhouses,  theaters,  and  work- 
shops. The  fate  of  the  site  was  uncertain  until  the 
Home  Journal  reported  in  1849  that  William  Niblo 
had  "regained  possession  of  the  field  of  his  former  tri- 
umphs" and  intended  to  rebuild  a  theater,  garden, 
restaurant,  dancing  saloon,  and  arbor.  In  that 
year  the  rebuilt  theater  became  the  home  of  the 
New  York  Philharmonic. 


The  Urban  Spectacle 

The  consumption  of  goods  and  images  transformed 
the  concept  of  republican  citizenship.  Theoretically 
New  Yorkers  knew  there  was  a  difference  between  out- 
ward appearance  and  the  true  self  In  his  diary  Philip 
Hone  wrote  a  brief  essay,  "Dress,"  in  which  he  com- 
mented on  the  responsibility  of  older  men  and  women 
to  dress  well:  "An  old  House  requires  painting  more 
than  a  new  one."  But  they  also  ought  to  dress  appro- 
priately, soberly  and  not  gaudily.  He  was  scandalized 
by  the  refusal  of  his  friend  Daniel  Webster  to  appear 
"in  the  only  dress  in  which  he  should  appear— the 


respectable  and  dignified  suit  of  black."  Instead  Web- 
ster was  fond  of  "tawdry,"  multicolored  clothes:  "I 
was  much  amused  a  day  or  two  since  by  meeting 
him  in  Wall  Street,  at  high  noon,  in  a  bright,  blue 
Satin  Vest,  sprigged  with  gold  flowers,  a  costume 
incongruous  for  Daniel  Webster,  as  Ostrich  feathers 
for  a  Sister  of  Charity,  or  a  small  Sword  for  a  Judge 
of  Probates.  There  is  a  strange  discrepancy  in  this 
instance  between  'the  outward  and  visible  form,  and 
the  inward  and  spiritual  grace,'  the  integuments  and 
the  intellea."i4o 

In  practice,  though,  New  Yorkers  were  beginning 
to  judge  one  another  by  their  public  presentation. 
The  respectable  and  those  who  aspired  to  respectabil- 
ity adopted  new  codes  of  refinement  that  identified 
them  to  one  another  visually,  set  them  apart  from 
their  neighbors,  and  rendered  them  more  like  people 
of  similar  social  standing  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  ^"^^ 
As  Caroline  Kirkland  observed,  New  York  was  "fast 
assuming  a  cosmopolitan  tone,"  making  it  "difficult 
to  speak  of  any  particular  style  of  manners  as  pre- 
vailing."^"^^  This  code  of  gentility  emphasized  bodily 
comportment  and  speech,  tasteful  consumption,  and 
highly  selective  sociability.  The  satirist  Francis  J.  Grund 
was  amused  to  see  how  assiduously  the  New  York 
gentry  avoided  their  fellow  citizens:  "our  fashionable 
Americans  do  not  wish  to  be  seen  with  the  people; 
they  dread  that  more  than  the  tempest."  ^""^^ 

Gentility  was  learned  behavior.  Readers  of  the  Home 
Journal  could  seek  out  the  services  of  Madame  Barbier, 
at  4  Great  Jones  Street,  to  teach  them  "a  cultivated 


130.  "American  Museum"  Ladies' 
Companion  19  (July  1843), 

p.  154;  "Hybrid  or  Semi- 
Human  Indian,"  p.  5;  "The 
Church.  All-Soul's  Church .- 
(Unitarian),"  United  States 
Magazine  4  (April  1857), 
p.  417- 

131.  "Niblo's,"  Gleason's  Pictorial 
Drawing-Room  Companion, 
May  14, 1853,  p.  308. 

132.  "Niblo's  Garden"  (advertise- 
ment), Mornin£f  Courier  and 
New-Tork  Enquirer,  July  15, 
1839. 

13;.  "Niblo's  Garden,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  June  7, 1834,  p.  391; 
"Niblo's  Garden,"  The  New- 
Torker,  May  26, 1838,  p.  158; 
"Niblo's  Garden  Is  Now  Open 
for  the  Season"  (advertisement). 
Evening  Post  (New  York), 
June  30, 1836,  n.p.;  "Niblo's 
Garden,"  Ladies'  Companion  11 
(May  1839),  p.  50;  "Niblo's 
Garden,"  Evening  Post  (New 
York),  June  30,  1836. 

134.  "Fine  Arts— Niblo's,"  Ladies' 
Companion  2  (February  1835), 
p.  192;  "The  Diorama,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  January  3,  1835, 
p.  214. 

135.  "The  New  Niblo,"  Home  Jour- 
nal, April  21,  1849,  p-  2. 

136.  "Niblo's  Garden  Is  Now  Open 
for  the  Season";  George  G. 
Foster,  New  Tork  by  Gas-Light 
and  Other  Urban  Sketches, 
edited  by  Stuart  M.  Blumin 
(Berkeley:  University  of  Cali- 
fornia Press,  1990),  p.  157. 

137.  "Niblo's  Garden,"  The  Corsair, 
June  15, 1839,  p.  219;  "Niblo's 


28    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Garden,"  Ladies*  Companion  ii 
(May  1839),  p.  50;  "^Niblo's" 
(Glaason's),  pp.  308-9. 

138.  Philip  Hone,  Diary,  entry  for 
September  18, 1846,  The  New- 
York  Historical  Society;  micro- 
film available  at  the  Thomas  J. 
Watson  Library,  Metropolitan 
Museum;  ^TSTiblo's"  (Gleason's), 
p.  308. 

139.  '^New  Niblo,"  p.  2. 

140.  Hone,  Diary,  entry  for 
March  29, 1845,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

141.  Richard  L.  Bushman,  The 
R^nement  of  America:  Per- 
sons, Houses,  Cities  (New  York: 
Knopf,  1992);  John  F.  Kasson, 
Rudeness  and  Civility:  Man- 
ners in  Nineteenth-Century 
Urban  America  (New  York: 
Hill  and  Wang,  1990);  Gary 
Carson,  "The  Consumer  Revo- 
lution in  Colonial  British 
America:  Why  Demand?" 

in  Of  Consuming  Interests:  The 
Style  of  Life  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century,  edited  by  Gary  Gar- 
son,  Ronald  Hofi&nan,  and 
Peter  J.  Albert  (Charlottesville: 
University  Press  of  Virginia  for 
the  United  States  Capitol  His- 
torical Society,  1994),  p.  521. 

142.  Kirkland,  "New  York." 

143.  Francis  J.  Grund,  Aristocracy 
in  America  from  the  Sketch- 
Book  of  a  German  Nobleman, 
2  vols.  (London:  Richard 
Bentley,  1839),  vol.  i,  p.  19. 


manner  of  speaking"  French  and  of  Clark's  Broadway 
Tailoring,  nearby  at  the  corner  of  Broadway  and 
Bleecker  Street,  to  obtain  men's  clothes  that  "impart 
ease  and  elegance  to  the  figure,"  even  "to  those 
WHO  HAVE  NO  TASTE,"  with  the  assistance  of  Clark's 
"gentlemanly  assistants''^"^  Although  it  was  learned, 
gentility  was  also  thought  to  signal  some  essential 
difference  between  the  genteel  and  the  hoi  poUoi. 
Some  groups,  notably  African  Americans  and  the 
Irish,  were  constitutionally  unable  to  learn  gentility, 
while  ordinary  white  artisans  and  working-class  men 
and  women  never  quite  got  it.  Try  as  they  might,  they 
fell  far  short  of  the  mark  or  overshot  it  laughably 
(fig.  23).  Conservative  satirists  such  as  the  cartoonist 
Edward  W.  Clay  made  a  living  lampooning  their 
efforts  (fig.  31).  ^"^5 

In  short,  while  early  republicans  emphasized  the 
essential  similarities  among  all  citizens,  antebellvim 
New  Yorkers  began  to  stress  the  differences.  Immigra- 
tion and  the  growing  segregation  of  social  classes 
within  the  city  meant  that,  as  midcentury  passed, 
middle-class  and  well-to-do  New  Yorkers  had  less 
contact  with  their  inferiors  and  knew  less  about  them. 
Increasingly  the  city  seemed  to  them  to  be  populated 
with  men  and  women  whose  departure  from  the 
neutral  standard  of  refined  behavior  was  at  best  pic- 
turesque, at  worst  threatening.  In  art,  literature,  jour- 
nalism, theater,  and  other  forms  of  popular  culture. 


better-off  New  Yorkers  viewed  their  poorer  neighbors 
as  spectacles  only  slighdy  less  exotic  than  the  Aztec 
Children  (figs.  24,  25). 

As  they  confronted  this  human  spectacle.  New 
York's  cultural  arbiters  turned  toward  what  the  art  his- 
torian Elizabeth  Johns  has  called  typin£fy  a  process  that 
tamed  the  complexity  of  the  antebellum  city  by 
grouping  its  occupants  into  a  limited  number  of 
generic  characters. Visual  and  verbal  reporters  also 
imagined  urban  spatial  types  as  habitats  for  their 
human  types,  mapping  a  series  of  distinctive  social 
regions  onto  the  evenly  articulated  grid  of  republican 
New  York. 

Writers  and  artists  heightened  the  effea  of  typ- 
ing by  juxtaposition,  a  technique  that  we  have  already 
seen  employed  in  merchandising  and  one  that  was 
an  artistic  cliche  by  midcentury.  To  set  the  most  dis- 
parate human  and  spatial  types  into  the  closest  pos- 
sible proximity  transformed  the  classificatory  list  of 
eighteenth-century  science  into  a  dramatic,  high-relief 
portrait  of  nineteenth-century  New  York.  In  this  mode 
one  writer  described  the  ships  in  New  York  harbor 
as  national  types:  there  were  the  '^'Yorker,"  the  "sub- 
stantial representative  of  Old  England,"  the  "Dutch- 
man," the  "clumsy  Dane,"  the  Norwegian  polacca,  and 
the  "'long-limbed'  brigs  and  schooners  that  come 
from  'down  east.'"^'^^ 

Despite  the  rapid  growth  of  their  city  and  the  mix- 
ture of  people  and  activities  that  charaaerized  every 
block  of  it.  New  Yorkers  seized  on  a  handful  of  sites 
as  emblematic  of  fundamental  truths  about  its  makeup. 
Wall  Street,  Five  Points,  the  Bowery,  and,  most  of  all, 
Broadway  were  particular  favorites. 

Wall  Street,  with  the  elite  Trinity  Church  at  its 
head  and  the  docks  at  its  foot,  punctuated  by  the 
great  banking  houses,  by  Brady  and  Thompson's 
Merchants'  Exchange  (cat.  no.  74),  succeeded  by  that 
of  Isaiah  Rogers,  and  by  the  grand  Greek  Revival 
Custom  House  (cat.  no.  81),  stood  for  contemporary 
New  York  as  a  financial  center  in  all  its  positive  and 
negative  aspects.  Because  so  much  of  the  street  was 
burned  in  the  fire  of  1835  (cat.  nos.  no,  in;  fig.  6), 
there  was  litde  to  remind  one  of  the  past;  it  spoke  of 
New  York's  present  and  its  future.  In  Wall  Street, 
"the  far-famed  mart  for  bankers,  brokers,  underwrit- 
ers, and  stock-jobbers,"  "Every  thing  is  on  a  grand 
scale  [and]  the  talk  is  of  millions."  ^"^^  But  in  an  age 
when  a  large  portion  of  the  political  public  was  sus- 
picious of  "speculation"  as  a  nonproductive  drain  on 
the  economy  and  an  assault  on  those  who  worked 
for  an  honest  living,  Wall  Street  was  also  seen  as  the 
home  of  ^Shylocks  and  over-reachers,  yclept  Money 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS: 


CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  29 


Fig.  24.  Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  English  for  the  New  York  City  market.  The  Cries  of  New  York  commemorative  handkerchief,  1815-20.  Copperplate-printed 
cotton.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Rogers  Fund,  1968  68.60 


Brokers,"  who  "carry  on  their  occult  operations  against 
the  fortunes  and  opulence  of  the  unwary  and  credu- 
lous portion  of  the  community."  ^"^^  The  disruption  of 
traffic  occasioned  by  reconstruction  after  the  fire 
brought  out  New  Yorkers'  feelings.  Forced  to  pick 
their  way  through  the  confusion,  passersby  muttered 
"what  d— d  nonsense!,"  which  registered  "generally 
expressed  feelings  of  bitterness  against  the  banks— 
for  bearing  so  hard  on  the  mercantile  community," 
in  the  opinion  of  George  Templeton  Strong.  ^^'^ 
Antebellum  Americans  were  acutely  aware  of  the 
volatility  of  individual  fortunes,  and  Wall  Street 
seemed  to  exemplify  that:  "We  never  pass  Wall-street 
without  a  shudder.  Who  knows  but  what  at  the 


moment  we  pass  it,  some  infernally  ingenious  specu- 
lator is  planning  a  financial  juggle  by  which  he  is  to 
make  a  fortune,  and  at  least  fifty  of  us  to  be  ruined 
somehow  or  other  right  off!"^^^ 

A  wood  engraving  of  the  street  in  1855  shows  a 
busy  thoroughfare  lined  with  substantial  buildings, 
including  the  Merchants'  Exchange  at  the  left  (fig.  26). 
According  to  the  accompanying  text,  the  sidewalk 
swarms  with  types  personifying  Wall  Street's  suspect 
character.  The  artist 

has  shown  us  the  ^%ulls  and  hears/^  the  curb  stone 
brokers,  the  speculators  in  ^^fancieSj  the  heavy  capi- 
talists, the  needy  ^'^shinners,^  all  who  blow  bubbles 


144.  "Madame  Barbier"  (advertise- 
ment). Home  Journal,  Octo- 
ber 6, 1855,  p.  3;  "Clark's 
Broadway  Tailoring**  (adver- 
tisement), Home  Journal, 
May  3, 1851,  p.  3. 

145.  Nancy  Reynolds  Davison, 

"E.  W.  Clay:  American  Political 
Caricaturist  of  the  Jacksonian 
Era"  (Ph.D.  dissertation, 
University  of  Michigan,  Ann 
Arbor,  1980). 

146.  Elizabeth  Johns,  American 
Genre  Painting:  The  Politics  of 
Everyday  Life  (New  Haven: 
Yale  University  Press,  1991), 
pp.  xii-xiii,  12-22. 

147.  Northern  Star,  "The  Observer"; 
"Editor's  Drawer,"  Harper's 


30    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


New  Monthly  Magazine  9 
(August  1854),  p.  421. 

148.  "Street  Views  in  New-York. 
Wall-Street,"  New-Tork  Mirror, 
January  21, 1832,  pp.  225-26; 
"Wall-street"  New-Tork  Mirror, 
December  6, 1834,  p.  183. 

149.  E.  E.,  "Letters  Descriptive  of 
New-York  . . .  No.  Ill,"  p.  195. 

150.  George  Templeton  Strong, 
Diary,  entry  for  Oaober  5, 1839, 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society. 

151.  "Fashionable  Promenades" 
p.  235. 

152.  "New  York  in  1855  and  1660," 
Bailouts  Pictorial  Drawing- 
Room  Companion,  April  21, 
1855,  p.  248.  The  writer  of  the 
article,  published  in  a  Boston 
periodical,  conflises  the  Mer- 
chants' Exchange,  illustrated  in 
fig.  26,  with  the  Custom 
House,  not  represented. 

153.  [Nathaniel  P.  Willis],  "Diary 
of  Town  Trifles,"  New  Mirror, 
May  18, 1844,  p.  104;  Moehr- 
ing,  "Space,  Economic  Growth 
and  the  Public  Works 
Revolution,"  p.  34. 


HEW  vftflic  l^^  v- 

Fig.  26.  New  Tork  in  iSss-  Wood  engraving,  from  Bailouts  Pictorial  Drawin0-Room  Companion^  April  21, 
1855,  p.  248.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


Fig.  25.  Nicolino  Calyo,  The  Hot-Corn  Seller,  1840-44. 
Watercolor.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Francis  P.  Garvin  in  Memory  of  Francis  P.  Garvin  Rov^^se 


and  buy  bubbles^  who  disperse  wealth  and  pursue 
wealthy  congregated  about  the  choicest  abodes  of 
PlutuSy  the  haunts  of  mammon,  in  the  great  imper- 
ial city.  Tou  see  men  there  who  live  in  palaces,  and 
dispense  a  regal  hospitality  away  up  town — you 
behold  flashy  adventurers  whose  whole  wealth  is  on 
their  backs — many  a  wealthy  old  Israelite  who  could 
draw  a  check  for  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  at 
a  momenfs  notice,  and  yet  who  dresses  as  shab- 
bily as  an  Vclo^  man,  while  young  Judea  exhibits 
his  degeneracy  in  varnished  boots,  oiled  mustachios, 
finger-rings,  chains  and  a  diamond  breastpin, 

The  juxtaposed  types  and  the  casually  employed  eth- 
nic Stereotype  leapt  from  the  writer's  mind  far  more 
readily  than  they  did  from  the  illustration. 

At  the  opposite  end  of  the  economic  ladder,  Five 
Points  stood  for  the  worst  that  could  be  feared  of  an 
enormous  democratic  city  (figs,  ii,  27).  The  name  was 
derived  from  the  since-vanished  irregular  intersection 
of  five  streets:  Miilberry,  Anthony  (now  Worth), 
Cross  (Park),  Orange  (Baxter),  and  Litde  Water  (no 
longer  extant);  but  it  applied  more  generally  to  the 
Sixth  Ward  just  northeast  of  City  Hall,  north  of 
Chatham  Street,  on  and  aroimd  the  filled-in  Collect 
Pond  (fig.  4).  This  '"Valley  of  Poverty"  was  repre- 
sented as  a  collection  of  run-down  housing  and  ques- 
tionable businesses,  occupied  by  some  of  New  York's 
poorest  citizens,  although  it  was  also  an  important 
industrial  district,  the  scene  of  various  sorts  of  metal 
fabrication  and  sugar  and  confectionery  manufac- 
ture. Bogardus's  and  Badger's  ironworks  stood  just 
two  blocks  from  the  notorious  intersection.  As  early 
as  1810  Five  Points'  population  was  one-quarter  black 
or  foreign  bom.  Later  in  the  century  most  of  the  for- 
mer had  left,  but  three-quarters  of  the  district's  resi- 
dents were  immigrants.  ^^^^ 

To  outsiders  Five  Points  was  the  place  where  society 
seemed  to  sink  below  the  horizon  of  viability.  When 
Charles  Dickens  inspected  the  neighborhood— after 
carefiilly  procuring  the  protection  of  two  policemen- 
he  visited  a  house  in  which  "mounds  of  rags  are  seen 
to  be  astir,  and  rise  slowly  up,  and  the  floor  is  cov- 
ered with  heaps  of  negro  women,  waking  from  their 
sleep."  The  language  implies  that  the  women  were 
barely  human,  as  Dickens  suggested  more  openly  in 
observing  that  many  of  New  York's  free-roaming  pigs 
seemed  to  headquarter  themselves  in  Five  Points.  "Do 
they  ever  wonder  why  their  masters  walk  upright  in 
lieu  of  going  on  all-fours?  and  why  they  talk  instead 
of  grunting?"  Like  nearly  every  other  visitor,  Dickens 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  3I 


thought  he  knew  the  reason  for  what  he  saw:  for  the 
people  as  for  the  buildings,  "debauchery"  had  made 
them  "prematurely  old."^^^ 

Five  Points  threatened  the  respectable  because  it 
offered  abundant  and  unabashed  lower-class  enter- 
tainment. It  appeared  to  outsiders  that  every  building 
contained  a  bar.  The  neighborhood  also  boasted  the 
highest  concentration  of  brothels  in  the  city,  including 
seventeen  on  a  single  block.  Moreover,  the  streets 
seemed  to  be  filled  with  idle  people  with  nothing  on 
their  minds— least  of  all  honest  work.^^^ 

As  a  type  of  depravity,  Five  Points  slipped  easily 
from  the  pages  of  reformers'  and  travelers'  tracts 
into  the  lurid  "lights  and  shadows"  literature  of  mid- 
century  that  purported  to  show  respectable  urban- 
ites  hidden  aspects  of  their  cities.  It  figured,  for 
instance,  in  George  G.  Foster's  sensationalist  New 
Tork  by  Gas-Li£fht  (1850),  a  work  claiming  "to  dis- 
cover the  real  facts  of  the  actual  condition  of  the 
wicked  and  wretched  classes." 

From  another  vantage  point  Five  Points  took  on  a 
very  different  cast.  Careful  observers  recognized  that 
it  was  less  a  resort  for  criminals  than  a  neighborhood 
for  the  working  poor  in  which  most  people's  plight 
owed  more  to  destitution  than  to  vice.  It  was  a  dis- 
trict, as  George  Templeton  Strong  memorably  put  it, 
of  "warens  [sic]  of  seamstresses  to  whom  their  utmost 
toil  in  monotonous  daily  drudgery  gives  only  bare 
subsistence  in  a  life  barren  of  hope  &  of  enjoyment." 
When  the  perceptive  Swedish  visitor  Fredrika  Bre- 
mer toured  the  neighborhood  about  1850,  most  of  the 
people  she  met  seemed  to  her  "wretched  rather  through 
poverty  than  moral  degradation." 

The  evidence  of  modern  archaeology  and  historical 
research,  which  depict  Five  Points  as  a  hub  of  working- 
class  life  and  culture  rather  than  as  a  haven  for  criminal 
behavior,  supports  Bremer's  conclusion.  The  bars 
were  small  businesses  and  centers  of  a  lively  neigh- 
borhood conviviality  that  won  over  even  Dickens, 
who  described  his  visit  to  the  black-owned  Almack's 
sympathetically.  Given  the  cramped  quarters  most 
Five  Pointers  occupied,  bars  and  the  streets  were 
natural  sites  of  social  life  and,  as  the  historian  Chris- 
tine Stansell  has  pointed  out,  important  for  foster- 
ing networks  of  mutual  assistance  among  women  and 
as  places  where  children  scavenged  to  help  support 
their  families.  The  life  of  Five  Points  was  flavored 
with  a  keen  patriotism  and  an  active  involvement  in 
the  politics  of  city  and  nation.  As  Dickens  noted,  "on 
the  bar-room  walls  are  coloured  prints  of  Washing- 
ton and  Queen  Victoria  of  England,  and  the  Ameri- 
can Eagle." 


Fig.  27.  The  Old  Brewery.  Wood  engraving,  from  B.  K.  Vtirct^  A  Half  Century  with  Juvenile 
Delinquents;  or^  The  New  Tork  House  of  Refuse  and  Its  Times  (New  York:  D.  Appleton  and 
Company,  1869),  p.  208.  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations 


If  Five  Points  was  not  the  birthplace  of  all  vice  in 
the  city,  neither  was  it  the  only  poor  or  mixed-race 
neighborhood.  West  Broadway  and  its  extension, 
Laurens  Street,  and  parts  of  Corlears  Hook  and  of 
the  waterfront  were  comparable  places.  It  was  the 
closeness  of  Five  Points  to  the  city*s  center  of  govern- 
ment that  made  it  so  striking  and  so  easy  to  visit,  and 
thus  one  of  the  emblematic  neighborhoods  of  New 
York.  The  careful  siting  of  the  Tombs  between  City 
Hall  and  Five  Points  in  the  1830s  dramatized  the  con- 
trast. Few  observers  missed  the  connection.  Dickens, 
Bremer,  and  Nathaniel  Parker  Willis  all  combined 
visits  to  the  slum  and  to  the  prison. 

The  most  titillating  aspect  of  Five  Points  was  its  prox- 
imity to  New  York's  two  emblematic  thoroughfares, 
Broadway  and  its  plebeian  double,  the  Bowery.  Broad- 
way, the  "grand  feature"  of  New  York  and  "the  pride 
of  the  Yorkers,"  was  "like  nothing  in  existence  but 
itself":  "In  this  most  cosmopolitan  of  our  cities,  this 
great  artery  of  life  is  the  most  cosmopolitan  of  streets" 
(cat.  nos.  109, 123;  figs.  13, 14). 

The  frenetic  activity  that  masked  Broadway^s  mot- 
ley, ever-changing  sequence  of  houses  and  commercial 
buildings— architecturally  a  "confused  assemblage  of 
high,  low,  broad,  narrow,  white,  gray,  red,  brown,  yel- 
low, simple  and  florid,"  "its  glories  . . .  rather  traditional 


154-  J.  A.  Lobbia,  "Slum  Lore" 
Village  Voice,  January  2, 1996, 
pp.  34, 36. 

155.  Dickens,  American  NoteSy 
pp.  88-90. 

156.  Ibid.,  p.  89;  Timothy  J. 
Gilfoyle,  City  of  Eros:  New 
Tork  City,  Prostitution,  and  the 
Commercialization  of  Sex, 
1790-1920  (New  York:  W.  W. 
Norton,  1992),  pp.  34, 38-41. 

157.  [Willis],  "Diary  of  Town 
Trifles,"  p.  105. 

158.  Foster,  New  Tork  by  Gas-Li£fht, 
p.  69. 

159.  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for  July  7, 
1851,  The  New-York  Historical 
Society. 

160.  Bremer,  Homes  of  the  New 
World,  vol.  2,  p.  602. 

161.  Lobbia,  "Slum  Lore,"  pp.  34, 37- 

162.  Dickens,  American  Notes, 
pp.  90-91. 

163.  Christine  Stansell,  City  of 
Women:  Sex  and  Class  in  New 
Tork,  1789-1860  (Urbana:  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois  Press,  1987), 
pp.  41-42, 50. 

164.  Dickens,  American  Notes,  p.  89. 

165.  Stansell,  City  of  Women,  p.  42; 
Blackmar,  Manhattan  for  Rent, 
p.  176. 

166.  "Transformations  of  Our  City," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  January  30, 
1836,  p.  247;  "Broadway,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Liter- 
ary Gazette,  September  9, 1826, 


32    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


p.  55;  "Broadwayj  New  York, 
by  Gaslight"  Bailouts  Pictorial 
Drawing-Room  Companion, 
December  13, 1856,  p.  381. 

167.  "City  Improvements.  The  New 
Custom-House"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  August  23, 1834,  p.  57. 

168.  "Broadway  as  Proposed  to  Be" 
Home  Journal,  Oaober  22, 
1847;  "Genin's  Bridge"  Glea- 
son's  Pictorial  Drawing-Room 
Companion,  December  25, 
1852,  p.  416. 

169.  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for  August 
24, 1845,  The  New-York  His- 
torical Society 

170.  Madisonian,  "Sketches  of  the 
Metropolis"  p.  329. 

171.  "Sketchings.  Broadway,"  The 
Crayon  5  (August  1858),  p.  234. 

172.  Edward  S.  Abdy,  Journal  of 
a  Residence  and  Tour  in  the 
United  States  of  North  Amer- 
ica, from  April,  1833,  to  October, 
iS34f  3  vols.  (London:  J.  Mur- 
ray, 1835),  vol.  I,  p.  69. 

173.  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for  July  7, 
1851,  The  New-York  Historical 
Society;  "Things  in  New  York," 
Brother  Jonathan,  March  4, 
1843,  p.  250. 

174.  "Sketchings.  Broadway,"  p.  234; 
Felton,  American  Life,  p.  33. 

175.  "Astor^s  Park  Hotel,"  Atkinson's 
Casket  10  (April  1835),  p.  217; 
"Town  Gossip.  Glass  Walk  over 
Broadway,"  Home  Journal, 
November  17, 1849,  p.  2. 
"Stewart's  Temple,"  Morris's 
National  Press,  April  18, 1846, 
p.  2. 

"Facts  and  Opinions  of  Litera- 
ture, Society,  and  Movements 


176. 


177- 


than  actual"— excited  New  Yorkers  and  visitors 
alike.  The  human  mass,  with  pedestrians  crowded 
SO  densely  on  the  sidewalks  that  someone  proposed  to 
build  a  glass-paved  mezzanine  above,  and  packed  into 
so  many  vehicles  that  the  hatter  John  N.  Genin  built 
a  pedestrian  bridge  across  the  street  from  his  shop  at 
214  Broadway  to  Saint  Paul's  Chapel,  stood  for  all  of 
New  York  (fig.  28).i68 

This  "river  deep  &  wide  of  live,  perspiring  himian- 
ity*'  encompassed  the  entire  democratic  public  of 
America,  represented,  as  always,  by  types. i**^  There 
were  "the  gay  and  serious— the  wealthy  and  the  house- 
less, the  clothed  in  purpose  and  the  half-clad  in  linsey- 
woolsey."  There  were  newsboys  and  immigrants, 
merchants  and  clerks.  "French  and  German  dry  goods 
jobbers,  Bremen  merchants,  Jew  financiers,  southern, 
eastern,  and  western  speculators  and  peculators,  auc- 
tioneers, men  of  straw  and  men  of  substance;  New 
York,  New  Orleans,  Hamburg,  Liverpool,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Boston,  and  Cincinnati  are  huddled  together 
in  a  six  cent  omnibus  pele-mele  with  St.  Louis,  Lyons, 
Charleston,  Manchester,  and  Savannah;  all  rushing 
to— Wall  street.  Broad  street.  Pearl  street.  Front  street. 
South  street,"  wrote  a  correspondent  in  The  Crayon, 
Unlike  other  parts  of  the  New  York  business  dis- 
trict, Broadway  was  heavily  populated  by  "the  lady- 
element,"  whom  the  writer  described  as  "rather  of 
a  mixed  character":  a  "small  sprinkling  of  lady-like 
women"  along  with  "a  great  number  of  vindomesti- 
cated  ladies,  not  necessarily  of  doubtful  character,  but 
ladies  unattached."  The  journal  went  on  to  include  in 


Fig.  28.  Genin's  New  and  Novel  Brid£fej  Extending  across  Broadway^  New  Tork.  Wood  engraving  by 
John  William  Orr,  from  Gleason's  Pictorial  Drawin^-Bj}om  Companion^  December  25, 1852,  p.  416. 
Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


the  lady-element  "many  female  day-dreamers,  loimg- 
ing  women,  or  she-loafers,  whose  hopeless  vacancy  of 
mind  calls  for  the  stimulant  of  the  noise,  the  shops, 
the  dust,  the  variety  of  faces,  of  the  hissing,  seething 
street."  The  English  visitor  Edward  S.  Abdy  was 
"not  a  litde  surprised"  to  encounter  imaccompanied 
women  on  Broadway  in  the  1830s. 

The  Broadway  crowd  mixed  occupations,  origins, 
and  genders,  as  well  as  social  classes  and  races.  Although 
they  were  seldom  mentioned  in  the  celebratory  cata- 
logues of  the  street's  denizens,  beggars  were  common 
on  Broadway,  including  "hideous  troops  of  ragged 
girls,  from  12  years  down,"  described  by  Strong  in  his 
diary,  and  the  beggars  who  took  shelter  in  the  portico 
of  the  Astor  House  hotel,  Small-time  vendors  and 
a  wide  variety  of  roving  tradespeople  sought  business 
along  the  street,  filling  the  air  with  their  distinctive 
identifying  cries  (figs.  24,  25).  The  Crayon  recorded 
the  "mixture  of  races,"  including  blacks  and  Asians,  on 
Broadway,  while  the  English  visitor  Mrs.  Felton  expe- 
rienced the  great  street  as  "the  fashionable  lounge  for 
all  the  black  and  white  belles  and  beaux  of  the  city."^^"^ 

If  Broadway  was  the  epitome  of  democratic  New 
York,  it  also  stood  for  the  fissures  in  urban  society. 
The  street  had  its  fashionable  and  unfashionable  sides. 
The  west  side,  on  which  the  Astor  House  and  the 
other  luxury  hotels  stood,  nearer  to  the  wealthy  resi- 
dences along  Greenwich  Street,  was  the  fashionable 
side,  where  one  was  "sure  to  find  the  elite  of  the 
commercial  metropolis."  The  east  side,  toward 
the  commercial  waterfi*ont  and  Five  Points,  and  also 
toward  Wall  Street,  was  the  unfashionable  side.  One 
journalist  hoped  that  the  completion  of  A.  T.  Stew- 
arf  s  elegant  new  store  at  the  northeast  comer  of 
Broadway  and  Chambers  Street  in  1846  would  draw 
carriage  trade  east,  and  create  "a  fair  division"  of  foot 
traffic  between  the  two  sides. 

What  Broadway  was  to  the  fashionable  shopping 
streets  of  Europe,  what  the  east  side  of  Broadway  was 
to  the  west  side,  the  Bowery  was  to  Broadway  as  a 
whole:  its  "democratic  rival." The  Bowery,  too,  had 
its  fashionable  and  unfashionable  sides,  but  they  mir- 
rored Broadway's:  its  west  side  was  the  unfashion- 
able, "dollar"  side,  while  the  other  was  the  "shilling" 
side  "from  the  fact  .  .  .  that  all  the  fancy  stores  are 
upon  that  side."^^^ 

Tellingly,  the  Bowery,  unlike  Broadway,  was  not 
punctuated  by  a  single  church.  It  had  no  time  for  the 
formalities  or  pieties  of  respectable  life.  Compared 
to  Broadway,  the  Bowery  was  'Vrapt  in  no  cloak  of 
convention  or  pseudo-refinement.  The  fundamental 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  33 


business  of  life  is  carried  on  as  being  confessedly  die 
main  business;  not,  as  in  Broadway,  as  if  it  were  a 
thing  to  be  huddled  into  a  corner,  to  make  way  for 
the  carved  work  and  gilding,  the  drapery  and  colour 
of  the  great  panorama." 

If  Broadway  was  the  haunt  of  many  urban  types, 
but  most  notably  of  the  "fashionables,"  the  Bowery 
was  home  to  one  type,  the  Bowery  "b'hoy"  and  his 
brash  but  amiable  "^g'hal"  Mose  and  Lize  (names  de- 
rived from  characters  in  Benjamin  A.  Baker's  1848  play 
A  Glance  at  New  Tork)  were  ambiguous  figures.  In 
one  sense  they  were  quintessential  Americans,  genu- 
ine and  unsophisticated  people  indistinguishable 
from  "the  rowdy  of  Philadelphia,  the  Hoosier  of  the 
Mississippi,  the  trapper  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and 
the  gold-hunter  of  California,"  according  to  George 
Foster.  All  these  types  embodied  the  ^yree  develop- 
ment of  An£[lo -Saxon  nature^'  (cat.  no.  127).^^^  In  this 
light  the  Bowery  b'hoy  seemed  a  frontiersman  in  his 
own  city.  Like  the  figure  of  the  Western  trapper  in  the 
antebellum  genre  paintings  discussed  by  Elizabeth 
Johns,  he  evidently  lived  a  free  life  that  his  more  re- 
spectable chroniclers  envied  even  as  they  conde- 
scended to  it.^^^  William  Bobo  compared  the  "pale 
and  sickly  beings  who  pace  languidly"  along  Broad- 
way with  the  heartier  Bowery  b'hoys  and  g'hals  who 
inhabited  the  Bowery.  In  this  respect,  the  b'hoy  and 
g'hal  were  unurbane  and  nearly  uncivilized. 

When  Lize  and  Mose  were  described  in  detail, 
though,  they  seemed  quintessentially  urban,  and  at 
least  parodically  urbane.  Lize  was  "independent  in 
her  tastes  and  habits,"  moved  with  "the  swing  of  mis- 
chief and  defiance,"  spoke  in  a  loud  and  hearty  voice, 
and  dressed  "'high'  ...  in  utter  defiance  of  those 
conventional  laws  of  harmony  and  taste  imposed 
by  Madame  Lawson  and  the  French  mantua-makers 
of  Broadway." 

Mose  strode  along, 

black  silk  hat,  smoothly  brushed,  sitting  precisely 
upon  the  top  of  the  head,  hair  well  oiled,  and  lyin^f 
closely  to  the  skin,  lon^f  in  front,  short  behind,  cra- 
vat a-la-sailor,  with  the  shirt  collar  turned  over  it, 
vest  of  fancy  silk,  lar^e  flowers,  black  frock  coat,  no 
jewelry,  except  in  a  few  instances,  where  the  insignia 
of  the  [fire]  engine  company  to  which  the  wearer 
belongs,  as  a  breastpin,  black  pants,  one  or  two  years 
behind  the  fashion,  heavy  boots,  and  a  cigar  about 
half  smoked,  in  the  left  corner  of  the  mouth,  as  near 
perpendicular  as  it  is  possible  to  begot  [fig.  29 ].^^^ 

The  b'hoy  and  his  g'hal  were  avid  consumers  of  pop- 
ular entertainments,  with  opinions  on  theater,  litera- 


ture, and  politics  as  strong  as  any  journalist's.  Indeed, 
one  journalist,  Walt  Whitman,  sang  their  praises  and 
occasionally  adopted  the  persona  of  the  b'hoy  in  his 
writings.  ^^"^  Although  the  Broadway  stroller  knew 
few  people  except  those  in  his  immediate  circle,  the 
Bowery  b'hoy  "speaks  to  every  acquaintance  he 
meets,  and  is  hail-fellow-well-met  with  every  body, 
from  the  mayor  to  the  beggar." 

The  Bowery  b'hoy's  volunteer-fire-company  insignia 
declared  his  membership  in  a  significant  institution  in 
antebellimi  New  York.  In  addition  to  providing  a  nec- 
essary public  service,  fire  companies  were  quasi-gangs 
offering  male  camaraderie  and  an  active  role  in  the 
city's  transition  from  the  world  of  the  patrician  public 
servant  to  that  of  the  career  politician  up  from  the 
ranks  (cat.  no.  176),^^*^  The  real  Bowery  boys  who 
joined  them  were  men  employed  in  lower-middle- 
class  occupations  in  shops  and  industries.  In  fire  com- 
panies or  as  members  of  gangs  (including  one  called, 
confusingly,  the  Bowery  Boys),  they  were  not  so 
much  the  criminals  they  were  often  reputed  to  be  as 
engaged  political  activists  happy  to  glad-hand  during 
eleaion  campaigns  but  ready  to  back  up  their  loyalties 
with  their  fists  when  necessary.  During  one  of  the  peri- 
odic nativist  episodes  in  New  York  political  life,  the 
Bowery  Boys  and  an  Irish  gang,  the  Dead  Rabbits 
(fig.  30),  conducted  a  protracted  and  bloody  skirmish 
in  the  streets  of  Five  Points.  This  "battle  between  Irish 
blackguardism  &  Native  Bowery  Blackguardism,"  on 
the  Fourth  of  July  1857,  ended  with  the  two  sides  join- 
ing forces  to  fight  the  police. 

"A  good  big  cigar  placed  in  his  mouth  at  the  proper 
angle  to  express  perfea  content  with  himself  and  perfea 
indifference  to  all  the  rest  of  the  world  put  the  last  and 
finishing  touch"  on  the  Bowery  b'hoy's  appearance. 
Cigars,  ubiquitous  on  antebellum  American  streets, 
where  they  were  smoked  by  men  and  boys  of  all  classes 
and  even  by  some  lower-class  women,  were  objects  of 
wide  discussion  and  multiple  significance.  Edward  W. 
Clay's  ne  Smokers,  a  lively  image  of  a  New  York  street, 
vividly  depicts  the  way  the  cigar's  pervasive,  offensive 
odor  claimed  public  space  as  a  male  domain  (fig.  31). 
Plebeian  cigar  smoke  emphasized  the  overbearing, 
even  claustrophobic  presence  of  the  lower  classes.  In 
the  eyes  of  the  respectable  (like  the  Whig  propagandist 
Clay),  cigars  stood  for  unwanted  democratic  equality. 
Their  smoke  clung  to  the  clothes  of  the  genteel  and  pur- 
sued them  into  their  homes.  Indeed,  Strong  noted 
in  his  diary  that  on  a  hot  day  the  entire  city  smelled 
like  "the  stale  cigar  smoke  of  a  country  bar  room."^^^ 

In  urban  literature,  the  cigar-smoking  b'hoy  was 
the  type  of  "the  Democracy,"  the  worldly  lower-class 


of  the  Day,"  Literary  World, 
January  ii,  1851,  p.  32. 

178.  [Bpbo],  Glimpses  of  New-Tork 
City,  p.  13. 

179.  Kirkland,  "New  York,"  p.  150. 

180.  Foster,  New  Tork  by  Gas-Li^ht, 
p.  170. 

181.  Johns,  American  Genre  Paint- 
ing, pp.  60-100. 

182.  Foster,  New  Tork  by  Gas-Light, 
pp.  175-76. 

183.  [Bobo],  Glimpses  of  New-Tork 
City,  pp.  164-65. 

184.  David  S.  Reynolds,  Beneath 
the  American  Renaissance: 
The  Subversive  Imagination  in 
the  Age  of  Emerson  and  Mel- 
ville (New  York:  Knopf,  1988), 
pp.  508-12. 

185.  [Bobo],  Glimpses  of  New-Tork 
City,  pp.  164-65. 

186.  Bridges,  City  in  the  Republic, 
pp.  74-75- 

187.  Ibid.,  pp.  29-31,  76-77;  "The 
Riot  in  the  Sixth  Ward,"  Frank 
Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper, 
July  18, 1857,  pp.  108-9;  Strong, 
Diary,  entry  for  July  5, 1857 
(quote).  The  New-York  Histori- 
cal Society;  Luc  Sante,  Low  Life: 
Lures  and  Snares  of  Old  New 
Tork  (New  York:  Farrar  Straus 
Giroux,  1991),  pp.  200-204. 

188.  Henry  Collins  Brown,  cd., 
Valentine's  Manual  of  the  City 
of  New  Tork  for  1916-7,  new 
series  (New  York:  Valentine 
Company,  1916),  p.  iii. 

189.  "Customs  of  New-York,"  NeiP- 
Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Liter- 
ary Gazette,  July  5, 1828,  p.  23. 

190.  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for  Sep- 
tember 5, 1839,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  29.  A  Bowery  Boy,  Wood  engraving,  from  Frank 
Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper^  July  18, 1857,  p.  109. 
Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts 


Fig.  30.  A  Dead  Babbit.  Wood  engraving,  from  Frank  Leslie's 
Illustrated  Nen^aper,  July  18, 1857,  p.  109.  Courtesy  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


.  [Robo],  Glimpses  of  Nerp-Tork 
Cityy  p.  165. 

.  "Frazee's  Bust  of  John  Jayf 
New-Tork  Evening  Post, 
March  21, 1832,  p.  2;  "The 
Late  Awfiil  Q)nflagration  in 
New  York,"  Atkinson's  Casket 
II  (January  1836),  p.  29;  Freder- 
ick S.  Voss,  with  Dennis 
Montagna  and  Jean  Henry, 
John  Frazee,  1790-1852,  Sculp- 
tor (exh.  cat.,  Washington, 
D.C.:  National  Portrait  Gal- 
lery, Smithsonian  Institution; 
Boston:  Boston  Athenaeum, 
1986),  pp.  32-33,  77- 

.  Voss,  Montagna,  and  Henry, 
John  Frazee,  p.  31;  Bridges,  City 
in  the  Republic,  pp.  19, 104-7. 
In  the  parlance  of  artisan  repub- 
licanism, a  woridngman  was  any- 
one, including  a  shopkeeper  or 
small  businessman,  who  made  a 
living  by  his  own  efforts  rather 
than  through  financial  specula- 
tion. Although  the  Working- 
man's  Party  was  short-lived 
and  unsuccessful  at  the  polls,  it 
bequeathed  several  of  its  active 
jfigures  and  its  central  ideas  to 
both  the  Whigs  and  the  Demo- 
crats in  Jacksonian  New  York; 


urbanite  determined  to  have  his  say  in  the  degentri- 
fied  politics  and  civic  life  of  post- Jacksonian  Amer- 
ica. He  was  "a  fair  politician,  a  good  judge  of  horse 
flesh  .  .  .  and  renders  himself  essentially  useful,  as 
well  as  ornamental,  at  all  the  fires  in  his  ward."  Com- 
pared to  this  engaging  specimen  the  Broadway  man 
"is  not  only  a  fop  but  a  ninny,  knows  about  as  much 
of  what  is  going  on  out  of  the  very  limited  circle  of 
his  lady  friends,  as  a  child  ten  years  old"  His  cigar 
smoking  is  limited  to  a  single  cigar  after  dinner,  after 
which  this  emasculated  dandy  visits  a  lady  friend, 
"if  he  should  be  lucky  enough  to  have  one."^^^  Once 
again  the  b'hoy  seemed  at  least  as  enviable  as  he 
was  contemptible. 

The  Arts  in  the  Empire  City 

Many  New  Yorkers  believed  that  the  visual  and  deco- 
rative arts  were  essential  to  the  effort  to  bring  both 
civilization  and  urbanity  to  the  Empire  City.  Early 
in  the  antebellum  era  republicans  conceived  art  as  a 
form  of  manual  and  intellectual  accomplishment  that 
should  be  directed  to  the  edification  of  fellow  citizens. 


who  in  turn  were  expected  to  support  art  for  patriotic 
reasons.  Artists  inspired  by  republican  civic*  values 
acted  in  this  spirit  to  create  portraits  for  public  places 
(cat.  nos.  I,  2,  55).  John  Frazee's  bust  of  John  Jay 
(fig.  Ill),  commissioned  by  Congress  for  the  Supreme 
Court's  chamber  in  the  United  States  Capitol,  was 
displayed  to  the  public  in  New  York's  Merchants' 
Exchange  before  being  sent  to  Washington;  four 
thousand  people  reportedly  came  to  see  it.  The  same 
building  housed  Robert  Ball  Hughes's  statue  of 
Alexander  Hamilton  (fig.  no),  which  was  destroyed 
with  the  exchange  itself  in  the  fire  of  1835. 

Works  such  as  these  were  hailed  as  examples  of  the 
native  genius  of  American  artisans  and  marvelous 
products  of  American  industry  on  a  par  with  complex 
machine  tools  or  suspension  bridges.  There  is  evi- 
dence that  some  artists  also  saw  themselves  as  arti- 
sans, socially  and  economically,  with  all  that  implied 
for  their  understanding  of  their  place  in  society,  their 
manner  of  working,  and  their  right  to  a  competency. 
Frazee,  for  example,  was  an  active  member  of  the 
Workingmen's  Party,  the  last  and  most  eloquent  bas- 
tion of  artisan  republicanism  in  New  York  politics. 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  35 


The  Workingmen  promoted  the  idea  that  society  was 
a  family  in  which  people  of  various  stations  in  life 
should  assist  one  another  for  the  common  good.  This 
viewpoint  animated  self-made  architects  of  the  first 
forty  years  of  the  nineteenth  century,  men  such  as 
New  York's  Minard  Lafever,  who  bootstrapped  them- 
selves up  from  the  status  of  builders  and  who  then 
often  published  builders'  guides  and  handbooks  with 
the  express  intention  of  offering  their  brethren  the 
means  to  advance  themselves  as  well.^^"^ 

Belief  in  the  civic  role  of  art  and  in  the  artist  as  hon- 
est artisan  survived  throughout  the  antebellum  dec- 
ades. In  the  last  years  before  the  Civil  War  New 
Yorkers  could  visit  a  gallery  of  historical  art  in  City 
Hall  or  they  could  pay  a  quarter  to  see  that  "sublime 
tableau  of  beauty  and  patriotism,"  James  Burns's 
painting  Washington  Crowned  by  Equality^  FmUrnity, 
and  Liberty  at  the  Apollo  Rooms. They  could 
also  enjoy  the  marbles  of  Erastus  Dow  Palmer  (cat. 
no.  69),  hailed  by  the  cognoscenti  as  a  self-taught 
specimen  of  native  genius  who  had  transformed  him- 
self from  carpenter  to  sculptor  solely  through  "his 
own  innate  ideas  of  excellence ."^^^ 

As  time  passed,  those  who  clung  to  the  notion  of 
art's  civic  value  were  increasingly  pessimistic  about  the 
fate  of  republicanism.  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse's  conservative 


Calvinist  beliefs  led  him  to  fear  for  the  future  of  the 
nation.  As  he  understood  it,  his  mission,  like  that  of 
his  Puritan  forebears,  was  to  call  the  people  to  reform. 
As  an  artist,  Morse  sought  to  use  the  "refining  influ- 
ences of  the  fine  arts"  to  stem  "the  tendency  in  the 
democracy  of  our  country  to  low  and  vulgar  pleasures 
and  pursuits."  He  and  such  of  his  contemporaries 
as  Thomas  Cole  (cat.  nos.  lo,  62, 161)  evoked  the  tra- 
ditional aesthetic  hierarchy  that  gave  history  paint- 
ing—exemplary images  from  the  historical  or  mythic 
past— the  highest  value  and  hoped,  usually  in  vain,  to 
sway  their  fellow  citizens  through  uplifting  portrayals 
of  legitimate  leadership  and  an  uncorrupted  past. 
Patrons  such  as  Philip  Hone  or  Luman  Reed,  who 
purchased  and  sometimes  publicly  exhibited  works  by 
Morse  and  Cole  among  others,  also  saw  art  in  this 
light.  To  the  same  ends  they  commemorated  worthy 
ancestors  through  the  fledgling  New-York  Historical 
Society  (cat.  no.  104),  served  on  church  vestries,  and 
helped  to  organize  and  govern  the  prisons,  asylums, 
and  other  so-called  therapeutic  institutions  of  the 
antebellum  era  (cat.  no.  73).  All  served  the  common 
goal  of  recapturing  civic  and  moral  authority  in  a  city 
rapidly  slipping  from  their  grasp. 

Just  as  the  republican  ideal  of  the  citizenry  as  mem- 
bers of  a  common  family  disintegrated,  so  the  notion 


THE  SMOKKKS. 


Fig.  31.  The  Smokers,  1837.  Lithograph  by  Edward  W.  Clay,  printed  and  published  by  H.  R.  Robinson.  The  Library  Company  of 
Philadelphia 


see  Bridges,  City  in  the  Repub- 
lic, pp.  19,  22-23. 

194.  Dell  Upton,  "Pattern  Books 
and  Professionalism:  Aspects  of 
the  Transformation  of  Ameri- 
can Domestic  Architecture, 
1800-1860,"  Winterthur  Port- 
folio 19  (summer/autumn 
1984),  pp.  116-17. 

195.  "Public  Buildings  of  New- 
York,"  Putnam^s  Monthly  3 
(January  1854),  p.  12;  "Apollo 
Rooms,  410  Broadway^  (adver- 
tisement), Evening  Post  (New 
York),  October  2, 1849,  p.  3; 
"Apollo,  410  Broadway"  (ad- 
vertisement), New-York  Daily 
Tribune,  October  2, 1849,  p.  3- 

196.  "Palmer's  Marbles,"  Frank 
Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper, 
December  20, 1856,  p.  42. 

197.  Staiti,  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse, 
pp.  2-5,  67-68;  Edward  Lind 
Morse,  ed.,  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse, 
His  Letters  and  Journals,  2  vols. 
(Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin, 
1914),  vol.  2,  p.  26  (quote). 

198.  Staiti,  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse, 
pp.  71,  75;  Wallach,  "Thomas 
Cole,"  p.  loi;  Joy  S.  Kasson, 
Marble  Queens  and  Captives: 
Women  in  Nineteenth-Century 
Sculpture  (New  Haven:  Yale 
University  Press,  1990),  p.  17; 
Thomas  Bender,  New  York 
Intellect:  A  History  of  Intellec- 
tual Life  in  New  York  City 
from  I7S0  to  the  Be£iinnin£s  of 
Our  Own  Time  (New  York: 
Knopf,  1987),  pp.  126, 128. 


36    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


199.  Angela  L.  Miller,  The  Empire 
of  the  Eye:  Landscape  Represen- 
tation and  American  Cultural 
Politics,  182S-187S  (Ithaca:  Cor- 
nell University  Press,  1993), 
pp.  2,  7-10;  Spann,  New 
Metropolis,  pp.  235-39;  "Edi- 
tor's Easy  Chair,"  Harper's 
New  Monthly  Magazine  15 
(June  1857),  p.  128. 

200.  "American  Art,"  New  York 
Quarterly  i  (June  1852), 
pp.  229-51,  230  (quote). 

201.  "Cheap  Art,"  The  Crayon, 
Ortober  17, 1855,  p-  248;  X  W. 
Whitley,  The  Progress  and 
Influence  of  the  Fine  Arts," 
Sartain's  Union  Magazine  of 
Literature  and  Art  10  (March 
1852),  p.  213;  "Knowledge  and 
Patronage,"  Atkinson's  Casket  7 
(January  1832),  p.  27;  "Fine 
Arts  in  New  York,"  United 
States  Magazine  4  (April  1857), 
pp.  413-14;  Upton,  "Pattern 
Books,"  pp.  123, 128. 

202.  Clarence  Cook,  ''Shall  We  Have 
a  Permanent  Free  Picture  Gal- 
lery?" The  Independent,  July  5, 
1855. 

203.  "Free  Galleries  of  Art,"  Home 
Journal,  May  7, 1854,  p.  2. 

204.  ''Fine  Arts  in  New  York," 
pp.  413-14. 

205.  The  Bryan  Gallery,"  United 
States  Ma£fazine  4  (May  1857), 
p.  526. 

206.  Johns,  American  Genre  Paint- 

im  PP-  42, 59. 

207.  [A.  J.  Downing],  "Critique  on 
the  February  Horticulturist," 
TTje  Horticulturist  7  (April 
1852),  p.  174. 

208.  "The  Growth  of  Taste,"  The 
Crayon,  January  17, 1855, 
pp.  33-34. 

209.  "Taste  in  New-York,"  New  York 
Quarterly  4  (1855),  pp.  56,  59. 

210.  A.  J.  Downing,  The  Architecture 
of  Country  Houses,  Including 
Designs  for  Cottages,  Farm- 
houses, and  Villas .  .  .  (New 
York:  D.  Appleton  and  Co., 
1850),  p.  20;  Upton,  "Pattern 
Books,"  pp.  125-26.  The  other 
two  books  by  Downing  were 
A  Treatise  on  the  Theory  and 
Practice  of  Landscape  Garden- 
ing, Adapted  to  North  Amer- 
ica ..  .  (New  York:  Wiley  and 
Putnam,  1841)  and  Cottage 
Residences;  or,  A  Series  of 
Designs  for  Rural  Cottages 
and  Cottage  Villas,  and  Their 
Gardens  and  Grounds  Adapted 
to  North  America  (New  York: 
Wiley  and  Putnam,  1842). 

211.  W.  L.  Tiffany,  "Art,  and  Its  Fu- 
ture Prospects  in  the  United 
States,"  Godey's  Lady's  Book  46 
(March  1853),  p.  220;  "Knowl- 
edge and  Patronage,"  p.  27. 


of  art  fragmented,  and  the  concept  of  art  as  a  civic  ex- 
pression weakened.  The  arts  continued  to  stir  national 
pride  and  to  be  understood  as  expressions  of  national 
identity,  but  gradually  they  came  to  seem  more  a  mat- 
ter of  urbanity  than  citizenship.  One  common  answer 
to  the  question,  What  makes  a  city  a  metropolis  .>  was 
"A  proper  respect  for  Art.''^^^ 

Writers  about  art  and  architecture  spoke  of  the 
artist's  duty  to  address  "all  classes,  because  he  appeals 
to  sympathies  common  to  the  race,  and  is  thus  truly 
national."  To  do  so,  however,  required  some  edu- 
cation of  the  public  taste  through  exhibitions,  repro- 
ductions, and  exhortation,  if  only  to  create  a  market 
for  good  works. More  important,  the  progress 
of  urbanity  required  the  enduring  influence  of  art  in 
civic  life,  and  in  the  1850s  some  New  Yorkers  began  to 
call  for  the  establishment  of  a  "permanent  free  picture 
gallery"  to  supplement  ephemeral  commercial  exhi- 
bitions and  the  annual  shows  of  the  National  Acad- 
emy of  Design  (for  which  admission  was  charged), 
then  the  only  places  where  ordinary  New  Yorkers 
could  enjoy  the  fine  arts.^^^  The  Home  Journal  urged 
the  state  to  establish  free  galleries  of  art  as  moral  sup- 
plements to  the  mundane  vocational  training  offered 
in  public  schools  and  colleges. ^^'^  The  United  States 
Magazine  agreed,  but  observed  that  one  of  the  prob- 
lems with  such  an  institution  was  "the  difficulty  of 
preserving  the  rooms  from  the  intrusion  of  disrep- 
utable persons";  security  guards  like  those  found  in 
Stewart's  would  do  the  trick,  the  editors  thought.^*''^ 
Like  Thomas  Jefferson  Bryan,  who  opened  the  Bryan 
Gallery  of  Christian  Art  on  Broadway  at  Thirteenth 
Street,  most  gallery  operators  found  that  a  25-cent 
admission  charge  was  essential  to  preserve  "that  quiet 
and  elegant  taste"  such  a  setting  required.  Although 
the  commercial  galleries  professed  to  welcome  the 
serious-minded  artisan  and  the  respectable  poor,  they 
were  anxious  to  exclude  the  "sovereigns,"  the  patrician 
term  for  those  lower-class  Americans  who  asserted 
their  right  to  participate  in  politics  and  social  life  on 
an  equal  footing  with  everyone  else.^**^  The  sover- 
eigns' appreciation  of  art  was  allegedly  epitomized  by 
the  one  overheard  to  say  of  Horatio  Greenough's 
statue  of  Washington:  "I  say  Bob— if  I  had  a  hammer, 
Fd  crack  this  nut  on  that  old  chap's  toes!"^*^^ 

In  some  minds,  then,  art  was  transformed  from  a 
medium  for  reinforcing  ties  of  republican  citizenship 
to  a  medium  for  cultivating  and  demonstrating  per- 
sonal urbanity.  A  subde  shift  in  the  concept  of  taste, 
defined  simply  by  The  Crayon  as  "the  capacity  of  re- 
ceiving pleasure,  from  Beauty  in  some  form,"  trans- 
ferred art  from  the  realm  of  the  universally  accessible 


and  instructive  to  one  that  required  an  arcane  and 
highly  developed  sensibility.  As  with  gentility,  of 
which  taste  was  one  major  index,  not  everyone  could 
be  educated.  A  critic  advised  the  opera  conductor  at 
the  Academy  of  Music  not  to  bother  trying  to  please 
the  patrons  in  the  galleries,  since  those  in  the  parquet 
and  dress  circles  were  much  more  capable  of  appreci- 
ating his  work.  He  compared  "An  admiration  for  fine 
bearing  on  the  street,  for  high-bom  features  or  noble- 
gifted"  ones  to  "superior  judgment,  a  vigorous  intellect, 
and  ambition  with  deep-moved  feeling"  and  con- 
cluded that  "the  elite  of  society  ...  are  ever  the 
patrons  of  genuine  art."^**^ 

The  landscape  gardener  and  architectural  popu- 
larizer  Andrew  Jackson  Downing  made  the  same 
point  less  stridendy  as  he  worked  out  his  aesthetic 
theory  in  three  books  pubUshed  between  1841  and 
1850.  Downing  borrowed  his  premise  from  the  Brit- 
ish writer  and  horticulturist  J.  C.  Loudon,  who  argued 
that  everyone  could  appreciate  those  aspects  of  art 
and  architecture  that  were  accidents  of  history  and 
culture,  such  as  historical  styles,  while  the  deeper 
forms  of  beauty  were  based  on  geometrical  prin- 
ciples and  required  close  study.  Downing  inverted 
the  relationship,  assigning  the  "absolute"  beauty  of 
geometry  to  the  realm  of  the  widely  accessible  while 
arguing  that  the  cultural  elements  of  architecture 
were  "the  expression  of  elevated  and  refined  ideas 
of  man's  life"  and  "the  manifestation  of  his  social 
and  moral  feelings."  These  higher  forms  of  expres- 
sion were  beyond  the  grasp  of  uneducated  men  and 
women,  who  would  only  make  themselves  ridiculous 
by  striving  to  attain  them.^^** 

While  conceptions  of  the  arts'  social  value  varied 
widely,  everyone  imderstood  that  they  had  to  come  to 
terms  with  the  democratic,  commercial  milieu  of  the 
new  nation.  Reception  of  the  arts  was  shaped  by  the 
reality  that,  whatever  else  they  might  be,  they  were 
commodities,  thrown  in  among  and  often  indistin- 
guishable from,  the  many  other  goods  to  which  New 
Yorkers'  money  gave  them  access.  The  jeweler  W.  L. 
Tiffany  thought  wealthy  Americans  bought  art  as  they 
"bought  cotton  and  com"  or  "as  they  buy  a  watch  or 
a  buhl  cabinet"  (fig.  32).^^^  They  guarded  their  artis- 
tic property  closely  rather  than  sharing  the  uplifting 
power  of  their  collections  with  the  pubfic.^^^ 

If  artworks  were  commodities  to  be  snapped  up 
by  the  wealthy  and  even  the  not-so-wealthy,  they 
were  also  the  stuff  of  popular  spectacle,  along  with 
every  other  form  of  entertainment.  The  Literary 
World  conveyed  a  vivid  sense  of  this  in  its  review  of 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  37 


^^1 


im  Buoir^:  visits  a  tJOTDua  PACfOJiv 

Ar||#^^pdH  ^^iifl^4'Pi^  ft»ipft*pfcp#^  iff  Hpiipfcffctftf  (^JJirr^  A  pff. 
IB  tparv  " 

-  ■   ■  ■  ■ 


Fig.  32.  Aff:  Brown  Visits  a  Piaure  Factory.  Wood  engraving, 
from  Harper's  Weekly,  January  16, 1858,  p.  48.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume 
Reference  Library 


an  exhibition  of  Edward  Augustus  Brackett's  Ship- 
wrecked Mother  and  Child,  1850  (fig.  123): 

Although  the  deficiency  of  vital  power  and  true 
£frowth  in  the  public  entertainments  of  New  York, 
is  by  no  means  slight  nor  accidental,  there  is  never 
a  lack  in  variety  and  numbers,  of  popular  exhibi- 
tions. We  can  always  range  the  scale  pretty  freely, 
from  the  tiny  Aztecs  up  to  Mons.  Gregoire,  the  stone- 
breaking  Hercules;  from  the  negro  burlesque  two 
minutes  and  a  half  long,  to  the  complex  opera  of 
three  hours;  from  the  amateur  farce  of  the  ^spout- 
shop/^  to  the  elaborate  tragedy  of  the  legitimate 
Hemple  of  the  drama,  In  the  pictorial  we  are  quite 
as  opulent,  and  find  no  end  to  sketches,  scratches, 
and  colorings — from  the  chalk  outline  on  the 
fence,  to  the  mature  finish  of  the  Napoleon  at 
Fontainebleau,  Sculpturewise,  we  claim  the  entire 
circle  of  achievement,  beginning,  if  you  please, 
with  the  faces  and  heads  casually  knocked  out  of 
free-stone  and  granite  by  the  house-mason^s  hammer, 


up  to  a  work  like  this  ^^Shipwrecked  Mother  and 
Child,^  wrought  by  the  finest  chisel,  from  the  pure 
marble,  by  the  patient  and  well  tempered  genius  of 
BrackeU?^^ 

Brackett's  work  fared  poorly  in  this  market  and  went 
unsoid,  despite  having  been  shown  in  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  and  Boston. ^^"^ 

The  fine  arts'  status  as  commodity  and  spectacle 
inflected  every  attempt  to  assign  them  a  significant 
role  in  the  creation  of  civilization  and  urbanity.  For 
collectors  such  as  Luman  Reed,  acquired  wealth 
bought  art,  which  in  turn  bought  entree  to  the  social 
circles  to  which  he  believed  his  wealth  entitled 
him.^15  Like  others  of  his  kind  Reed  focused  his  buy- 
ing on  contemporary  American  works  when  it 
became  clear  that  many  of  the  "old  masters"  favored 
by  earlier  American  collectors  were  fraudulent  or 
were  otherwise  bad  investments. 

During  the  antebellum  decades  some  artists  and 
architects  groped  toward  a  view  of  art  as  a  sepa- 
rate realm— "a  higher  and  better  realm,"  in  historian 
Thomas  Bender's  words— of  human  experience  from 
the  everyday  world  of  ordinary  people.  But  the  real- 
ization of  such  an  ideal  was  conditioned  by  the  artists' 
and  architects'  own  circumstances.  In  these  transi- 
tional years  many  of  them  combined  the  then  new 
but  now  familiar  romantic  notion  of  artist  as  a  kind  of 
prophet  of  the  spiritual  with  a  more  traditional  aspi- 
ration to  gentility,  cultivation,  and  acceptance  as  the 
social  peers  of  their  patrons. 

To  succeed,  artistic  and  social  claims  required  recip- 
rocal acknowledgment  by  patrons  and  the  public,  and 
it  was  slow  in  coming.  The  artist's  traditional  relations 
with  both  survived  long  into  the  antebellum  years. 
Artists,  like  other  sorts  of  manual  workers,  were  accus- 
tomed at  first  to  producing  commissioned  works,  usu- 
ally portraits,  for  known  clients— what  artisans  called 
"bespoke"  works.  While  continuing  to  depend  on  the 
goodwill  of  wealthy  patrons,  artists  increasingly  sought 
a  larger  audience,  working  on  speculation  for  sale 
through  exhibitions  and  even,  through  such  organiza- 
tions as  the  American  Art-Union  and  the  Cosmopoli- 
tan Art  Association,  for  mass  distribution  by  means  of 
reproductions.  This  required  that  they  compete  in 
the  commercial  marketplace  on  its  own  terms.  Wil- 
liam Sidney  Mount  admonished  himself  in  his  diary 
to  "Paint  pictures  that  will  take  with  the  public.  .  .  . 
In  other  words,  never  paint  for  the  few,  but  for  the 
many."^^^  T.  W.  Whitley,  the  author  of  an  article  on 
the  state  of  the  fine  arts  published  in  Sartain^s  maga- 
zine, offered  in  a  newspaper  advertisement  "to  paint 


212.  "^Ymc  hrtsl^  Putnam^s  Monthly 
I  (March  1853),  pp.  351-52- 

213.  "The  Fine  Arts.  A  'Brackett'  in 
Public  Amusements,"  Literary 
World,  April  10, 1852,  p.  268. 

214.  Kasson,  Marble  Queens  and 
Captives,  pp.  101-2. 

215.  Wallach,  'Thomas  Cole," 
pp.  103-4;  Johns,  American 
Genre  Painting,  p.  32. 

216.  Neil  Harris,  The  Artist  in 
American  Society:  The  forma- 
tive Tears,  1790-1860  (New 
York:  Clarion  Books,  1970), 
p.  103;  Foshay,  Luman  Reed's 
Picture  Gallery,  pp.  16, 52. 

217.  Bender,  New  Tork  Intellect, 
pp.  121-24, 128-30  (quote); 
Harris,  Artist  in  American 
Society,  pp.  94,  98;  Upton, 
"Pattern  Books,"  pp.  112-13. 

218.  Foshay,  Luman  Reed's  Picture 
Gallery,  pp.  14-16,  60;  Johns, 
American  Genre  Painting, 
pp.  75-76;  "The  Greek  Slave!" 
(advertisement).  Spirit  of  the 
Times,  January  27, 1855,  p.  598; 
Kasson,  Marble  Queens  and 
Captives,  p.  9;  Harris,  Artist 
in  American  Society,  p.  106. 

219.  Quoted  in  Staiti,  Samuel  F.  B. 
Morse,  p,  236. 


38    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


220.  Whitley,  "Progress  and  Influ- 
ence of  Fine  Arts,"  pp.  213-15; 
"Landscape  Painting"  (adver- 
tisement). Evening  Post  (New- 
York),  May  23, 1849,  P-  3- 

221.  Fisher,  Philadelphia  Perspective^ 
p.  198. 

222.  "Christ  Healing  the  Sick," 
Broadway  Journal,  September 
13,  i845>  p- 155;  Dell  Upton,  ed., 
Madaline:  Love  and  Survival 
in  Antebellum  New  Orleans 
(Athens:  University  of  Georgia 
Press,  1996),  p.  255. 

223.  Kevin  J.  Avery  and  Peter  L. 
Fodcra,  John  Vanderlyn's  Pano- 
ramic View  of  the  Palace  and 
Gardens  of  Versailles  (New  York: 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  1988),  pp.  18-21,  33. 

224.  "Public  Buildings,"  New-York 
Mirror,  and  Ladies^  Literary 
Gazette,  September  25, 1829, 
pp.  89-90;  "Panorama  of 
Jerusalem"  (advertisement). 
The  Expositor,  December  8, 
1838;  "New  Panorama,"  The 
Knickerbocker  11  (June  1838), 
p.  572;  "The  Last  Week  at  the 
Minerva  Rooms"  (advertise- 
ment), New  York  Herald, 
December  3, 1849,  p.  3;  "Evers*s 
Grand  Panorama  of  New  York 
and  Its  Environs,"  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  November  20, 
1849,  p.  2;  "City  Saloon"  (ad- 
vertisement). Morning  Courier 
and  New -York  Enquirer, 

July  15, 1839. 

225.  "Public  Buildings,"  p.  89. 

226.  "City  Saloon." 

227.  Harris,  Artist  in  American 
Society,  p.  100. 

228.  The  Fine  Arts.  A 'Brackett' in 
Public  Amusements,"  p.  268. 

229.  Morse,  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse, 
vol.  I,  pp.  276-77;  Staiti, 
Samuel  P.  B.  Morse,  pp.  64-65, 
149-69;  Bender,  New  York 
Intellect,  pp.  122, 127-30; 
Upton,  "Pattern  Books,"  pp. 
109-50;  Mary  N.  Woods, 
From  Craft  to  Profession:  The 
Practice  of  Architecture  in 
Nineteenth-Century  Arnica 
(Berkeley:  University  of  Cali- 
fornia Press,  1999),  pp.  28-38. 
The  American  Institution  of 
Architects  folded  quickly.  Its 
successor,  the  American  Insti- 
tute of  Architects,  was  orga- 
nized in  1857  under  the  aegis  of 
New  York  architect  Rich- 
ard Upjohn. 

230.  For  the  development  of  this 
sense  of  cultural  hierarchy  in 
the  late  nineteenth  century,  see 
Lawrence  W  Levine,  Highbrow/ 
Lowbrow:  The  Emergence  of 
Cultural  Hierarchy  in  America 
(Cambridge,  Massachusetts: 
Harvard  University  Press,  1988). 


Landscapes  at  every  price,"  in  a  style  that  would  "com- 
pare favorably  with  the  works  of  our  city  artists,"  as 
well  as  to  copy  old  master  landscapes  and  to  restore 
damaged  paintings. 

Other  artists  and  entrepreneurs  exhibited  works 
commercially.  The  sculptor  Hiram  Powers,  established 
in  Italy  since  1837,  sent  a  version  of  his  celebrated 
Greek  Slave  to  America  in  1847,  expecting  to  make 
about  $25,000  from  its  tour  of  major  cities  (cat. 
no.  60).^^^  A  Mr.  Morris,  "a  well-known  amateur," 
sent  one  version  of  Benjamin  West's  Christ  Healing 
the  Sick  on  a  similar  tour  of  American  cities,  while 
entreprenexxr  George  Cooke  compiled  a  'T^^ational 
Gallery  of  Paintings,"  featuring  John  Gadsby  Chap- 
man's portrait  of  Davy  Crockett,  that  he  exhibited  in 
New  York  for  some  time  before  taking  it  for  an 
extended  stay  in  New  Orleans. 

Whatever  their  professional  aspirations,  then,  both 
artists  and  architects  were  embedded  in  the  market- 
place of  commodities  and  spectacles,  as  the  history  of 
panoramas  illustrates.  John  Vanderlyn  attempted  to 
make  a  living  by  exhibiting  his  panorama  of  Ver- 
sailles (figs.  33,  34)  in  the  purpose-built  New-York 
Rotunda  on  the  Park  (cat.  no.  70),  but  his  effort  was 
doomed  to  failure  by  his  inattention  to  business. 
Vanderlyn  also  rented  and  exhibited  other  painters' 
panoramas  of  Paris,  Mexico  City,  Athens,  and  Geneva, 
while  at  different  venues  antebellum  New  Yorkers 
were  offered  panoramic  views  of  Jerusalem  (by  the 
artist  Frederick  Catherwood),  Niagara  Falls,  the  Great 
Lakes,  and  their  own  city,  as  well  as  one  of  ''the 
Infernal  Regions." 

Panorama  painters  differed  in  their  aspirations  to 
fine-art  status,  but  all  pitched  their  works  to  the  pub- 
lic as  illusionistic  spectacles.  The  light  in  Vanderlyn's 
Rotunda  "seems  to  give  life  and  animation  to  every 
figure  on  the  canvass.  ...  so  complete  is  the  illusion 
.  .  .  that  the  spectator  might  be  justified  in  forgetting 
his  locality,  and  imagining  himself  transported  to  a 
scene  of  tangible  realities  !"^^^  'The  Infernal  Regions" 
were  enlivened  with  the  skeletons  of  executed  Ohio 
criminals  and  preceded  by  "night  illusions!  Pro- 
duced by  the  New  Philosophical  Apparatus  (lately 
from  London)  called  the  nocturnal  polymor- 
phous FANTASCOPE."^^^ 

Ideology  as  well  as  commerce  bound  antebellum 
art  to  the  world  of  spectacle.  When  a  painter  such  as 
Morse  argued  for  the  fine  arts'  refining  and  elevat- 
ing qualities,  he  accepted  the  traditional  notion  of  them 
as  a  moral  and  civic  force.  Successful  artists  accom- 
modated the  widely  held  belief  that  art  must  be  criti- 
cized within  the  scope  of  popular  understanding,  not 


arcane  theories.^^^  Like  other  forms  of  cultural  expres- 
sion, fine  art  was  to  be  read  narratively  and  evaluated 
morally.  'We  need  not  speak  of  such  a  work  in  any 
technicalities,"  wrote  the  Literary  Worlds  critic  in 
praise  of  Brackett's  Shipwrecked  Mother  and  Child,  "The 
mother  and  child  belong  to  human  nature  at  large," 
and  thus  to  the  public  rather  than  to  the  connoisseur.^^^ 

Artists  and  architects  responded  to  the  market  con- 
text by  organizing  themselves  professionally.  The 
National  Academy  (cat.  no.  105),  founded  by  Morse 
and  his  colleagues  in  1825  in  opposition  to  the  patron- 
dominated  American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  and 
the  American  Institution  of  Architects,  convened  by  a 
group  of  New  York,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia  archi- 
tects in  1836,  were  among  the  first  fruits  of  these  pro- 
fessional aspirations. These  organizations  were 
aimed  less  at  establishing  the  high-art  claims  of  either 
group  than  at  situating  them  within  the  market- 
places of  ideas  and  services  as  men  with  something 
distinctive  to  sell.  They  sought  to  create  a  group  iden- 
tity through  publicity  (publications  and  exhibitions), 
training,  ostracism  of  amateurs,  and  the  definition  of 
a  common  body  of  professional  knowledge. 

At  the  end  of  the  antebellvim  era  claims  that  the  arts 
and  their  makers  inhabited  a  realm  of  expression  inher- 
ently superior  to  that  of  popular  culture  began  to  be 
more  widely  voiced.  Some  writers  started  to  treat 
the  artist  as  a  man  of  feeling  and  talent— "we  should 
call  the  former  Love  and  the  latter  Power"— which  set 
him  apart  from  ordinary  mortals,  as  taste  distinguished 
the  connoisseur  from  the  unenlightened  viewer  on  the 
other  side,  of  the  easel.^^^  In  architecture  professional 
skill,  defined  early  in  the  century  as  a  body  of  empiri- 
cal knowledge— "architectural  science"— accessible  to 
anyone  willing  to  study,  was  redefined  as  a  mysterious 
quality  available  only  to  those  few  with  talent  and  for- 
mal professional  training.  Occasionally  people 
referred  to  this  quality— and  by  extension  to  the  per- 
son possessing  it— as  geniuSy  by  which  they  meant 
surpassing  brilliance,  not  the  characteristic  quality  of 
a  place  or  a  source  of  inspiration,  as  the  word  had 
been  traditionally  understood.  Even  these  claims 
must  be  seen  in  the  context  of  the  market.  Part  of 
their  purpose  was  to  distinguish  the  professional 
product  from  that  of  others— amateurs,  craftsmen— 
by  distinguishing  the  professional  himself 

This  new  aesthetic  elitism  met  vigorous  opposi- 
tion among  New  Yorkers.  Few  were  willing  to  accept 
either  a  single  standard  of  taste  in  the  arts  or  its 
confinement  to  a  small  segment  of  the  population. 
Nor  would  many  New  Yorkers  agree  to  a  hierarchy  of 
pleasures  or  commodities  that  set  the  fine  arts  at  its 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  39 


Fig.  33.  John  Vanderlyn,  The  Palace  and  Gardens  of  Versailles,  circular  panoramic  painting  created  for  display  in  the  Rotunda,  1818-19.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Senate  House  Association,  Kingston,  N.Y.,  1952  52.184 


Fig.  34.  Detail  of  The  Palace  and  Gardens  of  Versailles  (fig.  33) 


40    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


231.  "Feeling  and  Talent,"  The 
Crayon,  January  10, 1855, 
front  page. 

232.  Upton,  "Pattern  Books," 
pp.  120-28. 

233.  Strong  wrote  that  John  Cisco 
"Thinks  [the  English  immi- 
grant architect  Jacob  Wrey] 
Mould  a  genius;  So  does 
Dix;"  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for 
April  26,  i860,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

234.  "Daniel  in  the  Lion's  Den," 
New  Tork  Herald,  October  31, 
1849,  p.  3. 

235.  "Powers's  Statuary^  (advertise- 
ment), Evening  Post  (New 
York),  Ortober  2, 1849,  p.  2. 

236.  "The  Greek  Slave!",  p.  598. 

237.  "Panorama  Saloon*  (advertise- 
ment). New  Tork  Herald, 
November  i,  1849,  p-  3- 

238.  "Wallhalla"  (advertisement), 
New  Tork  Herald,  May  21, 
1849,  p-  3- 

239.  Foster,  New  Tork  by  Gas-Li^ht, 
pp.  77-78. 

240.  "Franklin  Theatre"  (advertise- 
ment). New  Tork  Herald, 
October  31, 1849,  p.  3- 

241.  "Wallhalla,  36  Canal  Street" 
(advertisement).  New  Tork 
Herald,  October  31, 1849. 

242.  Foster,  New  Tork  by  Gas-Li£iht, 
p.  157. 

243.  "Model  Artists,"  New  Tork 
Herald,  December  13, 1849, 
p.  2. 

244.  Bender,  New  Tork  Intellect, 

p.  121 ;  Fisher,  Philadelphia  Per- 
spective, pp.  198-99;  "Palmer's 
'White  Captive,'"  Atlantic 
Monthly  5  (January  i860), 
pp.  108-9;  "The  Art  of  the 
Present,"  The  Crayon,  May  9, 
185s,  pp.  289-90;  Kasson, 
Marble  Queens  and  Captives, 
pp.  46-72,  On  verisimilitude 
and  prurience  in  Western  high 
and  popular  art,  see  David 
Freedbcrg,  The  Power  of  Im- 
ages: Studies  in  the  History  and 
Theory  of  Response  (Chicago: 
University  of  Chicago  Press, 
1989),  chaps.  9, 12. 


pinnacle.  They  embraced  spectacle  in  all  its  commer- 
cial variety.  On  Broadway  in  1849  those  with  25  cents 
to  spend  could  see  a  watercolor  painting  of  Daniel  in 
the  Lion's  Den— twenty  feet  by  twelve,  so  one  received 
value  for  money— along  with  a  collection  of  what 
purported  to  be  old-master  oil  paintings  ("Corregio, 
Poussin,  &c."),  and,  as  if  those  were  not  enough, 
there  was  "the  genuine  Egg  Hatching  Machine,  in 
which  chicks  are  seen  bursting  the  shell,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  visiters."  ^^"^ 

The  contest  for  cultural  authority  often  took  the 
form  of  a  struggle  for  control  of  the  contexts  that  would 
determine  the  meaning  of  iconic  visual  images.  Pow- 
ers's Greek  Slave  was  one  of  the  most  popular,  and 
was  certainly  the  most  hotly  contested,  of  icons 
in  antebellum  New  York.  When  it  was  exhibited  for 
the  sculptor's  benefit  at  the  Gallery  of  Old  Masters, 
along  with  his  Fisher  Boy  (fig.  73),  Proserpine  (fig.  119), 
and  Andrew  Jackson  (cat.  no.  55),  it  was  shown  in 
the  context  of  paintings  by  "the  best  old  masters," 
making  them  part  of  "the  choisest  [sic]  and  most 
instructive  collection  of  works  of  Art  ever  brought  to 
this  country." 

The  statue  was  a  hit  in  New  York,  and  as  a  result 
it  was  absorbed  into  the  world  of  luxury  consump- 
tion and  commercial  spectacle  all  the  more  quickly. 
The  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association  included  an  orig- 
inal version  in  its  first  annual  distribution  of  prizes 
to  its  members.  Suddenly  the  Greek  Slave  mate- 
rialized all  over  the  city.  In  1849  the  Panorama  Saloon 
at  the  corner  of  Lispenard  Street  and  Broadway 
announced  the  exhibition  of  a  panorama  of  paint- 
ings of  classical  subjects,  the  finest  of  their  sort  "in 
spite  of  Art  Union'  criticism  or  'Scorpion'  slander." 
They  included  "a  more  faithful  representation  of 
die  Greek  Slave."237 

The  same  year  New  Yorkers  enjoyed  a  flurry  of 
exhibitions  of  "model  artists"  staging  tableaux  vivants 
after  famous  works  of  art.  At  the  Wallhalla,  a  hall 
on  Canal  Street,  Professor  Hugo  Grotin  offered  his 
"celebrated  Marble  Statues  and  Tableaux  Vivants,  rep- 
resented by  25  ladies  of  unparalleled  beauty,  graces, 
and  accomplishments."  In  New  Tork  by  Gas-Li^ht 
Foster  described  the  Wallhalla  as  a  hall  over  a  stable, 
with  a  prominent  bar  dispensing  crude  firewater,  an 
atmosphere  redolent  of  horse  and  cigar,  and  a  floor 
covered  with  mud  and  tobacco  juice.  To  the  accom- 
paniment of  a  badly  played  violin  and  piano,  a  model 
portrayed  Venus,  Psyche,  and  the  Greek  Slave,  her 
body  covered  only  by  a  flimsy,  hand-held  veil  of 
gauze.  At  the  Franklin  Theatre  on  Chatham  Square, 
Madame  Pauline's  model  artists  offered  an  equally 


eclectic  gallery  of  well-known  images,  including  "the 
Three  Graces,"  '^enus  Rising  fi:om  die  Sea,"  'The 
Rape  of  the  Sabines,"  and  "The  Greek  Slave."^ 

New  Yorkers  were  lansure  whether  these  were  bla- 
tant striptease  shows  or  legitimate  entertainment.  An 
advertisement  for  the  Wallhalla's  "Classical  Museum 
of  Art"  assured  readers  that  the  performance  was  con- 
ducted in  "the  most  decent  manner."  Foster,  charac- 
teristically, labeled  them  "disgusting  exhibitions."^^ 
A  correspondent  of  the  New  Tork  Herald  saw  in 
tableaux  vivants  "an  illegitimate  offehoot  from  those 
that  are  perfecdy  correct  and  proper— such,  for 
instance,  as  that  of  the  beautifiil  piece  of  sculpture  by 
Power  [sic]  —  the  Greek  slave."  ^"^^ 

The  panoramas  and  tableaux  challenged  genteel  and 
professional  definitions  of  the  content  and  purposes  of 
art.  At  the  Panorama  Saloon  the  old  demand  of  truth 
to  life  and  the  desire  for  a  verisimilitude  bordering  on 
illusionism,  a  common  point  of  discussion  in  mid- 
nineteenth-century  professional  and  popular  art  criti- 
cism, were  reasserted  as  the  proper  goal  of  the  artist. 
Tableaux  vivants  openly  addressed  the  strong  erotic 
content  that  respectable  critics  and  viewers  saw  but 
euphemized  in  such  statues  as  the  Greek  Slave  or 
Palmer's  White  Captive  (cat.  no.  69),  and  defied  gen- 
teel views  of  art  as  the  uplifting  attempt  to  transform 
"this  hard,  angular,  and  grovelling  age"  into  "something 
beautiful,  gracefvil,  and  harmonious"  that  shows  us 
"always  the  image  of  God."^  Popular  reinterpretations 
of  the  Greek  Slave  insisted  on  anchoring  the  experi- 
ence of  art  firmly  in  the  realm  of  sensory  pleasure,  in 
the  process  tying  the  urbane  to  urban  spectacle  rather 
than  to  refined  moral  or  intellectual  experience. 

The  Palace  and  the  Park 

In  their  confrontations  with  the  changing  city  and 
with  each  other,  the  ideals  of  civilization  and  urbanity, 
of  republican  citizenship  and  metropolitan  refine- 
ment were  themselves  transformed.  Yet  both  concepts 
informed  New  York's  self-definition  throughout  the 
antebellum  decades  and  animated  the  two  great  urban 
projects  of  the  1850s,  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace, 
for  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All 
Nations,  and  Central  Park. 

The  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  was  conceived  in  the 
wake  of  the  phenomenal  success  of  the  first  modem 
world's  fair,  the  London  Great  Exhibition  of  185 1,  and 
of  its  iron-and-glass  building,  the  original  Crystal  Pal- 
ace. The  Association  for  the  Exhibition  of  the  Indus- 
try of  All  Nations  was  chartered  by  the  New  York  State 
legislature  in  April  1852  to  undertake  a  fair  in  New 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  4I 


Fig.  35.  Charles  Gildemeister  and  George  J.  B.  Carstenscn,  architects,  ^ni?  Tork  Crystal  PfUace^  Ground  and  Gallery  Plans^  1852. 
Lithograph,  from  Appleton^s  Mechanics' Magazine  3  (February  1853),  pp.  35-36.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts 


York  City.^''-^  A  competition  for  the  design  of  the 
exhibit  hall,  which  the  organizers  assumed  from  the 
beginning  would  resemble  the  London  Crystal  Pal- 
ace, attracted  several  noteworthy  competitors,  includ- 
ing Andrew  Jackson  Downing,  cast-iron  entrepreneur 
James  Bogardus,  and  Joseph  Paxton,  architect  of  the 
London  building.  The  winners,  New  York  architect 
Charles  Gildemeister  and  the  Danish  immigrant  archi- 
tect George  J.  B.  Carstensen,  designed  an  iron-and- 
glass  structure  with  two  tall,  perpendicular  galleries, 
365  feet  long  and  68  feet  high,  forming  a  Greek  cross 
crowned  by  a  dome  loo  feet  across  (cat.  nos.  141,  218). 
The  angles  between  the  arms  were  filled  in  at  ground 
level  to  create  an  octagonal  footprint. 

In  many  respects  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  was 
the  valedictory  festival  of  artisan  republicanism.  Its 
organizers  aimed  to  stir  patriotic  feelings  of  admira- 
tion for  American  "triumphs  of  genius  and  industry," 
to  promote  the  diffusion  of  mechanical  skill  and  the 
growth  of  manufacturing,  and  to  educate  the  pub- 
lic. ^^^^  An  equestrian  statue  of  George  Washington 
stood  under  the  dome,  and  the  Literary  World  recom- 
mended that  busts  and  portraits  of  American  "sons 
of  light"  (inventors)  be  placed  in  the  building.  ^''■^ 
Works  of  art,  including  the  Greek  Slave,  were  scat- 
tered throughout,  but  their  status  was  ambiguous 
(cat.  no.  179).  The  picture  gallery  was  predictably 
described  as  "a  school  of  taste,"  but  most  journalists 
concentrated  on  art's  role  as  a  civic  lesson  (as  in 
the  statue  of  Washington,  "the  grandest  of  Nature's 
models")  or  as  a  species  of  artisanry.^"^^  By  housing  a 


"Republican  lesson  on  the  capacities  of  man,  the  dig- 
nities of  labor,  and  on  the  obligations  of  society  to 
genius  and  toil"  in  a  "People's  Palace,"  "the  institu- 
tions of  civilized  life  are  put  upon  a  firmer  basis  and 
each  one  is  brought  to  feel  how  nearly  his  neighbor's 
interest  is  allied  to  his  own."^^^ 

Located  on  the  western  half  of  the  blocks  delineated 
by  Fortieth  and  Forty-second  streets,  between  Fifili 
and  Sixth  avenues,  the  Crystal  Palace,  like  the  streets  of 
the  commercial  city,  combined  rational  organization 
with  picturesque  presentation.  The  colorful  massing 
and  impressive  size  of  the  building  (somewhat  dimin- 
ished, everyone  thought,  by  its  unfortunate  proxim- 
ity to  the  even  more  imposing  Croton  Reservoir) 
disguised  its  layout  as  an  extensive  structural  grid 
(fig.  35).^^^  In  line  with  the  principles  of  the  London 
exhibition,^^^  the  exhibits  were  organized  systemati- 
cally, falling  into  thirty-one  subcategories  and  distrib- 
uted throughout  the  space  on  a  grid  with  a 
twenty-seven-foot  module;  the  products  of  the 
United  States  were  separated  from  those  of  other 
nations. To  the  knowing  visitor,  a  first  glimpse  of 
the  building  offered  "a  dazzle;  a  thousand  sparkles 
and  rainbows;  light  and  movement  undistinguishable 
for  a  while;  then,  as  the  eye  setded,  order  emerging 
here  and  there;  .  .  .  vast  climaxes  of  Art,  Industry, 
and  Invention,  extending  away  and  away  in  long 
perspective  on  every  side; ...  in  which  various  national 
emblems  and  devices  suggest  the  world-wide  inter- 
est of  an  Industrial  unity"  (cat.  no.  142).  The  combi- 
nation of  order  and  profusion  implied  totality:  the 


245.  "Association  for  the  Exhibition 
of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations" 
(advertisement),  New-Tork 
Daily  Tribune,  April  5, 1852, 

p.  3. 

246.  "Notices  and  Correspondence. 
The  American  Association  for 
the  Exhibition  of  the  Industry 
of  All  Nations,"  Appkton's 
Mechanics'  Magazine  2  (Sep- 
tember 1882),  p.  216;  "The 
New-York  Crystal  Palace," 
National  Magazine  2  (January 
1853),  pp.  80-81.  Carstensen 
had  designed  the  Tivoli  Gar- 
dens and  the  Casino  in  Copen- 
hagen. 

247-  "Association  for  the  Exhibition 
of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations," 
p-  3. 

248.  "The  Crystal  Palace— Opening 
of  the  Exhibition,"  New-Tork 
Daily  Times,  June  18,  1853,  p-  4; 
"The  Industrial  Exhibition" 
Literary  World,  September  25, 
1852,  p.  202. 

249.  "The  American  Crystal  Palace," 
Illustrated  Magazine  of  Art  2 
(1853),  p.  263;  "The  Great  Exhi- 
bition and  Its  Visitors,"  Put- 
nam^s  Monthly  2  (December 
1853)  p.  579. 

250.  "The  Crystal  Palace"  New-Tork 
Daily  Times,  June  20, 1853,  P-  4; 
"The  Crystal  Palace"  New-Tork 
Daily  Times,  May  20, 1853,  p.  4- 

251.  "World's  Exhibition— 1853," 
New-Tork  Daily  Tribune, 
April  23, 1853,  p.  5;  "The  New 
York  Crystal  Palace "  The 
Albion,  July  23,  1853,  p.  357. 

252.  "Movements  at  the  Crystal 
Palace— General  Arrangements 
and  Regulations,"  New-Tork 
Daily  Tribune,  June  24, 1853, 
p.  7. 

253.  "The  Crystal  Palace— Opening 
of  the  Exhibition,"  p.  4;  'The 
American  Crystal  Palace,"  Illus- 
trated Magazine  of  Art  2 
(1853),  pp.  254-55. 


42    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


254.  "Great  Exhibition  and  Its  Visi- 
tors," pp.  578-79. 

255.  Ibid.,  p.  578. 

256.  "Movements  at  the  Crystal 
Palace— General  Arrangements 
and  Regulations,"  p.  7. 

257.  "Editor's  Easy  Chair,"  Harper's 
New  Monthly  Magazine  7 
(June  1853),  pp.  129-30. 

258.  Morning  Courier  and  New- 
Tork  Enquirer,  May  25, 1853, 
p.  3;  "Our  Crystal  Palace," 
Putnam^s  Monthly  2  {August 

1853)  ,  p.  122. 

259.  "The  New  York  Crystal  Palace," 
Gkason's  Pictorial  Drawinjf- 
Room  Companion,  April  23, 
1853,  p.  269. 

260.  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for  Octo- 
ber 5, 1858,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

261.  "Gode/s  Arm-Chair.  Bamum," 
Godey's  Lady's  Book  48  (May 

1854)  ,  p.  469. 

262.  "Our  Wmdow^  Putnam's 
Monthly  10  (July  1857), 
pp.  135-38. 

263.  "The  Latting  Observatory," 
Christian  Parlor  Ma£fazine  10 
(1853),  pp.  378-79;  "Destruc- 
tion of  the  Lading  Observa- 
tory," Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated 
Newspaper,  September  13, 1856, 
pp.  213-14. 

264.  "World's  Exhibition— 1853," 

p.  5;  "The  Surroundings  of  the 
Crystal  Palace,"  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  April  26, 1853, 
p.  2;  The  Crystal  Palace," 
New-Tork  Daily  Times, 
June  16, 1853,  p.  4. 

265.  "Progress  of  the  Crystal  Pal- 
ace," New-Tork  Daily  Times, 
June  28, 1853,  p.  i;  "The  Crystal 
Palace,"  New-Tork  Daily  Times, 
June  16, 1853,  p.  4. 


Crystal  Palace  seemed  to  contain  everything  worth  see- 
ing in  the  world  of  hviman  ingenuity,  so  that  visitors 
''resented  any  blanks  in  the  picture"  created  by  the 
incomplete  state  of  the  exhibition  on  opening  day.^^'^ 
If  the  aims  and  organizing  principles  of  the  Crystal 
Palace  exhibition  sound  like  those  of  Peale's  museum, 
they  were  transformed  by  the  rituals  of  consumption. 
World's  fairs  perfected  the  spectacle  of  juxtaposition, 
while  their  claims  of  totality  also  implied  the  ability 
to  consume  without  limit.  Fashionable  visitors,  who 
were  "not  famed  for  their  rational  curiosity,"  were 
nevertheless  willing  to  visit  because  the  exhibition 

seemed  to  promise  a  glimpse  of  "the  Art  and  Elegance 
of  M  Nations."  255 

The  resemblance  of  world's  fairs  to  department 
stores,  a  familiar  theme  among  historians  today, 
already  resonated  with  visitors  to  the  first  fairs  in  Lon- 
don and  New  York,  The  New  York  organizers  bor- 
rowed a  page  from  Stewart's  and  other  dry-goods 
emporiums  in  surrounding  their  visitors  with  goods, 
suspending  "light  and  showy  articles"  from  the  gal- 
lery railings  and  carpets  from  the  gallery  girders.  The 
walls  were  covered  with  mirrors,  paper  hangings,  and 
decorative  furniture.  Inevitably  the  editor  of  Har- 
per's New  Monthly  Magazine  described  Broadway, 
"when  it  is  completed,"  as  "the  three-miles-long  nave 
of  a  Crystal  Palace,  for  admittance  to  which  no  charge 
is  made." 

The  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  was  a  private  under- 
taking, but,  argued  the  Morning  Courier  cinA  New- 
Tork  Enquirer,  "it  enjoys  something  of  the  prestige 
that  attaches  to  a  public  enterprise."  It  was  chartered 
by  the  state,  its  site  was  leased  to  it  by  the  city,  and 
it  was  endorsed  by  the  federal  government.  More 
important,  it  bore  the  burden  of  defending  the 
national  honor  in  presenting  American  products  in  a 
favorable  light.  Yet  critics  chose  to  see  it  as  merely 
another  commercial  spectacle,  the  "simple  specula- 
tion of  a  few  private  individuals."  When  the  build- 
ing burned  on  October  5, 1858,  Strong  wrote  it  off  as 
the  final  bursting  of  a  "bubble  rather  noteworthy  in 
the  annals  of  N.Y." 

If  members  of  the  elite  thought  the  Crystal  Palace 
too  involved  in  spectacle  to  succeed  as  an  educational 
endeavor,  other  New  Yorkers  thought  it  too  genteel  to 
succeed  financially,  and  fail  it  did.  During  the  uncer- 
tainty about  the  future  of  the  building  and  its 
contents  that  followed  the  closing  of  the  original 
exhibition,  Barnum  briefly  stepped  in  to  take  it  over, 
Godey's  Lddy's  Book  thought  him  the  best  person  to 
make  it  succeed  and  certainly  a  better  choice  than  the 
"old  fogy  concern"  that  had  initiated  the  enterprise. 


whose  members  "had  about  as  good  an  idea  of  man- 
aging an  establishment  like  the  Crystal  Palace  as  they 
had  of  earning  the  money  which  their  fathers  left 
them."  261  Yet  even  Barnimi  could  not  make  a  go  of 
it,  and  rather  than  inaugurating  the  improvement  of 
the  Crystal  Palace's  fortunes,  his  advent  was  said  to 
have  initiated  the  decline  of  his  own.262 

The  Crystal  Palace  was  the  central  attraction  in  a 
zone  of  commercial  spectacles  that  quickly  grew  up 
around  it,  housed  in  temporary  and  poorly  built 
structures  of  all  sorts  (cat.  no.  141).  Although  it  was 
unofficial  and  imwanted,  this  was  the  liveUest  seg- 
ment of  the  fair  and  the  most  popular  among 
the  "sovereigns."  Its  centerpiece  was  Waring  Lading's 
Observatory,  a  315-foot  wooden  tower  adjacent  to 
the  fairgrounds  on  Forty-second  Street  that  offered 
patrons  a  panoramic  view  of  New  York  and  its  envi- 
rons (cat.  no.  143).  Latting  incorporated  an  art  gallery, 
a  refreshment  saloon,  and  an  ice-cream  parlor  to  sup- 
port his  business,  but  few  visitors  were  willing  to 
expend  the  labor  to  walk  to  the  top  of  the  "Heaven- 
kissing  peak"  and  the  tower  failed.  Jt  was  sold  to  a 
firm  of  stonecutters,  who  used  it  for  storage  until  it 
burned  on  August  30, 1856.263 

In  the  streets  surrounding  the  Crystal  Palace,  saloons, 
gaily  decorated  with  flags  and  featuring  crowd-pleasing 
attractions  such  as  a  group  of  mechanized  wax  figures 
that  struck  bells,  were  more  eagerly  patronized.  264 
Balladmongers  wandered  the  streets  selling  lyrics  to  the 
latest  minstrel  tunes.  Animal  sideshows,  a  merry-go- 
round,  and  a  moving  panorama  of  Mount  Vesuvius  also 
beckoned  fun  seekers.  In  short,  there  were  all  the  mak- 
ings of  a  modem  midway,  the  kinds  of  things  attrac- 
tive to  "mechanics  and  laboring  men,  with  their  wives 
and  children,  apprentice  boys,  and  the  miscellaneous 
group  which  such  a  show  usually  collects,"  along  with 
seamstresses  and  their  boyfiiends,  and  stage  drivers.  The 
whole  presented  a  scene  of  "drunkenness  and  rowdy- 
ism" reminiscent  of  the  Fourth  of  July. 265  Central  Park 
was  meant  to  supplant  entertainment  such  as  this. 

In  the  early  nineteenth  century,  pubUc  open  spaces 
were  valued  as  urban  "limgs"  that  ventilated  the  city, 
dispelling  miasmas,  dangerous  natural  gases  to  which 
epidemic  diseases  were  attributed.  The  commission- 
ers provided  relatively  few  such  spaces  in  the  1811  plan 
because  they  were  thought  less  necessary  in  New  York 
than  in  other  cities.  Manhattan  was  a  relatively  nar- 
row island,  and  the  commissioners  believed  that  the 
breezes  from  the  two  rivers  would  dispel  hazardous 
gases.  Open  spaces  were  also  valued  as  promenades 
for  fashionable  men  and  women.  Promenading  was 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  43 


a  ritual  of  seeing  and  being  seen  by  one's  peers, 
preferably  out  of  the  sight  of  the  "sovereigns."  A 
promenading  ground  was  a  constricted  space,  laid 
out  in  a  circle  or  oval  so  that  people  could  walk  and 
talk  without  worrying  about  changing  direction 
and,  more  important,  so  that  they  could  observe  one 
another  without  violating  a  cardinal  rule  of  gentil- 
ity, not  to  stare  directly  at  another  person.^^^  The 
preexisting  squares  of  New  York  made  perfecdy  ade- 
quate promenading  grounds,  although  Francis  J. 
Grund  observed  that  "the  people  follow  their  inclina- 
tions and  occupy  what  they  like;  while  our  exclusives 
are  obliged  to  content  themselves  with  what  is  aban- 
doned by  the  crowd." 

By  the  1840s  New  York's  booming  population  had 
outgrown  the  existing  parks  and  squares,  and  no  new 
ones  were  created  as  the  terrain  between  Twenty-third 
and  Fiftieth  streets  was  developed  at  midcentury.^^^ 
Pressure  on  the  city's  open  spaces  increased  as  they 
became  "recreation  grounds,"  places  of  more  active 
sociability  than  promenading  entailed. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  certain  New  Yorkers  began 
to  conceive  of  a  new  kind  of  park,  one  that  would 
"be  the  resort  of  the  student,  of  the  professional  man, 
of  the  artist,  of  the  mechanic;  of  the  invalid,  of  the 
young  and  the  old.  All  classes  and  ages  would  resort 
to  it  to  enjoy  the  simple  pleasures  of  exercise,  of  walk- 
ing and  talking  in  the  open  air."^*^^  Advocates  of  such 
new-style  parks  accused  the  commissioners  of  for- 
getting or  deliberately  omitting  land  for  something 
that  had  not  been  imagined  in  18 11,  and  they  dispar- 
aged New  York's  existing  parks  and  squares:  "we  have 
nothing  worthy  to  be  called  a  park,"  declared  the  Rev- 
erend Henry  M.  Field.  In  1849,  in  a  famous  essay 
originally  published  in  his  magazine  The  Horticultur- 
ist, Downing  called  attention  to  the  widespread  use 
of  churchyards  and  the  new  rural  cemeteries,  such  as 
Brooklyn's  Green-Wood,  for  recreation,  as  evidence 
of  an  opportunity  available  to  the  city.^^^ 

The  city  seized  the  opportunity  soon  afterward,  with 
an  initial  effort  in  1851  to  acquire  Jones  Wood,  a  tract 
that  lay  along  the  East  River  between  Sixty-sixth  and 
Seventy-fifth  streets.  In  1853  the  legislature  granted 
expropriation  rights  over  the  present  site  of  the  park, 
and  in  1856  Frederick  Law  Olmsted  and  Calvert  Vaux 
won  a  competition  for  the  design  of  the  new  public 
grounds  with  their  Greensward  Plan  (cat.  nos.  192, 
193;  fig.  36).^^^ 

Vaux  once  described  Central  Park  as  the  "big  art 
work  of  the  Republic,"  meaning  that  he  saw  it  as  a 
specimen  of  republican  simplicity  and  civic  engage- 
ment, but  it  was  republican  in  more  ways  than  that.^^^ 


Its  naturalistic  imagery  often  distracts  us  from  its 
urban  character,  as  a  product  of  the  systematic, 
diverse  city  of  the  1850s  (cat.  no.  151).  Olmsted  and 
Vaux  thought  of  the  park  as  a  retreat,  but  they  also 
recognized  that  its  size  and  location  required  it  to  be 
integrated  into  the  working  and  residential  city  out- 
side; accordingly  they  devised  a  multilevel  pattern 
of  circulation  that  separated  internal  from  through 
traffic  and  vehicles  from  pedestrians.  Thus  the  park 
was  linked  to  the  circulatory  system  of  the  city  grid. 

Central  Park  was,  furthermore,  a  product  of  the 
urban  economy.  It  was  promoted  by  merchants  and 
property  owners  who  recognized  its  potential  as  a 
magnet  that  would  bring  them  riches.  Once  it  was 
clear  that  the  park  would  be  realized,  elite  develop- 
ment on  the  Upper  East  Side  was  facilitated  by  city- 
sponsored  construction  of  streets,  sewers,  gas  lines, 
and  water  mains.  ^^"^ 

The  process  of  converting  the  open,  irregular  site 
into  the  dramatic,  highly  artificial  "rural"  landscape 
of  Central  Park  was  a  major  engineering  project  that 
created  "the  most  imposing  industrial  spectacle  to  be 
seen  upon  the  continent"  while  it  was  under  way.^^^ 
The  work  was  undertaken  with  such  alacrity  because 
New  York's  Democratic  mayor,  Fernando  Wood,  saw 
it  as  an  opportunity  to  employ  a  thousand  of  his  sup- 
porters each  day— the  "small  army  of  Hibernians" 
that  Strong  observed  toiling  there— during  slack  eco- 
nomic times.^^^  Ironically,  like  the  Croton  Waterworks 
(whose  receiving  reservoirs  were  located  within  the 
park),  this  public  work  was  a  product  of  the  kind  of 
immigrant-directed  political  patronage  that  scandal- 
ized most  of  the  park's  genteel  proponents. 

The  nuts-and-bolts  origins  and  infrastructure  of 
Central  Park  served  a  vigorous  crusade  for  urban 
uplift,  in  which  all  kinds  of  wholesome  recreation 
would  combine  to  improve  the  quality  of  civic  and 
personal  life.  In  Olmsted's  eyes  much  of  Central 
Park's  good  work  would  be  done  by  the  landscape 
itself  Where  an  early  republican  educator  might  have 
sought  to  improve  his  neighbors  through  systematic 
instruction,  Olmsted  looked  for  an  inward  transfor- 
mation inspired  by  New  Yorkers'  direct  experience  of 
spiritual  resources  previously  available  only  through 
landscape  painting.  The  Greensward  Plan  offered  a 
heterogeneous  mixture  of  cultural  and  recreational 
facilities,  including  a  concert  hall,  a  sculpture  walk,  a 
formal  garden,  and  playgrounds— anything  that 
would  edify  the  public  (cat.  no.  153).  Art,  music,  and 
nature  were  all  expected  to  produce  the  same  result: 
an  elevation  of  public  sensibilities  nearer  to  those  of 
genteel  men  and  women. 


266.  "Landscape  Gardening.  Public 
Squares,"  Godey^s  Lady's  Book 
47  (September  1853),  p.  215. 

267.  Grund,  Aristocracy  in  Amer- 
ica, vol.  I,  p.  19- 

268.  Moehring,  "Space,  Economic 
Growth,  and  the  Public  Works 
Revolution,"  pp.  38-39- 

269.  Henry  M.  Field,  'The  Parks  of 
London  and  New  York,"  Chris- 
tian Parlor  Magazine  6  (1850), 
p.  64. 

270.  Field,  "Parks  of  London  and 
New  York,"  p.  64;  "City  Im- 
provements," Morris's  National 
Press,  March  7, 1846,  p.  2. 

271.  A.  J."  Downing,  "Public  Ceme- 
teries and  Public  Gardens" 
(1849),  in  his  Rural  Essays, 
edited  by  George  W.  Curtis 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam, 
1853),  pp.  154-59. 

272.  The  well-known  history  of 
Central  Park's  creation  is  told 
best  and  most  completely  in 
Roy  Rosenzweig  and  Elizabeth 
Blackmar,  The  Park  and  the 
People:  A  History  of  Central 
Park  (Ithaca,  New  York: 
Cornell  University  Press,  1992). 

273.  Quoted  in  Rosenzweig  and 
Blackmar,  Park  and  the  People, 
p.  136. 

274.  Elizabeth  Blackmar,  "Uptown 
Real  Estate  and  the  Creation  of 
Times  Square,"  in  Inventing 
Times  Square:  Commerce  and 
Culture  at  the  Crossroads  of  the 
World,  edited  by  William  R. 
Taylor  (New  York:  Russell 
Sage  Foundation,  1991),  p.  56; 
Moehring,  "Space,  Economic 
Growth,  and  the  Public  Works 
Revolution,"  p.  42. 

275.  "The  Lounger.  The  Central 
Park,"  Harper's  Weekly,  Octo- 
ber 1, 1859,  p.  626. 

276.  Strong,  Diary,  entry  for  June  11, 
1859,  The  New-York  Historical 
Society;  Bridges,  City  in  the 
Republic,  p.  123;  Rosenzweig 
and  Blackmar,  Park  and  the 
People,  pp.  151-58. 

277.  Rosenzweig  and  Blackmar, 
Park  and  the  People,  pp.  131, 
239-41;  Miller,  Empire  of  the 
Eye,  pp.  12-15. 


44    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  36.  Frederick  Law  Olmsted  and  Calvert  Vaux,  landscape  architects,  ^Greensward^^  Plan  for  Central  Park^  1858.  Pen  and  ink.  New  York  City 
Department  of  Parks,  The  Arsenal 


278.  Clarence  Cook,  "More  About 
the  Permanent  Free  Picture 
Gallery"  The  Independent, 
August  23, 1855,  p.  265. 


Central  Park  is  often  interpreted  as  an  antiurban 
gesture,  but  it  was  one  of  several  related  tools  in  the 
quest  for  urbanity,  as  the  art  critic  Clarence  Cook, 
who  campaigned  vigorously  for  the  park,  a  public 
library,  and  a  public  art  gallery,  acknowledged:  "How 
much  drunkenness  and  opium  eating  does  any  rea- 
sonable man  suppose  there  would  be  in  New-York, 
Boston,  or  Philadelphia,  or  in  any  large  city  or  town, 
if  there  were  in  each  of  these  places  proper  provision 
for  the  amusement  of  the  people.^"^^^ 

Two  founding  documents,  coincidentally  nearly  identi- 
cal in  size— the  Commissioners'  Plan  of  18 11  and  the 
Greensward  Plan  of  1858— bracket  this  essay.  The  first 


took  the  entire  city  as  its  subject  and  the  second 
encompassed  a  major  redesign  of  one  section  of  it. 
They  are  often  set  up  as  opposing  visions,  the  former 
artificial  and  utilitarian,  an  unimaginative,  money- 
minded  approach,  the  latter  natural  and  romantic,  an 
attempt  to  ameliorate  the  worst  effects  of  its  ill- 
considered  predecessor.  It  seems  more  accurate  to  see 
them  as  complementary  blueprints  for  citizenship  and 
urbanity  during  the  decades  between  the  opening  of  the 
Erie  Canal  and  the  opening  shots  of  the  Civil  War.  If  it 
succeeded,  Central  Park's  planners  thought  it  would 
create  a  harmonious,  virtuous  urban  commimity  with- 
out class  antagonisms— very  much  like  the  one  that 
early  republicans  envisioned— while  creating  a  real- 


INVENTING  THE  METROPOLIS:   CIVILIZATION  AND  URBANITY  45 


•  r 
vj 


ill 


estate  bonanza  for  themselves.  The  park,  however, 
would  be  based  not  on  republican  equality  (although 
Vaux  did  evoke  that  idea)  or  on  the  transparency  of  uni- 
versally disseminated  knowledge,  but  on  a  common- 
ality of  feeling  inculcated  by  public  institutions. 

This  was  the  final  answer  to  the  question  of  what 
was  required  to  make  New  York  a  metropolis.  "Our 
city  has  hotels  that  surpass  in  splendor  and  extent 
most  of  the  public  hotels  of  Europe;  an  Academy 
of  Music  that  will  compare  favorably  with  the  best 
Opera-houses  in  the  Old  World;  and  with  our  new 
Park,  which  the  public  will  insist  on  having,  we  shall 
lack  but  one  of  the  most  attractive  features  of  the 
great  European  capitals  (and  this  we  shall  soon 


have)— their  galleries  of  art."^^^  In  the  1850s  New 
York's  elite  remained  convinced  that  cultural  author- 
ity, not  republican  equality,  was  the  key  to  social  and 
political  harmony,  and  they  began  to  call  for  the 
establishment  of  free  public  institutions— parks,  art 
galleries,  and  libraries  foremost  among  them— that 
would  transmit  these  values  to  the  masses.  Central 
Park,  brought  to  completion  by  a  political  machine 
catering  to  the  people  that  the  elite  were  trying  to 
reach,  was  the  first  fruit  of  this  campaign.  The  Civil 
War  interrupted  it,  and  when  it  resumed  after  the  war, 
New  York's  elite  took  direct  control  of  the  process, 
organizing  such  Gilded  Age  monuments  to  cultural 
authority  as  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art. 


279.  Field,  "Parks,"  p.  64;  "The 
Lounger.  The  Central  Park," 
p.  626;  Blackmar,  "Uptown 
Real  Estate,"  p.  56. 

280.  Rosenzweig  and  Blackmar, 
Park  and  the  People, 

pp.  136-37- 

281.  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  News- 
paper, January  26, 1856,  p.  102. 

282.  Cook,  "Shall  We  Have  a  Per- 
manent Free  Picture  Gallery?"; 
Cook,  "More  About  the  Per- 
manent Free  Picture  Gallery," 
p.  265;  Carol  Duncan,  Civiliz- 
ing Rituals:  Inside  Public  Art 
Museums  (Lxjndon:  Routledge, 
1995),  pp.  54-55. 


Mapping  the  Venues:  New  Tork  City  Art  Exhibitions 

CARRIE  REBORA  BARRATT 


In  June  of  1818,  only  shortly  before  the  begin- 
ning of  our  period,  a  notice  in  the  New  York 
National  Advocate  of  peculiarly  Knickerbock- 
erian  parodic  tone  described  the  city's  cultural  enter- 
prise as  owing  its  welfare  to  seven  men,  "the  same 
auspicious  number  as  the  wise  men  of  Greece."^ 
These  men  not  only  gave  impetus  to  the  visual  arts, 
literature,  and  science  but  also  provided  "the  sole  sup- 
port of  the  character  of  this  state."  They  moved 
through  their  cultural  affairs  with  the  sort  of  effi- 
ciency possible  only  in  a  very  small  world,  as  they 
took  their  seats  first  as  the  executive  cabinet  of  the 
New-York  Historical  Society  and  then,  after  they 
"brushed  one  another's  coats  of  the  cobwebs  from  the 
shelves  and  books,  and  marched  off,  Indian  file,  into 
the  next  room,"  proceeded  to  convene  as  the  Philo- 
sophical Society,  the  Medical  Society,  the  Bible  Soci- 
ety, and  finally  the  Academy  of  Arts.  "We  are,"  they 
sang  in  unison  around  the  last  board  table,  "the 
guardians  of  the  pierean  spring,  and  we  will  deal  it 
out  like  soda  water." 

Tongue-in-cheek  but  bitingly  accurate,  the  article 
portrayed  New  York's  cultural  establishment,  in  which 
the  few  dominated  the  few  in  an  art  world  that  was 
highly  circumscribed.  It  would  be  another  four  dec- 
ades before  authority  was  effectively  transferred  from 
a  tiny  committee  of  elite  comrades  to  an  enormous 
cast  of  art  dealers,  auctioneers,  curators,  and  impre- 
sarios, in  which  trained  professionals  were  outnum- 
bered by  mere  claimants  to  expertise  that  no  one  else 
presumed  to  assert. 

Before  midcentury  an  impromptu  exhibition  at  the 
City  Dispensary  could  rival  a  fully  orchestrated  show 
at  the  New-York  Athenaeum.  And  the  owner  of  an 
artists'  supply  shop  coxild  hold  an  auction  in  competi- 
tion with  one  run  by  a  saloonkeeper  who  might  make 
better  sales  because  in  the  evening  he  illuminated  his 
lots  by  gaslight  and  served  refreshments.  The  two 
major  art  institutions  in  town,  the  American  Academy 
of  the  Fine  Arts  and  the  National  Academy  of  Design, 
moved  their  operations  from  haU  to  hall  and,  when 
finally  setded  in  spaces  of  their  own,  evidendy  let 


their  rooms  to  one  and  all  for  diverse  exhibitions 
apart  from  their  own  shows.  Supplementing  these 
veritable  Kunsthallen  were  displays  in  store  windows, 
hospitals,  artists'  studios,  patrons'  parlors,  and  other 
disparate  spots.  "Auction  house"  was  a  contradiction 
in  terms,  as  most  auctioneers  had  no  permanent  homes 
but  rented  space  from  various  and  simdry  establish- 
ments for  the  day  or  week.  Some  venues  were  surely 
more  prestigious  than  others,  and  some  surely  more 
appropriate  for  art,  but  relevant  criteria  had  not  yet 
been  established.  It  is  telling  that  the  Marble  Buildings 
at  Broadway  near  Ann  Street,  across  from  Saint  Paul's, 
were  described  in  1836  as  having  "the  most  complete 
and  beautiful  public  exhibition  room  in  America,"^ 
praise  that  makes  us  now  wonder  why  this  place  lan- 
guishes in  obscurity  save  for  a  few  mentions  in  pass- 
ing. No  institution  had  a  monopoly  on  either  talent 
or  the  ability  to  attract  viewers.  There  were  paintings 
to  be  purchased  on  virtually  every  corner  from  many 
salesmen  who  dealt  not  only  in  art  but  in  other  com- 
modities as  well.  For  artists  there  was  a  teeming  mar- 
ket characterized  by  myriad  choices  and  strategies. 

The  map  of  New  York's  antebellum  art  scene  can  be 
plotted,  and  the  list  of  venues  and  exhibitions  can  be 
charted,  as  the  appendixes  to  this  essay  demonstrate.^ 
The  richer  picture,  however,  can  be  neatiy,  if  not  com- 
pletely, conveyed  in  series  of  vignettes,  beginning 
with  the  so-called  discovery  story  of  the  landscape 
painter  Thomas  Cole,  a  tale  that  encapsulates  the 
configuration  of  the  New  York  art  scene  on  the  brink 
of  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century."^ 

Thomas  Cole  and  His  Many  Dealers 

Cole  arrived  in  the  city  in  the  spring  of  1825  and 
placed  a  number  of  works  with  George  Dixey, 
a  carver  and  gilder  who  plied  his  trade  and  sold 
art  supplies  on  Chatham  Street.  A  local  merchant, 
George  W.  Bruen,  purchased  at  least  one  of  the  pic- 
tures for  $10  and,  after  subsequentiy  meeting  with  the 
artist,  sent  the  young  man  to  the  Catskills  to  seek 
fresh  inspiration.  By  early  fall  Cole  was  back  in  New 


This  essay  could  not  have  been  writ- 
ten without  the  expert  research  assis- 
tance of  Gina  d'Angelo,  Austen 
Barron  Bailly,  Amy  Kurtz,  and  Lois 
Stainman.  The  author  is  most  grate- 
ful for  their  help. 

1.  Kaleidoscope,  "First  View  in 
the  Chamber  of  Vision,"  M»- 
tional  Advocate  (New  York), 
June  23, 1818. 

2.  "Opening  of  Dioramas,"  New 
Tork  Herald,  December  22, 1836. 

3.  The  story  of  art  venues  through- 
out the  United  States  in  this 
period  has  been  told  in  Neil 
Harris,  The  Artist  in  American 
Society:  The  Formative  Tears, 
1790-1860  (New  York:  Braziller, 
1966),  esp.  pp.  139-72;  Lillian  B. 
Miller,  Patrons  and  Patriotism: 
The  Encouragement  of  the  Pine 
Arts  in  the  United  States,  1790- 
1860  (Chicago:  University  of 
Chicago  Press,  1982),  esp. 

pp.  254-83;  and  Alan  Wallach, 
"Long-Term  Visions,  Short-Term 
Failures:  Art  Institutions  in  the 
United  States,  1800 -i860,"  in 
Art  in  Bour£ieois  Society,  1790- 
iSso,  edited  by  Andrew  Hem- 
ingway and  William  Vaughan 
(Cambridge:  Cambridge  Uni- 
versity Press,  1998),  pp.  297-313. 
4.  The  phrase  "discovery  story" 
was  coined,  and  the  tale  most 
recendy  retold,  by  Alan  Wal- 
lach, "Thomas  Cole:  Land- 
scape and  the  Course  of 
American  Empire,"  in  Thomas 
Cole:  Landscape  into  History, 
edited  by  William  H.  Truettner 
and  Alan  Wallach  (exh.  cat., 
Washington,  D.C.:  National 
Museum  of  American  Art, 
Smithsonian  Institution;  New 
Haven:  Yale  University  Press, 
1994),  pp.  23-24.  See  also  Ell- 
wood  C.  Parry  III,  The  Art  of 
Thomas  Cole:  Ambition  and 
Imagination  (Newark:  Univer- 
sity of  Delaware  Press,  1988), 
pp.  21-27;  and  Carrie  Rebora, 
"The  American  Academy  of 
the  Fine  Arts,  New  York,  1802- 
1842"  (Ph.D.  dissertation,  City 
University  of  New  York,  Gradu- 
ate Center,  1990),  pp.  79-80. 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  38 


Fig.  37.  Thomas  Cole,  Lake  with  Dead  Trees  (Catskill),  1825.  Oil  on  canvas.  Allen  Memorial  Art  Museum,  Oberlin  College,  Oberlin,  Ohio, 
Gift  of  Charles  F,  Olney,  1904  1904.1183 


The  primary  sources  for  the  story 
arc:  An  Artist  [William  Dunlap], 
'To  the  Editors  of  the  Ameri- 
cftn,""  New-Tork  American,  No- 
vember 15, 1825,  reprinted  in  the 
New-Tork  Evmin£f  Post,  Novem- 
ber 22, 1825;  An  Artist  [William 
thmlap],  To  the  Editors  of  the 
American,'''  New-Tork  American, 
November  22, 1825;  "A  Review 
of  the  Gallery  of  the  American 
Academy  of  Fine  Arts,"  New- 
Tork  Review,  and  Atheneum 
Magazine  i  (December  1825), 
pp.  77, 1  (January  1826),  p.  153; 
and  William  Dunlap,  History  of 
the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Arts 
of  Design  in  the  United  States, 
2  vols.  (New  York:  George  P. 
Scott,  1S34),  vol.  2,  pp.  359-60. 


York  with  several  new  paintings,  three  of  which 
Bruen  helped  him  place  at  the  artists'  supply  shop  of 
the  antiquarian  William  A.  Colman.  Cole,  reportedly 
counseled  by  Bruen,  asked  $20  for  each  canvas.  Col- 
man offered  them  for  sale  at  $25. 

In  short  order,  the  pictures  sold  to  three  of  Cole's 
colleagues:  John  Trumbull  bought  a  view  of  Kaaters- 
kill  Falls  (imlocated),  William  Dunlap  got  Lake  with 
Dead  Trees  (Catskill)  (fig.  37),  and  Asher  B.  Durand 
procured  a  scene  of  the  ruins  of  Fort  Putnam  (unlo- 
cated).  Dunlap  and  Durand  quickly  placed  their  pur- 
chases in  the  exhibition  on  view  at  the  American 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  which  had  opened  in 
October,  a  month  before  the  paintings  changed 
hands.  Almost  as  swiftly,  Dunlap  sold  his  Cole  for  $50 


to  Mayor  Philip  Hone,  who  was  accustomed  to  free- 
market  transactions  of  this  kind,  as  he  had  once  run 
an  auction  and  commission  business  in  textiles,  tea, 
liquor,  and  fine  arts  with  his  brother.  Trumbull  also 
added  his  Cole  to  the  exhibition  at  the  Academy,  of 
which  he  was  president,  but  waited  another  month, 
however,  until  sometime  in  December.  He  wished  first 
to  show  his  purchase  privately  to  the  Baltimore  col- 
lector Robert  Gilmor  Jr.,  to  his  nephew  by  marriage 
Daniel  Wadsworth,  and  to  the  businessman  and  Acad- 
emy board  member  William  Gracie  before  putting  it 
on  public  view.  Each  of  these  men  would  commission 
a  work  from  Cole  within  the  next  few  months. 

This  story  of  Cole's  brilliant  entry  into  New  York, 
which  expedited  the  successes  of  his  subsequent 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES: 


ART  EXHIBITIONS  49 


career,  is  a  key  chapter  in  the  artist's  biography.  More- 
over, the  episode  reveals  the  complicated  and  flex- 
ible workings  of  New  York's  contemporary  art  scene, 
which  was  populated  by  characters  who  slipped  in 
and  out  of  their  roles  to  suit  the  situation  at  hand. 
First  there  was  Dixey,  who  played  a  minor  part  in  the 
narrative  as  the  owner  of  a  shop  to  which  an  artist 
might  have  gone  for  assistance.  Many  artists'  supply 
shops  sold  works  of  art  as  an  extension  of  their  pri- 
mary business  and  as  a  favor  to  their  clients,  a  practice 
that  engendered  additional  business:  the  paintings 
were  made  of  the  very  materials  purchased  by  their 
creators,  who  responded  by  buying  more  supplies. 
Furthermore,  these  artists  had  nowhere  else  to  turn, 
since  there  were  few  formal  galleries  in  the  city,  and 
those  few,  such  as  Michael  PafF's  establishment,  pre- 
ferred European  pictures.  The  modest  price  Dixey 
charged  for  Cole's  works  suggests  that  the  relation- 
ship between  shop  owner  and  artist  was  based  on  the 
granting  of  favors  rather  than  on  hopes  for  great 
profits,  although  Dixey  surely  took  a  bit  off  the  top. 

Then  there  was  Bruen.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  he  cherished  Cole's  work,  nor  to  suspect  that  his 
assistance  to  the  artist  was  motivated  purely  by  mone- 
tary interests.  But  Bruen  did  take  Cole  for  his  protege 
for  a  single  summer,  introduced  him  to  a  new  dealer, 
and  doubled  his  prices.  While  Bruen  was  initially  a 
patron  in  the  most  traditional  sense,  he  later  became  a 
middleman;  in  the  latter  role  he  did  not  buy  all  the 
works  that  resulted  from  the  Catskills  trip  he  financed 
but  shepherded  to  market  certain  examples,  the  dis- 
play and  sale  of  which  may  have  inflated  the  value  of 
his  own  Coles.  Bruen  helped  Cole  place  his  pictures 
with  Colman,  who  not  only  sold  art  supplies  like 
Dixey  but  was  in  addition  a  seasoned  book  dealer. 
Although  the  precise  details  of  how  Colman  marketed 
Cole's  paintings— their  placement  in  the  shop,  his 
business  methods,  and  the  like— are  lost  to  history,  it 
is  clear  that  the  works  sold  rapidly  and  at  asking  price. 

An  element  of  happenstance  in  the  story  of  Cole's 
discovery  in  New  York  pervades  traditional  retellings 
of  it:  Trumbull  went  to  Colman's,  where  he  bought  a 
Cole,  and  when  he  praised  it  to  his  friend  Dimlap, 
Durand  overheard  him  by  chance.  Yet  the  purchases 
made  by  Dimlap,  Durand,  and  especially  Trumbull 
were  not  entirely  fortuitous.  Colman  owed  Trum- 
bull money  for  pictures— either  painted  or  owned 
by  Trumbull— he  had  sold  at  his  shop.  The  financial 
relationship  between  the  two  men  is  pertinent  since 
Trumbull  did  not,  in  fact,  pay  $25  for  his  Kaaterskill 
Falls  picture  but  was  out  of  pocket  only  the  difler- 
ence  between  that  price  and  what  Colman  owed  him. 


Colman,  in  turn,  forfeited  the  cash  he  might  have 
received  from  another  client  for  Cole's  painting  but 
may  have  profited  by  bartering  with  Trumbull  rather 
than  paying  him. 

Trumbull  was  no  stranger  to  art  dealing,  which 
had,  in  fact,  been  a  critical  component  of  his  career 
since  the  1790s,  when  he  took  partners  in  Paris  and 
amassed  a  collection  of  old  master  paintings  for  sale 
at  Christie's,  London.^  The  pictures  not  sold  at  auc- 
tion Trumbull  brought  to  New  York  in  1804,  when 
he  displayed  them  in  a  riding  stable  and  offered  them 
again.  As  president  of  the  American  Academy  from 
1816,  he  exerted  considerable  influence  on  the  mar- 
ket, orchestrating  myriad  purchases  of  pictures  for 
the  Academy,  for  himself,  and  for  individual  artists 
and  patrons.^ 

Trumbull  imdertook  most  of  his  enterprises  to 
enhance  his  career  and  the  Academy's  stature  rather 
than  as  strictly  lucrative  ventures.  He  promoted  him- 
self as  the  city's  keenest  connoisseur,  one  of  the  few,  as 
the  Commercial  Advertiser  reported,  who  would  have 
recognized,  as  he  did,  a  Domenichino  if  he  saw  it.'' 
A  talented,  clever,  and  resourceful  man  with  an  abid- 
ing interest  in  every  aspect  of  New  York's  art  scene, 
Trumbull  participated  in  what  would  now  be  consid- 
ered multiple  professions.  His  involvement  with  Cole 
brought  most  of  them  into  play.  As  a  painter,  he 
gready  admired  Cole's  artistic  skills  and  vision.  As 
the  head  of  the  American  Academy,  he  wished  to  cul- 
tivate Cole  and  other  contemporary  artists  whose 
work  suited  his  exhibition  program  and  collecting  ini- 
tiatives. As  an  enterprising  participant  in  New  York's 
art  scene  at  large,  Trumbull  took  part  in  transactions 
between  artists  such  as  Cole  and  collectors  that  in 
some  cases  were  remunerative  and  in  others  extended 
his  controlling  influence.  In  fact,  Cole  scarcely  made 
a  sale  in  the  decade  after  the  purchase  of  the  Kaaters- 
kill picture  that  cannot  in  some  fashion  be  linked  to 
Trumbull's  machinations.^ 

Perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  the  Cole 
discovery  story  emerges  after  the  purchase  of  the 
Kaaterskill  painting,  when  the  impact  of  Trumbull's 
interest  in  the  young  artist  became  significant.  At 
this  point  the  roles  of  Dixey,  Bruen,  and  Colman 
began  to  diminish.  Dunlap  and  Durand  merely  fol- 
lowed through,  as  pawns  for  Trumbull,  making  it 
possible  for  him  to  have  all  three  of  Cole's  pictures  for 
the  fall  exhibition  at  the  Academy,  which,  after  all, 
was  a  sales  gallery.  Taking  the  paintings  from  Col- 
man's to  the  Academy  did  not  remove  them  from  the 
market  but  transferred  them  to  a  more  advantageous 
venue.  In  a  matter  of  months  the  value  of  Cole's  work 


5.  For  more  detailed  information 
on  Trumbull's  collecting  efforts 
in  the  1790s,  see  Irma  B.  Jaffe, 
John  Trumbull:  Patriot  Artist 
of  the  American  Revolution 
(Boston:  New  York  Graphic 
Society,  1975),  pp-  172-75- 

6.  On  Trumbull  and  the  American 
Academy,  see  Rebora,  "Ameri- 
can Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts," 
pp.  S7-IOI. 

7.  "An  Old  Picture,"  Commercial 
Advertiser  (New  York),  Octo- 
ber 20, 1827. 

8.  See  Wallach,  "Thomas  Cole," 

p.  35;  and  Alan  Wallach,  "Thomas 
Cole  and  the  Aristocracy,"  Arts 
Magazine  56  (November  1981), 
pp.  94-106. 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


The  price  is  recorded  in  Cole's 
letter  to  Wadsworth  of  Decem- 
ber 4, 1827,  a  year  after  the  pic- 
ture was  bought  and  paid  for. 
See  J.  Bard  McNulty,  ed..  The 
Correspondence  of  Thomas  Cole 
and  Daniel  Wadmorth  (Hart- 
ford: Connecticut  Historical 
Society,  19S3),  p.  25. 
For  a  detailed  account  of  the 
founding  of  the  National  Acad- 
emy of  Design,  see  Rcbora, 
"American  Academy  of  the  Fine 
Arts,"  pp.  244-336. 
This  characterization  was  most 
recendy  put  forward  in  Rachel 
Klein,  "Art  and  Authority  in 
Antebellum  New  York  City:  The 
Rise  and  Fall  of  the  American 
Art-Union  "7o«r»«/  of  Ameri- 
can History  81  (March  1995), 
p.  1536. 

Denon,  "The  Two  Academies," 
New-York  Evenin^f  Post)  May  17, 
1828.  For  a  complete  account  on 
the  war  of  words  in  New  York 
papers  during  the  summer 
of  1828,  see  Rebora,  "American 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts," 
pp.  287-305. 


quintupled,  as  it  escalated  along  parallel  trajectories 
of  price  and  place  of  sale,  from  $io  at  Dixe/s,  to  $25 
at  Colman's,  to  $50  at  the  Academy,  where  Dunlap 
brought  Lake  with  Dead  Trees  to  Hone's  attention. 

The  nature  of  free  and  flexible  trade  allowed  Dim- 
lap  to  keep  the  profit  he  realized  in  the  sale  to  Hone 
rather  than  share  it  with  Cole;  Dunlap  justified  him- 
self by  pleading  his  straitened  circumstances,  but  in 
any  event  there  existed  no  market  regulation  or  prece- 
dent that  would  have  compelled  him  to  be  generous 
to  Cole.  Trumbull  also  would  certainly  have  held  on 
to  any  extra  profits  if  he  had  sold  the  artist's  Kaaters- 
kill  view  to  Gilmor,  Wadsworth,  or  Gracie.  The  prices 
for  Cole's  landscapes  remained  high,  in  some  measure 
thanks  to  Trumbull,  whose  nephew  Wadsworth  paid 
$50  for  his  Cole  (Wadsworth  Atheneum,  Hartford),  a 
picture  reportedly  identical  to  Trumbull's  and  com- 
missioned at  Trumbull's  behest.^ 

The  House  of  Trumbull^  Barclay  Street 

The  single  most  important  figure  on  the  New  York  art 
scene  before  his  death  in  1843,  Trumbull  wielded 
tremendous  influence  in  many  spheres.  Notoriously 
irascible,  especially  in  his  later  years,  he  is  typically 
regarded  as  an  anachronistic  figure,  a  thorn  in  the 
side  of  those  with  more  modern  views.  He  was,  as  is 
commonly  recoimted,  the  old  man  who  moved  his 
retardataire  institution  in  a  direction  other  than  that 
desired  by  the  community  of  artists,  which,  under  the 
leadership  of  Samuel  E  B.  Morse  in  1825,  founded 
the  National  Academy  of  Design.  Morse  began  to 
organize  his  colleagues  by  hosting  socials  in  his 
spacious  Canal  Street  studio.  These  soirees  quickly 
evolved  into  the  New  York  Association  of  Artists  and, 
within  months,  into  the  National  Academy,  which 
offered  classes,  lectures,  and  an  exhibition  of  contem- 
porary paintings  and  sculpture  by  local  American  art- 
ists each  spring.  The  National  Academy's  success  can 
be  gauged  by  the  favorable  reviews  of  its  shows,  the 
great  legacies  of  the  artists  trained  there,  and  the 
impressive  number  of  important  paintings  it  exhibited 
over  the  years.  Morse's  idea  that  his  academy  would 
coexist  with  Trumbull's  proved  untenable,  and  the  two 
institutions  operated  competitively  until  the  Ameri- 
can Academy  ultimately  closed  in  1842. In  writing 
about  their  rivalry,  historians  have  always  favored  the 
artists,  who  are  cast  as  industrious,  modern,  and  dem- 
ocratic foils  to  Trumbull's  idle,  old-fashioned,  and  elite 
board  of  directors.  Such  stereotypes  fuel  the  story 
of  a  clash  between  progressive  forces  and  tradition- 
bound  cultural  authority,  at  least  in  the  version  of 


history  that  considers  the  American  Academy  use- 
less. The  American  Academy's  demise  as  a  meaning- 
ful institution  is  allegedly  proved  by  its  increasing  lack 
of  connection  with  contemporary  American  art  in 
the  1830S  and  1840s.  Yet  the  American  Academy  was 
never  involved  in  this  field;  its  vital  concern,  both 
before  and  after  the  founding  of  the  National  Acad- 
emy, was  the  market  for  old  masters  and  contem- 
porary European  painting.  This  was  a  market  that 
owed  its  existence  in  New  York  in  significant  measure 
to  Trumbull,  who  had  been  its  driving  force  since  his 
return  from  abroad  in  1804. 

The  sometimes  antagonistic  coexistence  of  the  two 
rival  academies  reflected  the  flourishing  and  compli- 
cated nature  of  New  York's  art  market.  Editorials 
published  in  the  papers  during  the  summer  of  1828, 
when  the  National  was  still  new  and  the  American 
still  smarting  from  the  sting  of  competition  where 
there  had  been  litde  before,  agreed  on  just  one  point: 
the  city  required  only  one  institution  for  the  fine  arts. 
One  of  the  first  and  most  vehement  editorialists,  a 
supporter  of  the  National,  writing  in  the  New-Tork 
Evening  Post  described  the  American's  dearth  of  lec- 
tures, classes,  and  "any  evidence  of  prosperity  and  of 
energetic  and  discreet  govemment."^^  The  exhibi- 
tions at  the  American,  he  explained,  consisted  of 
works  "by  all  manner  of  artists,  known  and  unknown, 
ancient  and  modern . . .  and  there  are  hu£fe  copies,  and 
little  copies,  and  whole  copies,  and  half  copies,  and 
£food  copies,  and  bad  copies;  indeed  it  is  a  sort  of 
Noah's  ark,  in  which  were  things  of  every  kind,  clean 
and  unclean,  noble  animalsy  and  creeping  thin£fs,^^ 

The  National,  by  promising  contrast,  offered  all  of 
the  things  deemed  missing  from  the  American's  pro- 
gram—lectures, classes,  and  exhibitions  of  contem- 
porary work  by  local  artists— and  this,  according  to 
the  author,  was  all  the  city  needed.  Yet  the  city  could 
not  have  done  without  the  bad  copies  and  creeping 
things,  for  these  were  an  intrinsic  part  of  its  art  world 
and  have  continued  to  be  so  to  this  day.  The  modem 
National  would  have  to  coexist  with  the  antiquated 
American,  which  thrived  precisely  by  continuing  to 
present  the  sort  of  art  described  so  disparagingly  in 
the  Evening  Post. 

The  American  Academy  was  New  York's  host  to  all 
that  was  inappropriate  for  the  National;  its  indusive- 
ness  should  not  be  interpreted  in  a  negative  light,  for 
on  its  walls  was  a  world  of  art  that  would  move  to 
multiple  venues  during  the  late  1840s  and  1850s.  It  is 
true  that  Trumbull's  institution  featured  much  that 
is  now  known  to  have  been  of  spurious  attribution 
and  provenance.  But  it  would  have  been  impossible 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  ART  EXHIBITIONS  5I 


Fig.  38.  John  Trumbull,  Sortie  Made  by  the  Garrison  at  Gibraltar,  London,  1789.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Purchase,  Pauline  V 
Fullerton  Bequest;  Mr.  and  Mrs.  James  Walter  Carter  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Raymond  J.  Horowitz  Gifts;  Erving  Wolf  Foundation  and  Vain  and  Harry  Fish  Foundation 
Inc.  Gifts;  Gift  of  Hanson  K.  Corning,  by  exchange;  and  Maria  DeWitt  Jesup  and  Morris  K.  Jesup  Funds,  1976  1976.332 


for  any  American  establishment  of  the  early  nine- 
teenth century  to  consistently  put  forward  impeccable 
works,  for  no  one  of  the  period,  neither  Trumbull 
nor  any  other  collector  in  this  country,  had  the  con- 
noisseurship  skills  necessary  to  judge  art  of  various 
dates  and  cultures.  In  the  1820s  and  1830s  the  Ameri- 
can Academy  opened  the  market,  took  risks,  and,  ulti- 
mately, presented  in  microcosm  all  the  elements  of 
the  vital,  multifaceted,  complicated  art  scene  that  bur- 
geoned in  the  following  decades. 

Trumbull  shaped  his  institution  for  would-be  patrons 
and  collectors  seeking  the  broadest  experience  of  art, 
and  he  did  this  at  a  time  when  and  in  a  place  where 
there  were  plenty  of  mistakes  to  be  made.  A  man  of 
contradictory  tendencies,  he  espoused  the  grandest 
traditions  of  art  but  had  a  business  sense  that  led  him 
to  show  unknown  works  of  many  kinds. Between 
1828  and  1839  the  American  Academy  hosted  nine  exhi- 
bitions of  old  masters,  each  one  brought  to  New  York 
by  a  different  entrepreneur,  ranging  in  character  from 
irreproachable  to  criminal.  The  collection  of  Antonio 


Sarti  of  Florence  came  to  the  American  Academy  in 
December  1828  on  the  advice  of  the  collector,  some- 
time dealer,  and  American  Academy  board  member 
Pierre  Flandin,  who  did  not  so  much  vouch  for  the 
collection  as  simply  introduce  Signor  Sarti  as  his 
friend.  The  prospect  of  having  over  two  hundred 
Italian  paintings  in  the  Academy's  gallery  was  enough 
for  Trumbull,  who  did  not  see  the  collection  before 
extending  Sarti  a  contract,  and  the  show  was  appar- 
ently more  than  satisfactory  for  the  nearly  two  thou- 
sand visitors  who  saw  it  during  its  first  two  weeks. 
The  crowds  came  in  steady  numbers  for  six  weeks  and 
then  increased  in  mid-April  1829,  after  Sarti  author- 
ized the  Academy  to  offer  the  entire  collection  at  pub- 
lic auction  in  the  gallery. 

The  Sarti  sale  was  not  Trumbull's  first  venture  into 
the  auction  business.  During  the  summer  of  1828  he 
had  orchestrated  a  silent  auction  for  his  own  Sortie 
Made  by  the  Garrison  at  Gibraltar^  1789  (fig.  38),  a 
work  painted  in  London  that  depicted  a  British  mili- 
tary victory  over  the  Spanish.  Trumbull  had  failed  to 


13.  On  Trumbull's  contradictory 
nature,  see  Jules  David  Prown, 
"John  Trumbull  as  History 
Painter,"  in  John  Trumbull:  The 
Hand  and  Spirit  of  a  Painter, 
by  Helen  A.  Cooper  et  al, 
(exh.  cat..  New  Haven: 

Yale  University  Art  Gallery, 
1983),  p.  22. 

14.  See  American  Academy  of 
the  Fine  Arts,  Minutes  (bv), 
November  3,  7, 1828,  The  New- 
York  Historical  Society;  and 
American  Academy  of  the  Fine 
Arts,  Exhibition  of  Rare  Paint- 
in£fs  at  the  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts,  New  Tork  (exh.  cat.,  New 
York,  1828). 


52    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  39.  Benjamin  West,  Kin0  Lear,  London,  1788;  retouched  1806.  Oil  on  canvas.  Courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston, 
Henry  H.  and  Zoe  Oliver  Sherman  Fund  1979.476 


15.  [John  Trumbull],  "Trumbull's 
Picture  of  Elliott's  Sortie  from 
Gibraltar,"  Commercial  Adver- 
tiser (New  York),  October  20, 
1827;  [John  Trumbull],  "Ameri- 
can Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts," 
Commercial  Advertiser  (New 
York),  June  2,  5,  6, 14,  28, 1828. 

16.  See  Carrie  Rebora  Barratt, 
"John  Trumbull  and  the  Art  of 
War,"  manuscript  available  for 
inspection. 

17.  [Trumbull],  "American  Academy 
of  the  Fine  Arts,"  June  6, 1828. 

rS.  See  Carrie  Rebora,  "Robert 
Fulton's  Art  Collection,"  Ameri- 
can Art  Journal  22  (1990), 
pp.  40-63. 


sell  the  picture  abroad  and  kept  it  under  wraps  in  his 
New  York  studio  for  nearly  twenty-five  years  before 
mounting  it  at  the  Academy  in  1828— to  great  fan- 
fare that  he  generated  by  advertising  the  painting  as 
"splendid  and  fauldess"  and  by  penning  anonymous 
laudatory  reviews.  The  presentation  was  a  single- 
picture  exhibition  meant  to  draw  attention  to  Trum- 
bull and  the  American  Academy  during  a  summer  of 
heated  public  debate  between  the  two  academies. 
The  precise  details  of  the  military  event  depiaed 
would  have  been  lost  on  most  New  Yorkers,  but 
Trumbull  may  have  hoped  that  those  caught  up  in 
the  battle  between  the  academies  would  read  the 
painting's  key  figures— the  victorious  aging  General 
George  Elliott  and  the  defeated  young  Don  Juan 
de  Barboza— as  allegorical  representations  of  the  two 
institutions.  He  wrote  in  the  New  York  Commercial 
Advertiser  of  his  picture,  "The  victor  stands  in  the 
full  blaze  and  splendor  of  light  and  glory— the  van- 
quished [hero],  dies  in  the  deep  gloom  of  adversity 
and  despair."^ ^  This,  he  perhaps  thought,  was  how 
Samuel  E  B.  Morse  ought  graciously  to  lie  down  and 
die  in  the  face  of  a  more  powerful  force. 


In  the  end,  Trumbull  was  disappointed  to  find  not 
only  that  his  grand  canvas  had  litde  if  any  impact  on 
the  relationship  between  the  academies  but  also  that 
there  was  litde  interest  in  the  Sortie  among  New  York 
collectors.  He  was  pleased,  however,  to  sell  the  pic- 
ture to  the  Boston  Athenaeum.  The  sale  encouraged 
him  in  his  desire  to  bring  the  art  marketplace  into  his 
academy,  and  in  October  1828  he  used  the  site  for  an 
auction  of  the  paintings  in  Robert  Fulton's  collec- 
tion—principally Shakespearean  subjects  by  Benjamin 
West,  including  Kin^  Lear,  1788  (fig.  39),  and  Ophelia 
before  the  Kin^f  and  Queen,  1792  (Cincinnati  Art 
Museum)  —which  had  been  on  loan  at  the  Academy 
since  1816  and  were  being  sold  by  Fulton's  heirs. 

For  two  of  these  events  Trumbull  called  in  others  to 
make  the  sales:  John  Boyd  for  the  Fulton  pictures  and 
Michael  Henry  for  Sarti's  collection.  Neither  had  a 
space  of  his  own  and  neither  was  ever  heard  of  again: 
they  were  auctioneers  for  a  day.  If  Trumbull's  Acad- 
emy received  a  percentage  of  the  profits  for  use  of  its 
rooms,  it  is  not  recorded,  but  the  institution  was  cer- 
tainly enriched  by  the  entrance  fees  paid  by  everyone, 
whether  mere  spectator  or  ready  buyer.  In  the  view  of 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  ART  EXHIBITIONS  53 


Fig.  40.  Joshua  Reynolds,  George  Clive  (1720-1779)  a,nA  His  Family,  London,  1765-66.  Oil  on  canvas.  Staatiiche  Museen  zu 
Berlin,  Preussischer  Kulturbesitz,  Gemaldegalerie  78.1 


those  who  believed— or  still  believe— that  an  institu- 
tion bearing  the  name  Academy  must  be  untainted 
by  commercialism,  Trumbull  defiled  his  galleries  by 
welcoming  public  sales  in  them.  However,  those  who 
have  observed  that  he  was  among  the  first  Americans 
to  recognize  that  art  can  be  a  business  may  consider 
him  not  impure  but  prescient. 

In  1830  the  very  existence  of  the  American  Acad- 
emy was  threatened  when  it  was  forced  to  leave  its 
quarters  in  the  New  York  Institution  in  City  Hall 
Park,  In  response  to  this  crisis,  Trumbull  mounted 
the  extraordinarily  controversial  exhibition  of  Rich- 
ard Abraham's  collection  of  European  paintings.  This 
collection,  according  to  the  catalogue  published  by 
Abraham,  an  English  picture  dealer  and  conserva- 
tor, included  Leonardo's  Virgin  of  the  Rocks,  Titian's 
Magdalen  in  the  Wilderness^  Raphael's  Adoration, 
and  works  by  Velazquez,  Andrea  del  Sarto,  Watteau, 
Van  de  Velde,  Ruisdael  (cat.  no.  47),  Lodovico  Car- 
racci,  Murillo  (cat.  no.  44),  and  Tiepolo.  Although  it 
is  now  known  that  the  vast  majority  of  the  pictures 
were  copies,  at  the  time  of  the  show  the  authenticity 
of  the  works  was  not  at  issue.  Dunlap  summed  up 


generally  held  opinion  when  he  described  them  as 
"the  best  pictures  from  old  masters  which  Amer- 
ica had  seen."^^  They  were,  in  any  event,  notorious 
because  of  "the  peculiar  circumstances  attending  their 
importation."  Abraham,  it  was  charged,  had  "collected 
a  number  of  good  pictures,  under  various  pretences," 
having  duped  their  English  owners.  He  was  arrested 
on  his  arrival  in  New  York,  and  the  collection  went  on 
view  and  was  auctioned  under  the  aegis  of  Goodhue 
and  Company,  the  agency  responsible  for  the  pic- 
tures after  his  imprisonment.  His  victims  in  England 
pressed  charges  but  were  nonetheless  keen  to  sell  their 
family  treasures  in  America. 

The  exhibition  was  a  huge  success,  reflecting  the 
strength  of  the  New  York  market.  Thousands  of  people 
saw  the  show— paying  steep  admission  prices  of  50 
cents  for  a  single  entry  or  $3  for  the  season— and  the 
critics  applauded  loudly.  The  reviewer  in  the  Mornin£f 
Courier  and  New-Tork  Enquirer  was  dumbfounded: 
"Language  would  convey  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  effect 
which  is  produced  upon  the  mind  in  examining  [the 
paintings]." ^1  As  the  closing  act  at  the  Academy's  old 
building,  the  show  epitomized  Trumbull's  mission:  to 


19.  Dunlap,  Rise  and  Progress, 
vol.  I,  p.  305. 

20.  American  Academy  of  the  Fine 
Arts,  Minutes  (bv),  February  4, 
1830,  The  New-York  Historical 
Society. 

21 .  "Paintings .  —  Academy  of  Arts," 
Morning  Courier  and  New-Tork 
Enquirer,  March  24, 1830.  See 
also  C,  "The  Pictures,"  New- 
Tork  American,  April  2, 1830; 
C,  "The  Pictures  at  die  Acad- 
emy," New-Tork  Mirror,  April  3, 
1830,  p.  307;  "Academy  of  Fine 
Arts,"  Commercial  Advertiser 
(New  York),  April  5,  1830. 


22.  "Paintings  by  the  Great  Masters, 
Barclay  Street,"  Evening  Post 
{New  York),  December  26, 1832. 
See  American  Academy  of  the 
Fine  Arts,  A  Descriptive  Cata- 
logue of  the  Paintings,  by  the 
Ancient  Masters,  Including  Spec- 
imens of  the  First  Class,  by  the 
Italian,  Venetian,  Spanish, 
Flemish,  Dutch,  French,  and 
English  Schools  (New  York: 
W.  MitcheU,  1832). 


keep  the  visitors  coming  by  maintaining  an  edge  on 
the  market— that  is,  to  show  and  sell  what  could  be 
seen  nowhere  else  in  the  city. 

The  American  Academy  moved  to  Barclay  Street, 
next  door  to  the  Astor  Hotel;  David  Hosack,  a 
foimding  director,  donated  the  land  behind  his  home 
for  the  new  building,  which  was  designed  by  Trum- 
bull, who  also  acted  as  contractor.  The  reopening 
was  fraught  with  anxiety  and  the  Academy's  posi- 
tion remained  tenuous,  but  during  the  1830s  Trum- 
bull pursued  his  two  basic  goals:  to  continue  to  show 
European  art  and,  of  course,  to  keep  the  doors  open. 
His  struggles  of  the  early  1830s  resulted  in  a  lively 
series  of  exhibitions.  In  18 31,  for  example,  the  Acad- 
emy's season  opened  with  a  display  of  Trumbull's  own 
paintings  of  scenes  from  the  American  Revolution, 
which  ran  almost  concurrently  with  a  showing  of  Hora- 
tio Greenough's  sculpture  Chanting  Cherubs  (unlo- 
cated;  see  fig.  108),  and  closed  with  the  single-picture 


exhibition  of  George  Cooke's  copy  of  Gericaulfs 
Raft  of  the  Medusa  (New-York  Historical  Society). 
John  Watkins  Brett,  "a  gendeman  of  great  wealth  and 
taste  in  England"  and  a  friend  of  Trumbull,  presented 
his  collection  at  the  Academy  in  1832,  causing  the  Eve- 
ning Post  critic  to  proclaim  that  "no  collection  sur- 
passing it  has  been  exhibited  in  this  city."^^  Brett's 
pictures  included  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds's  Self-Portrait 
in  Doctoral  Robes,  1773  (private  collection),  and  his 
George  Clive  (1720-1779)  and  His  Family^  1765-66  (fig. 
40);  Benjamin  West  and  Robert  Livesay's  Introduc- 
tion of  the  Duchess  of  Tork  to  the  Royal  Family  of 
England,  about  1791  (National  Trust,  Upton  House, 
Oxfordshire);  and  forty-five  other  European  paint- 
ings, most  of  which  were  of  imdisputed  pedigree. 

The  schedule  for  1833  was  a  product  of  Trumbull's 
relationship  with  Brett,  who  brought  to  New  York 
Claude-Marie  Dubufe's  Temptation  of  Adam  and  Eve 
and  Expulsion  from  Paradise,  1828  (unlocated;  see 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  ART  EXHIBITIONS  55 


figs.  42, 43),  and  Francis  Danbys  Opening  of  the  Sixth 
Seal,  1828  (fig.  41),  Trumbull  supplemented  this  roster 
with  a  showing  of  James  Thom's  comedic  sculptural 
group  Tarn  O^Shanter,  Souter  Johnny,  the  Landlord 
and  Landlady  (unlocated).  The  next  year  saw  presen- 
tations of  Cole's  enormous  Angel  Appearing  to  the 
Shepherds,  1834  (Chrysler  Museum,  Norfolk,  Virginia), 
Robert  Ball  Hughes's  Uncle  Toby  and  Widow  Wadman 
(unlocated),  four  views  of  Rome  by  Giovanni  Paolo 
Panini  (see  cat.  no.  48),  the  collection  of  the  Marquis 
de  Gouvello,  and  immense  dioramic  paintings.  In  1835 
Brett's  collection  returned  and  was  followed  by  Dan- 
iel Blake's  collection  of  old  masters,  more  sculpture  by 
Thorn,  and  more  history  paintings  by  Trumbull.  With 
no  precise  method  of  selection  or  exacting  criteria, 
Trumbull  took  what  came  and  was  pleased  by  the 
crowds  that  kept  his  Academy  open. 

According  to  this  rather  haphazard  approach,  he 
allowed  his  institution  to  become  the  city's  principal 
venue  for  large  shows  and  odd  shows.  By  about  the 
mid-i830S  the  American  Academy  faced  competition 
from  the  Marble  Buildings,  the  City  Dispensary,  Clin- 
ton Hall,  Masonic  Hall,  Reichard's  Art  Rooms,  and 
John  Vanderlyn's  New-York  Rotunda  (see  cat.  no.  70), 
and  myriad  storefronts  as  well  as  from  the  increas- 
ingly professional  National  Academy  of  Design.  The 
business  of  exhibitions,  which  had  proved  reasonably 
profitable  for  Trumbull,  was  expanding  to  accommo- 
date growing  demand  from  New  Yorkers,  and  new 
venues  were  springing  up  to  take  over.  Trumbull's 
Academy  closed  not  because  it  was  overwhelmed  by 
the  power  of  the  National  Academy,  as  most  have 
suggested,  but  because  it  was  superseded  by  these 
new  establishments. 

At  this  point  even  the  ofHcers  of  the  National  Acad- 
emy found  the  competition  too  threatening  and 
the  potential  profits  too  attractive  to  pass  up  and 
rented  its  galleries  out  for  displays  of  private  collec- 
tions and  for  auctions.  In  1842,  nearly  two  decades 
after  the  academies  debated  on  matters  of  principle 
and  purpose,  the  American  Academy  shut  its  doors. 
Ironically,  it  closed  just  as  the  National  Academy  was 
mounting  an  exhibition  and  auction  of  old  masters. 
The  two  academies  had  become  one. 

Dubufe^sAdam  and  Eve  Paintings  and  the  Art  Unions 

The  Opening  of  the  Sixth  Seal  by  Francis  Danby  was  a 
spectacular  component  of  the  American  Academy's 
1833  program  of  exhibitions.  This  Irish  artist's  splen- 
did interpretation  of  Revelation  6:12-16  was  a  type 
of  picture  never  before  seen  in  this  country  and 


influenced  several  key  American  painters,  including 
Cole  and  Durand.  But  the  Danby  exhibition,  in  fact, 
had  nothing  on  the  other  two  shows  presented  that 
year.  Crowds  flocked  to  see  Thom's  statues  based  on 
Robert  Biirns's  verse:  there  were  hundreds  of  visitors 
every  day  and  even  more  came  on  the  occasions  when 
Mr.  Graham,  "the  blind  Scotch  poet,"  recited  from 
Burns  in  the  galleries. Thom's  Ayrshire  stone  ale- 
house tableau,  large  as  life,  reported  The  Knicker- 
bocker, was  "so  much  written  about  .  .  .  that  every 
phrase  of  critical  eulogy  has  been  exhausted." 

But  not  even  this  novel  group  could  hold  a  candle 
to  Claude-Marie  Dubufe's  two  fourteen-by-twelve-foot 
paintings  of  Adam  and  Eve.  Dubufe  was  a  French 
student  of  David  chiefly  known  for  his  portraits.  He 
executed  the  Adam  and  Eve  pictures,  advertised  as 
"Grand  Moral  Paintings,"  in  1828  for  Charles  X  of 
France,  who  was  forced  to  sell  them  when  he  abdicated 
in  1830,  Brett  showed  the  giant  canvases  at  the  Royal 
Academy  and  the  British  Institution  in  London  before 
introducing  them  to  America  in  a  two-month  exhibi- 
tion at  the  Boston  Athcnaevim  in  late  1832,  after  which 
he  brought  them  to  New  York.^^  paintings  elicited 
a  storm  of  favorable  reviews,  a  poet  wrote  ten  stanzas 
on  them,  and  Dunlap,  who  judged  the  pictures  "very 
beautiful,"  recorded  in  his  diary  that  the  exhibition 
was  "unusually  successful  many  days  yealding  100 
dollars  y«  day."^*^  The  New-Tork  Mirror  reported  that 
"throngs  of  visitors  have  crowded  to  examine  them, 
with  lavish  exclamations  of  surprise  and  delight."^'' 
One  commentator  was  inspired  to  remark  "But  this  is 
not  a  picture— 'tis  the  life."^^  This  was  extravagant 
praise  indeed  for  a  painter  considered  in  European 
circles  to  be  merely  competent.  The  only  detractors  in 
New  York  were  sermonizers  on  the  inherent  vice  and 
licentiousness  of  art.^^  An  apparently  timid  bunch, 
they  waited  to  speak  out  until  the  Dubufes  left  the 
Academy  But  they  were  not  gone  for  long. 

Dubufe's  paintings— not  only  those  of  Adam  and 
Eve  but  other  canvases  as  well— were  the  rage  of  the 
New  York  art  critics  and  viewing  public  alike  for  nearly 
three  decades.  In  1833,  when  there  was  something 
for  everyone  in  the  city,  Dubufe's  biblical  pictures 
successfully  vied  with  the  annual  exhibitions  of  the 
American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York  and  the 
National  Academy  of  Design,  which  respectively  fea- 
tured amateur  painting  and  contemporary  American 
art  and,  as  always,  were  well  attended.  Dubufe's  work 
returned  to  the  American  Academy  in  1836  and  1838 
and  appeared  in  New  York  in  the  intervening  year  at 
the  Stuyvesant  Institute.  In  the  few  years  they  were 
absent  from  the  city,  between  1833  and  1836,  Dubufe's 


23.  Tarn  O'Shanter"  Morning 
Courier  and  NewTork 
Enquirer,  June  19, 1833. 

24.  "The  Group  from  Tarn 
O'Shanter,"  The  Knicker- 
bocker z  (July  1833),  p.  69. 

25.  For  the  complete  history  of 
the  pictures  and  the  American 
tour,  see  Kendall  B.  Taft, 
""Adam  and  Eve  in  America," 
Art  Quarterly  22  (summer 
i960),  pp.  171-79. 

26.  J.  M.  M.,  "Adam  and  Eve" 
New-Tork  American,  March  8, 
1833;  Diary  of  William  Dunlap 
(1766 -1839),  edited  by  Dorothy 
C.  Barck,  3  vols.  (New  York: 
New-York  Historical  Society, 
1931),  vol.  3,  pp.  643  (entry  for 
January  3, 1833),  663  (entry  for 
March  5, 1833).  See  also  adver- 
tisement, New-Tork  Ameri- 
can, January  4, 1833;  Morning 
Courier  and  New-Tork  Enquirer, 
January  4, 1833;  "Fine  Pictures," 
New-Tork  American,  January  12, 
1833;  "Adam  and  Eve,"  New-Tork 
Commercial  Advertiser,  February 
25, 1833;  and  "American  Academy 
of  Fine  Arts,"  American  Monthly 
Magazine  i  (March  1833), 

pp.  61-62. 

27.  "The  Paintings  of  Adam  and 
Eve,  at  the  American  Academy," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  March  30, 
1833,  pp.  306-7. 

28.  J.  M.  M.,  "Adam  and  Eve." 

29.  See  True  Modesty,  "The  Two 
Grand  Moral  Paintings,"  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  June  i,  1833,  p.  379; 
and  W.  W.,  "Acknowledgment 

o  the  Piece  Signed  'True  Mod- 
esty,'" New-Tork  Mirror,  June  15, 
1833,  p.  399.  The  editor  prefaced 
W.  W?s  comments  with  a  note 
reporting  that  the  journal  had 
received  "several  communica- 
tions .  .  .  pro  and  con"  on  True 
Modesty's  article;  although  he 
had  not  intended  to  use  any  of 
them,  he  explained,  he  printed 
excerpts  from  W.  W*s  piece 
because  it  discussed  the  question 
of  displaying  prints  of  nude 
figures  in  shop  windows.  See 
also  "Fine  Arts,"  New-Tork  Lit- 
erary Gazette,  and  Journal  of 
Belles  Lettres,  Arts,  Sciences,  <&c., 
September  15, 1834,  p.  28. 


$6    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


30.  "Adam  and  Evef  New-York 
American^  December  3, 1836. 

31.  "The  Fine  Arts,"  New-Tork  Mir- 
ror^ September  30, 1837,  p.  112. 

32.  Advertisement,  New-Tork 
American,  December  20, 1838. 

33.  'T^ews  of  the  Week,"  Z*>^mry 
World,  January  13, 1849,  p.  36. 


paintings  reportedly  enlightened  more  than  three 
hundred  thousand  viewers  across  the  country.  The 
New-Tork  American  attributed  to  each  of  these  anon- 
ymous viewers  "soimdness  of  judgment  and  purity  of 
taste"  and  reported  that  "there  is  scarcely  one  such  vis- 
itor, who  dissents  from  the  high  encomiums  which 
have  been  awarded  by  the  best  connoisseurs  to  these 
pictures,  as  works  of  art,  and  by  the  present  moralists 
for  their  salutary  effect  upon  the  mind  and  feelings.''^*^ 

The  high  encomiums  awarded  to  the  pictures  as 
works  of  art  were  no  doubt  undeserved,  and  it  may 
well  be  that  Dubufe  was  so  successful  in  America 
primarily  because  he  produced  admirable  paintings 
expressing  admirable  values  as  opposed  to  extraordi- 
nary paintings  expressing  indifferent  values.  By  the 
late  1830S  for  most  Americans  the  didactic  component 
was  the  most  important  element  of  art. 

When  an  exhibition  of  Dubufe's  Don  Juan  and 
Haidee  and  Saint  John  in  the  Wilderness  (both  unlo- 
cated)  inaugurated  the  gallery  at  the  new  Stuyvesant 
Institute  in  1857,  a  reviewer  for  the  New-Tork  Mirror 
hailed  the  enormous  pictures  as  "striking  and  well- 
conceived"  and  altogether  appropriate  for  the  new 
edifice,  which  honored  the  memory  of  the  last  direc- 
tor general  of  the  New  Netherlands.  And  if  the 
grouping  of  Peter  Stuyvesant,  Dubufe,  Lord  Byron, 
and  biblical  subject  matter  represented  here  seems 
eccentric  by  today's  standards,  it  well  reflected  the 
eclectic  tastes  of  the  New  York  art  audience  of  1837. 
By  1838,  when  the  two  paintings  from  the  Stuyvesant 
show  were  joined  by  Dubufe's  Circassian  Slave  and 
Princess  of  Capua  (both  unlocated)  at  the  American 
Academy,  the  artist  needed  no  introduction  to  this 
appreciative  audience,  which  was  treated  to  the  musical 
accompaniment  of  two  aeolian  harps  that  added  "to 
the  enchantment  of  the  scene." 

It  is  tempting  to  propose  that  Dubufe  may  have 
been  popular  in  New  York  not  because  his  work 
was  didactic  but  because  it  was  spectacle  rather  than 
fine  art,  akin  to  illuminated  paintings,  dioramas,  and 
other  pictures  suited  more  for  entertainment  than  for 
serious  contemplation.  New  York  was  full  of  this 
sort  of  material  in  1837,  when  the  Dubufe  show  was 
at  the  Stuyvesant  and  works  of  similar  stripe  were  on 
view  elsewhere:  D.  W.  Boudefs  La  Belle  Nature  and 
Daphne  de  FOlympe  (both  unlocated)  at  17  Park  Row, 
Dunlap's  Christ  Healing  the  Sick  after  West  (unlo- 
cated) at  the  American  Museum,  and  a  mosaic  picture 
of  the  ruins  of  Paestum  at  the  American  Academy. 
Throughout  the  1830s  Vanderlyn's  New-York  Rotunda 
presented  panoramas  of  exotic  sites  like  so  many  the- 
atrical offerings,  one  booked  after  the  other,  providing 


audiences  with  vicarious  experiences  of  trips  to  far- 
away lands.  Nineteenth-century  observers  rarely  dis- 
tinguished between  the  content  of  these  shows,  now 
considered  low  art,  and  the  American  paintings  dis- 
played at  the  National  Academy  and  the  American 
Art-Union  or  the  old  masters  at  the  Lyceum  Build- 
ings, today's  high  art.  Advertisements  for  exhibitions 
of  all  kinds  were  pitched  to  the  same  audiences  and 
ran  in  the  same  newspapers,  and  the  proprietors  of 
galleries  made  their  selections  unboimd  by  precise 
criteria.  If  such  criteria  had  been  in  place,  the  mosaic 
picture  would  have  been  shown  at  the  American 
Museum,  a  curiosity  cabinet  dedicated  primarily  to 
natural  science  and  objects  of  random  type,  and  Dim- 
lap's  paintings  would  have  foimd  their  place  at  the 
more  elite  American  Academy. 

Matchups  between  venues  and  offerings  remained 
unpredictable  throughout  the  antebellum  era.  Per- 
haps one  of  the  most  unpredictable  occurred  in  1849, 
when  Dubufe's  Adam  and  Eve  paintings  returned 
to  the  city  yet  again,  this  time  to  the  National  Acad- 
emy of  Design.  The  show  opened  in  January  at  the 
National's  space  in  the  New  York  Society  Library,  The 
Dubufe  installation,  like  an  exhibition  of  old  masters 
booked  for  the  Academy's  large  room  later  in  the  year, 
was  imdoubtedly  meant  to  raise  revenues  needed  to 
erect  a  building  at  Broadway  and  Bond  Street.  The 
National  Academy  did  not  entirely  compromise  its 
stated  mission  with  these  exhibitions— its  galleries 
were  used  exclusively  for  the  annual  show  of  contem- 
porary American  painting  by  local  artists  between 
April  and  July.  Nonetheless  the  Dubufe  event  in 
particular  speaks  of  the  competitive  nature  of  the 
New  York  art  market  and  the  strategies  many  estab- 
lishments were  forced  to  adopt  to  remain  financially 
viable.  For  the  National  Academy,  foimded  with 
exacting  programmatic  standards,  it  must  have  been 
strange  indeed  to  reprise  a  show  that  had  originated 
sixteen  years  earlier  at  its  archrival,  the  American 
Academy.  The  Literary  World  noted  that  it  was  hard 
to  believe  but  true  that  "the  celebrated  Paintings  .  .  . 
are  the  same."^^ 

Yet,  in  faa,  the  National  Academy  Dubufes  may 
not  have  been  the  American  Academy  Dubufes.  The 
original  pictures  were  destroyed  by  fire,  but  there  is 
no  indication  where  or  when.  It  is  known  that  John 
Beale  Bordley  painted  copies  during  the  winter  of 
1833-34,  when  the  paintings  were  in  Philadelphia. 
Bass  Otis  is  said  also  to  have  copied  them,  and  it  is 
probable  that  other  sets  were  made  as  well;  thus  by 
the  1840S  numerous  versions  were  traveling.  Even  if 
the  National  Academy  had  the  originals,  they  would 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  ART  EXHIBITIONS  57 


Fig.  42.  Henry  Thomas  Ryall,  after  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  The  Temptation  of  Fig.  43.  Henry  Thomas  Ryall,  after  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  The  Expulsion  from 

Adam  and  Eve,  London,  i860.  Engraving.  The  British  Museum,  London  Paradise,  London,  i860.  Engraving.  The  British  Museum,  London 


have  been  in  a  poor  state  of  preservation:  owing  to 
their  tremendous  size,  they  must  have  been  rolled  and 
unrolled  many  times  and,  it  seems  certain,  retouched 
by  local  artists  at  every  stop.  In  any  event,  the 
announcement  of  the  National's  show  explained  that 
the  paintings  had  been  touring  England,  Ireland, 
and  Scodand  for  eleven  years  to  the  delight  of  "one 
million  seven  hundred  thousand  persons,"  a  state- 
ment that  simultaneously  accounted  for  their  absence 
from  America  and  added  to  their  cachet  as  significant 
works  of  art.^"*^ 

In  1849  the  National  presented  the  best  of  Amer- 
ican painting,  undisputed  masterpieces  by  Frederic  E. 
Church,  Daniel  Himtington,  Emanuel  Leutze,  and 
Asher  B.  Durand,  the  Academy's  president,  who  was 
represented  by  eleven  pictures  including  his  homage  to 
Cole,  Kindred  Spirits,  1849  (cat.  no.  30).  The  stark  con- 
trast between  the  American  works  and  Dubufe's  paint- 
ings of  Adam  and  Eve  underscores  the  complicated 


nature  of  the  exhibition  scene.  The  American  Metro- 
politan Magazine  voiced  the  hope  that  the  public 
would  show  some  discrimination  when  considering 
the  Dubufes:  "These  pictures,  which  some  fifteen 
years  ago  were  visited  by  thousands,  the  most  success- 
ful Art  exhibition  that  ever  took  place  in  this  country, 
are  again  brought  before  the  public;  but  we  hope, 
for  the  sake  of  pure  and  correct  taste,  with  not  quite 
that  extraordinary  success  that  attended  them  before. 
Through  such  works  as  these  Art  is  degraded." 

The  competition  for  viewers  and  buyers  of  art 
in  1849  was  fierce.  Frequent  auctions  held  by  new 
professional  houses,  including  Cooley;  Dumont  and 
Hosack;  Leavitt  (figs.  44,  45);  Leeds;  and  Royal  Gur- 
ley,  brought  more  and  more  art  objects  to  the  atten- 
tion of  New  Yorkers.  Artists  accustomed  to  selling  their 
works  through  the  National  Academy  or  from  their 
studios  began  to  turn  to  auction  houses,  as  did  private 
collectors.  The  Lyceum  Gallery,  home  of  Gideon 


34.  "Return  from  Europe,"  Home 
Journal,  January  6, 1849,  p-  3- 

35.  "Fine  Arts"  American  Metropol- 
itan Magazine  i  (Febru- 
ary 1849),  p.  no. 


58    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  44.  Trade  card  for  Leavitt,  Delisser  and  Company, 
y71-V79  Broadway,  ca.  1856.  Wood  engraving  by  William(?) 
Rowland.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


Fig.  45.  Interior  of  Messrs,  Leavitt  and  Delisser's  Salesroom^ 
Broadway^  New  Tork,  1856.  Wood  engraving,  from  Frank 
Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper,  April  5, 1856,  p.  264.  Courtesy  of 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


36.  "Lyceum  Gallery— Old  Masters" 
Literary  World,  March  10, 1849, 
p.  227. 

37.  "Fine-Arts  Depository,"  The 
Knickerbocker  33  (February 
1849)5  p-  I70i  "The  Dusseldorf 
Gallery,"  Home  Journal,  May  5, 
1849,  p.  2. 


Nye's  collection  of  old  masters,  was  in  its  second  year 
of  operation  and  actively  promoted  itself  as  a  pubKc 
venue.  The  Paris  print  publisher  and  dealer  Goupil, 
Vibert  and  Company,  which  had  opened  for  business 
in  the  Lafarge  Building  at  Broadway  and  Reade  Street 
in  1848,  was  celebrating  its  arrival  in  New  York  by 
showing  "worthy  specimens"  of  modern  European 


painting,  including  two— Ary  SchefFer's  Holy  Women 
at  the  Sepulchre^  1845  (fig.  46),  and  Ferdinand  Georg 
Waldmxiller's  Leuing  Out  ofSchooly  1841  (fig.  47)— that 
were  described  as  "nails  driven  into  the  floor  of  the 
year,  which  shine  and  brighten  with  time  and  firequen- 
tation."^^  The  Dusseldorf  Gallery  was  inaugurated 
in  April  1849  to  great  fanfare.  Its  proprietor,  John 


Fig.  46.  Ary  SchefFer,  The  Holy  Women  at  the  Sepulchre,  1845.  Oil  on  panel. 
Manchester  City  Art  Galleries,  Manchester,  England  1924. 17 


Fig.  47.  Ferdinand  Georg  Waldmiiller,  LeUin^  Out  of  School,  Dusseldorf,  1841.  Oil 
on  wood.  Staatliche  Museen  zu  Berlin,  Preussischer  Kulturbesitz,  Nationalgalerie 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES: 


ART  EXHIBITIONS  59 


Godfrey  Boker  (formerly  Johann  Gottfried  Bocker), 
had  arrived  in  the  city  early  in  the  year  with  the  Kraus 
collection  of  paintings  by  artists  trained  at  the  Diis- 
seldorf  Academy,  which  he  had  bought  with  money 
he  had  earned  as  a  wine  merchant  and  statesman. 
He  hung  the  pictures  at  the  Church  of  the  Divine 
Unity  on  Broadway  (fig.  48)  and  received  unqualified 
praise,  and  the  subsequent  opening  of  the  gallery 
was  hailed  as  "an  event  of  unusual  magnitude  in  the 
way  of  Art."  39 

The  New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts  drew 
crowds,  although  its  popularity  would  wane  over 
the  years;  its  1848  installation,  composed  principally 
of  American  paintings  collected  by  the  late  Luman 
Reed,  complemented  the  National's  typical  American 
shows  and  attracted  many  visitors,  but  probably 
fewer  than  came  to  see  the  Dubufes  the  next  year."*-^ 
The  much-maligned  American  Art-Union  was  flour- 
ishing early  in  1849.  For  about  a  decade  the  Art-Union 
had  been  distributing  engravings  to  $5  subscribers, 
who  were  entered  in  a  Christmas  lottery  for  one  of 
the  paintings  it  purchased  each  year."^^  There  was  no 
love  lost  between  the  Academy  and  the  Art-Union, 
which  bought  works  from  local  artists  just  before  the 
Academy  annuals;  in  fact,  it  may  have  been  pressure 
from  the  Art-Union  that  drove  the  Academy  to  take 
up  Dubufe.^^ 

The  Art-Union  was  successful  despite  adverse  pub- 
licity and  direct  competition  from  the  International 
Art  Union,  a  similar  organization  developed  by  Gou- 
pil's.  (The  International  differed  in  that  it  distributed 
European  as  well  as  American  engravings  and  paintings 
and  every  year  sent  an  American  artist  to  Europe  for 
two  years  of  study.)  One  writer  likened  the  excite- 
ment surroimding  the  American  Art-Union's  Decem- 
ber lottery  to  the  thrills  of  the  Gold  Rush:  "Not  even 
the  golden  visions  of  California  have  been  able  wholly 
to  banish  from  the  minds  of  the  fifteen  thousand  sub- 
scribers the  pleasant  thought  that  they  were  possibly 
to  become  each  one  a  possessor  of  a  fine  picture  as  a 
small  goldmine  return  for  their  ventured  five  dollars.""^ 
The  big  winner  in  December  1848  took  home  Cole's 
four-picture  series  The  Voyage  of  Life  (see  figs.  49, 
60),  a  prize  so  exceptional  that  word  went  out  that 
the  Art-Union  intended  to  buy  it  back  from  the 
journeyman  printer  from  Binghamton  whose  number 
came  up  that  eventful  night.  Others  grumbled  that  for 
every  fine  painting  by  Cole  there  were  coundess  infe- 
rior works  awarded  to  lottery  winners  throughout  the 
country  who  knew  no  better. '♦^^  Some  of  this  carping 
may  have  originated  with  advocates  of  the  Interna- 
tional Art  Union  or  the  National  Academy,  and  some 


members  of  the  Academy  proposed  establishing  their 
own  Painters'  and  Sculptors'  Art  Union. 

Partisans  of  each  union  fought  it  out  in  the  papers, 
and  by  November  1849  the  American  was  losing 
ground  under  full  attack  for  falsifying  its  charter 
and  misspending  its  members'  dues,  among  other 
offenses. One  clever  writer  described  the  American 
Art-Union's  unethical  business  practices  obliquely, 
substituting  shawls  for  paintings  and  pocket  hand- 
kerchiefs for  engravings. The  American  Art-Union 
survived  only  until  1852,  but  the  International,  with 
the  solid  financial  support  of  Goupil's,  was  unshak- 
able, especially  after  it  rented  the  grand  and  ornate 
Alhambra  Building  for  its  exhibitions  in  1854.  How- 
ever, already  in  1849,  the  year  after  the  International 
was  established,  its  managers  had  ensured  against  fail- 
ure by  offering  subscribers  a  print  of  The  Prayer  by 
New  York's  favorite  artist,  Dubufe,  at  last  giving 
Americans  a  chance  to  have  what  they  clamored  for: 
a  Dubufe  in  every  home. 


Fig.  48.  Artist  unknown,  after  David  H.  Arnot,  Exterior  of  the 
Dusseldorf  Gallery  (Church  of  the  Divine  Unity) ,  1845.  Lithograph 
by  pen  work.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


38.  See  R.  H.  Stehle,  "The  Diissel- 
dorf  Gallery  of  New  York," 
New-Tork  Historical  Society 
Quarterly  58  (October  1974), 
pp.  305-14;  and  William  H. 
Gerdts,  "Die  Diisseldorf 
Gallery,"  in  Vice  Versa:  Deutsche 
Mater  in  Amerika,  amerikan- 
ische  Maler  in  Deutschlandy 
J813-1913,  edited  by  Katharina 
Bott  and  Gerhard  Bott  (exh. 
cat.,  Berlin:  Deutsches  His- 
torisches  Museum;  Munich: 
Hirmer,  1996),  pp.  44-61. 

39.  "Dusseldorf  Gallery,"  p.  2. 

40.  See  Abigail  Booth  Gerdts, 
"Newly  Discovered  Records  of 
the  New-York  Gallery  of  the 
Fine  Arts  "  Archives  of  American 
Art  Journal  21,  no.  4  (1981), 
pp.  2-9;  and  Ella  M.  Foshay, 
Mr.  Luman  Reed's  Picture 
Gallery:  A  Pioneer  Collection 

of  American  Art  (New  York: 
Harry  N,  Abrams,  1990), 
pp.  19-20. 

41.  See  Patricia  Hills,  'The  American 
Art-Union  as  Patron  for  Expan- 
sionist Ideology  in  the  1840s,"  in 
Art  in  Bourgeois  Society,  1790- 
i8so,  edited  by  Andrew  Heming- 
way and  William  Vaughan  (Cam- 
bridge: Cambridge  University 
Press,  1998),  pp.  314-39;  Miller, 
Patrons  and  Patriotism,  pp.  160- 
72;  and  Klein,  "Art  and  Authority 
in  Antebellum  New  York  City," 
pp.  1534-61. 

42.  Justice,  "The  American  Art- 
Union  and  the  Academy  of 
Design,"  Home  Journal,  Novem- 
ber 19, 1849,  p.  3- 

43.  See  "International  Art  Union," 
Literary  World,  December  23, 

1848,  p.  959. 

44-  "The  Fine  Arts,"  American  Met- 
ropolitan Magazine  i  (January 
1849). 

45.  K.,  "A  Suggestion  for  the  Art- 
Union,"  Literary  World, 
March  3, 1849,  p.  201. 

46.  Thomas  S.  Cummings,  Historic 
Annals  of  the  National  Academy 
of  Design,  New-Tork  Drawin^i 
Association,  .  .  .  from  182s  to  the 
Present  Time  (Philadelphia: 
George  W  Childs,  1865),  p.  218. 

47.  On  the  disputes,  see  "American 
Art-Union,"  Literary  World, 
April  7, 1849,  p.  318;  "The  Art- 
Union  Distributions,"  The  Inde- 
pendent, April  19, 1849,  p-  80; 
Cousin  Kate,  'The  International 
Art  Union,"  Home  Journal, 
April  28, 1849,  p.  2;  G.  G.  Fos- 
ter, "International  Art  Union," 
The  Knickerbocker  33  (May  1849), 
p.  452;  'The  American  Art- 
Union,"  The  Independent,  July  5, 

1849,  p.  121;  'The  Fine  Arts," 
Literary  World,  October  6, 
1849,  p-  298;  'The  Art-Union 


60    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Controversy"  Home  Journal, 
Oaober  lo,  1849,  p.  2;  'TTie 
Two  Art-Unions,"  Home  Jour- 
nal, October  13, 1849,  p.  2;  and 
"The  American  Art-Union  and 
Messrs.  Goupil,  Vibert,  and 
Co.,"  Literary  World,  Oaober 
13, 1849,  p.  317.  Various  articles 
were  reprinted  in  Bulletin  of  the 
American  Art-Union  2  (Octo- 
ber 1849),  pp.  2-12,  (November 
1849),  pp.  10-15. 

48.  See  "How  the  American  Art- 
Union  Belies  Its  Charter;  or.  Is 
What  Would  Be  Disreputable 
Dealing,  in  a  Lottery  of  Shawls, 
Honest  in  a  Lottery  of  Pictures," 
Home  Journal,  November  3, 
1849,  p.  2.  See  also  Lois  Fink, 
"The  Role  of  France  in  Ameri- 
can Art"  (Ph.D.  dissertation, 
University  of  Chicago,  1970), 
pp.  188-91. 

49.  Henry  James,  A  Small  Boy  and 
Others  (London:  Macmillan, 
1913)*  p.  278. 

50.  "The  Fine  Arts,"  Emerson's  Mag- 
azine and  Putnam's  Monthly  5 
(December  1857),  p.  754- 


The  Great  Emporium  of  New  Tork  in  1857 

The  big  business  of  art,  or  at  least  the  business  of  art 
that  was  bigger  than  it  had  ever  been  before,  changed 
the  nature  of  art  institutions  in  New  York  and  deter- 
mined their  success  or  failure  through  the  1850s.  The 
days  of  Colman's  and  Dkey's  storefront  dealerships 
were  over;  Colman  modified  his  business  by  separat- 
ing the  sale  of  art  supplies  and  books  from  that  of 
paintings,  which  he  took  out  of  the  shop  and  reserved 
for  large  auctions  consigned  to  professional  auc- 
tioneers. The  other  artists'  supply  shop  dealers  gave 
way  to  larger,  more  professional  establishments,  such 
as  GoupiPs;  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams;  the 
National  Academy  of  Design;  the  Diisseldorf  Gallery, 
and  a  growing  number  of  auction  houses.  In  later 
years  Henry  James  described  the  dazzling  array  of  art 
available  along  Broadway  in  those  days,  when  he  was 
still  a  teenager: 

IniffMe,  unsurpassable  those  hours  of  initiation 
which  the  Broadway  of  the  ^fifties  had  heen^  when 


ail  was  said,  so  adequate  to  supply.  If  one  wanted  pic- 
tures there  were  pictures,  as  large,  I  seem  to  remem- 
ber, as  the  side  of  a  house,  and  of  a  bravery  of  colour 
and  lustre  of  surface  that  I  was  never  afterwards 
to  see  surpassed.  We  were  shown  without  doubt,  .  .  . 
everything  there  was,  and  as  I  cast  up  the  items  I 
wonder,  I  confess,  what  ampler  fare  we  could  have 
dealt  with.^^ 

It  is  hard  to  imagine  a  richer  cultural  milieu  than 
that  in  place  in  New  York  by  about  1857,  when  the  art 
market  survived  the  Panic,  one  of  the  worst  financial 
calamities  of  the  century.  Nearly  five  thousand  busi- 
nesses went  under  that  year.  Yet  by  December  1857, 
when  most  businesses  were  still  surveying  the  damage 
done  by  the  Panic,  it  could  be  reported  that  "New 
York  is  the  center  of  much  that  is  rare  and  attractive  in 
[die  fine  arts]."5o 

The  season  had  started  off  strong  and  continued 
apace.  Before  the  failure  of  the  New  York  branch  of 
the  Ohio  Life  Insurance  and  Trust  Company  in  August, 
which  signaled  the  crisis,  "the  finest  oil  picture  ever 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  ART  EXHIBITIONS  6l 


painted  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  "^^  Church's  Nia- 
gara (fig.  50),  went  on  view  at  Williams,  Stevens  and 
Williams  on  Broadway.  The  dealers  had  been  in  busi- 
ness since  the  mid-i840s,  at  first  principally  as  purvey- 
ors of  looking  glasses,  picture  frames,  and  art  supplies, 
but  had  expanded  and  professionalized  their  involve- 
ment in  the  market  by  the  early  1850s.  Immediately 
upon  Church's  completion  of  Nia^am  they  purchased 
the  picture,  as  well  as  its  copyright,  from  the  artist. 
The  painting  was  displayed  in  New  York  and  London, 
where  sales  of  chromolithographs  of  it  yielded  even 
greater  profits  than  those  accruing  from  the  exhibi- 
tions. The  New  York  showing,  which  opened  in  May 
1857,  was  a  staggering  success  for  the  artist,  the  owners, 
and  the  viewers.  The  numerous  visitors,  awestruck 
by  Church's  accomplishment,  must  have  shared  the 
sentiments  of  the  critic  for  The  Albion:  "The  more 
one  looks  at  it,  the  less  there  is  to  say  about  it;  the 
deeper  and  more  absorbing  the  enjoyment." 

Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams  may  have  begun 
negotiations  with  Church  early  on.  The  proprietors 
did  not  commission  Nioffara,  but  surely  knew  that 
others  would  see  the  picture  in  progress,  as  studio 
visits  were  common  by  this  time.  A  reporter  for  Put- 
nam^s  Kaleidoscope  recommended  giving  New  York 
the  epithet  "the  Artist  City,  or  the  City  of  Studios," 
in  recognition  of  the  more  than  three  hundred  spaces 
for  artists  open  for  independent  business  each  day.^^ 
Many  artists  shared  room  in  buildings  dedicated  to 
such  studios,  among  them  the  old  Art-Union  Building, 


the  Tenth  Street  Studio  Building,  and  the  Dodworth 
Studio  Building,  while  others  rented  single  rooms  and 
shop  fronts.  Some  advertised  opening  hours.  Knowl- 
edgeable collectors  and  critics  previewed,  reserved, 
and  purchased  works  destined  for  the  annual  exhi- 
bitions at  the  National  Academy.  Clever  collectors 
in  the  great  emporium  of  New  York  shopped  early 
and  often,  rather  than  wait  for  the  public  opening 
of  the  show.  Works  acquired  from  the  studio  might 
still  be  shown  at  the  Academy,  with  the  buyer  listed 
as  the  lender. 

In  1857  the  National  Academy  was  still  the  city's 
principal  gallery  of  contemporary  art,  both  for  exhi- 
bitions and  sales.  The  institution  had  never  been 
stronger.  Housed  in  an  appropriate  building  of  its 
own  at  the  comer  of  Tenth  Street  and  Fourth  Avenue, 
and  with  a  more  clearly  defined  mission  than  in  pre- 
vious decades,  the  venerable  Academy  had  a  high 
profile  among  New  York's  community  of  artists,  col- 
lectors, and  viewing  public.  It  was  a  reassuring  pres- 
ence in  a  burgeoning  and  increasingly  international 
art  marketplace.  As  the  New-Tork  Daily  Times  put  it 
on  the  occasion  of  the  annual  of  1857,  "very  glad  then 
we  are  to  see  the  doors  of  the  National  Academy  once 
more  opened— the  good  old  doors  of  the  good  old 
place,"  and  the  critic  of  The  Albion  wrote  that  "it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  a  pleasanter  lounge  than  the 
Academy  Rooms."  Reviewers  declared  that  the  1857 
exhibition  was  the  finest  ever  presented  by  the  Acad- 
emy and  singled  out  for  particular  praise  Church's 


51.  "Church's  Niagara,"  The  Albion, 
May  2, 1857,  p.  213.  For  a  similar 
opinion,  see  "The  Fine  Arts," 
United  States  Democratic 
Review,  n.s.,  4.  (June  1857), 

pp.  628-29. 

52.  "Church's  Niagara,"  p.  213. 

53.  "A  Morning  in  the  Studios," 
Putnam's  Kaleidoscope  9  (May 
1857),  p.  555- 

54.  "The  National  Academy  Exhi- 
bition," New-Tork  Daily  Times, 
May  27, 1857,  p.  2;  'The  Acad- 
emy Exhibition,"  The  Albion, 
June  6, 1857,  p.  273. 


Fig.  50.  Frederic  E.  Church,  Nia^am,  1857,  Oil  on  canvas.  Corcoran  Gallery  of  Art,  Washington,  D.C.,  Museum  Purchase,  Gallery  Fund  76.15 


62    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  51.  Francis  William  Edmonds,  Time  to  Go,  1857.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Montgomery  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Montgomery, 
Alabama,  The  Blount  Collection 


See  above  noted  reviews  and 
"Exhibition  of  the  National 
Academy:  Third  Notice"  Nem>- 
Tork  Daily  Times^  Jime  20, 1857, 
p.  4;  The  Fine  Arts,"  Emerson's 
United  States  Magazine  5  {July 
1857),  pp.  91-93. 

"An  Hour's  Visit  to  the  National 
Academy  of  Design,"  Frank 
Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper, 
July  II,  1857,  pp.  88-90. 
"Sketchings.  The  Venerable 
Rembrandt  Peale,"  The  Crayon  4 
(July  1857),  p.  224.  See  also  "An 
Hour  with  Rembrandt  Peale," 
Harper^s  Weekly,  June  13, 1857, 
p.  373;  "Rembrandt  Peale,  the 
Artist,"  Bailouts  Pictorial 
Drawing-Room  Companion, 
October  17, 1857,  p.  241. 


Andes  of  Ecuador  (fig.  70),  an  untitled  landscape  by 
John  F.  Kensett,  Francis  William  Edmonds's  Time 
to  Go,  1857  (fig.  51),  and  John  W.  Ehninger's  Foray 
(unlocated).^^  Frank  Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper 
published  line  engravings  of  several  paintings  in 
die  show  and  portraits  of  nine  of  the  principal 
exhibitors,  announcing  "a  new  era"  for  pictures  in 
which  "money  to  purchase  them  is  abundant  .  .  . 
the  prices  willingly  paid  our  artists  for  their  works, 
and  the  large  commissions  given  out  show  that  a 
movement  has  at  last  been  made  in  the  right  direc- 
tion, and  our  wealthy  men  are  learning  the  fact  that 
there  is  intellectual  and  money  value  in  the  happy 
creations  of  genius  ."^^ 

Leslie^s  and  others  celebrated  American  art,  wish- 
fully pronouncing  that  the  dubious  old  masters  had 
had  their  day  in  New  York.  In  September  many 
papers  rejoiced  in  the  presence  of  Rembrandt  Peale, 
who  came  to  town  to  lecture  on  his  portraits  of 
Washington  and  to  exhibit  his  huge  Court  of  Death, 
1820  (Detroit  Institute  of  Arts),  which  he  had  first 


shown  in  New  York  a  quarter  century  earlier.  Peale 
himself  garnered  more  attention  than  did  his  paint- 
ing. Hailed  as  a  genius,  he  was  characterized  as  a  man 
who  had  known  the  coimtry^s  Founding  Fathers  yet, 
remarkably,  still  remained  vital  in  the  modem  age. 
"The  halo  of  Washington's  personality  seemed  also  to 
reflect  upon  the  artist,  investing  him  with  peculiar 
attractiveness,"  noted  one  commentator,^^ 

The  "new  era"  of  American  art  notwithstanding,  in 
1857  traveling  shows  of  paintings  fi-om  Europe  were 
more,  rather  than  less,  numerous;  the  pictures  were, 
however,  new  rather  than  old.  At  the  Diisseldorf 
Gallery  (fig.  52),  Boker  maintained  a  core  display 
of  prized  works  by  Leutze,  Karl  Friedrich  Lessing, 
Christian  Kohler,  and  other  notables,  while  con- 
standy  adding  to  and  refining  the  collection  so  that 
his  presentation  was  always  fresh.  Henry  James 
described  how  he  had  returned  again  and  again  to  see 
the  "new  accessions  .  .  .  vividly  new  ones,  in  which 
the  freshness  and  brightness  of  the  paint,  particularly 
lustrous  in  our  copious  light,  enhanced  from  time  to 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  ART  EXHIBITIONS  63 


time  the  show,"  noting  also  that  the  "gothic  excres- 
cences" and  "ecclesiastical  roof"  of  the  old  church  in 
which  the  Diisseldorf  pictures  hung  enhanced  the 
experience  of  the  collection.  But  Boker  apparently 
suffered  reverses  during  1857  and  sold  the  collection  as 
well  as  its  building,  the  Church  of  the  Divine  Unity, 
to  Chauncey  L.  Derby. 

Derby  represented  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Associa- 
tion, an  art  union  based  in  Sandusky,  Ohio,  that  would 
use  the  church  as  the  site  of  its  New  York  branch. 
Among  those  who  mourned  the  loss  of  the  Diisseldorf 
Gallery  and  considered  art  unions  illegal  and  destruc- 
tive to  art,  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association  was,  in 
the  words  of  an  observer  in  The  Crayon^  "one  of  those 
fungus  inspirations  that  are  entirely  supported  by  the 
corruptions  of  commercial  life  ...  in  short,  a  gross 
humbug."^^  Others,  however,  lauded  "this  meritori- 
ous and  triumphandy  successful  institution,"  which, 
in  fact,  prevailed;  the  Cosmopolitan's  New  York  gal- 
lery remained  open  for  three  years  at  the  church  and 
in  i860  was  transformed  by  Derby  and  his  brother 
Henry  W.  into  the  Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  a  combina- 
tion salesroom  and  exhibition  hall  (fig.  53).*^*^ 

Uniting  sales  and  exhibitions,  the  Derbys  com- 
peted with  other  major  dealers  in  the  city,  all  of  whom 
experimented  with  variations  on  the  same  marketing 
strategy,  building  inventories  of  modern  European 
pictures  and  mounting  shows  of  them.  The  Ameri- 
can Academy  had  initiated  this  scheme  in  the  1830s, 
albeit  haphazardly,  applying  it  to  both  American  and 


European  paintings,  and  GoupiPs  professionalized 
it  in  the  1850s.  Goupil's  had  nimbly  engineered  its 
entrance  to  New  York  in  1846  by  sending  an  agent, 
Michael  Knoedler,  to  test  the  market  for  French  and 
British  prints  and  European  paintings.  Knoedler 
opened  Goupil's  first  New  York  gallery  in  1848  and 
significandy  influenced  the  burgeoning  collectors' 
market  by  establishing  the  International  Art  Union 
the  next  year  to  spread  a  taste  for  European  painting. 
Knoedler's  program  was  brilliant  in  that  it  embraced 
American  as  well  as  European  art.  Not  only  did  the 
Union  devote  some  of  its  profits  to  the  education  of 
American  artists  but  in  1850  Goupil's  also  offered  a 
partnership  to  the  popular  local  art  supplier  and  occa- 
sional dealer  in  American  painting  William  Schaus. 
That  year,  thanks  to  Schaus's  participation,  the  Inter- 
national Art  Union  distributed  the  print  after  William 
Sidney  Mount's  The  Power  of  Music  (figs.  69,  164)^ 
Goupil's  subsequentiy  commissioned  other  works 
from  Mount  and  published  series  of  portraits  of  dis- 
tinguished Americans  and  views  of  American  scenery, 
all  executed  by  American  artists. 

Once  the  American  component  of  the  business  was 
in  place,  by  about  1852,  Knoedler  focused  on  modern 
European  art:  that  year  Goupil's  showed  Paul  Dela- 
roche's  Napoleon  at  TontainebleaUy  1845  (fig.  54);  by 
1855  the  gallery  was  full  of  pictures  by  Delaroche, 
Scheffer,  and  Horace  Vernet;  and  in  1857,  shordy  after 
Knoedler  bought  out  the  business  and  made  it  his 
own  (fig.  55),  the  firm  mounted  a  grand  exhibition  of 


58.  James,  Small  Boy,  p.  278. 

59.  "The  Cosmopolitan  Art- 
Association"  The  Crayon  4 
(August  1857),  p.  252. 

60.  "Cosmopolitan  Art  Asso- 
ciation," Bailouts  Pictorial 
Drawing-Room  CompanioHy 
December  19, 1857,  p.  389. 


Fig.  52.  Interior  View  of  the  Diisseldorf  Gallery.  Wood  engraving  by  Nathaniel 
Orr,  from  Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal  2  (December  1857),  p.  57.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J,  Watson  Library 


Fig.  53.  Interior  View  of  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association^  Norman  Hall. 
Wood  engraving  by  Nathaniel  Orr,  from  Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal  i 
(November  1856),  p.  94.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


64    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  54.  Paul  Delaroche,  Napoleon  at  Fonminehleau,  Paris, 
1845.  Oil  on  canvas.  Museum  der  Bildenden  Kiinste,  Leipzig 


greater  impact,  caused  even  more  of  an  uproar.  Typi- 
cal of  the  ecstatic  reviews  that  appeared  in  every  paper 
is  the  notice  published  in  Frank  LesUe^s  Illustrated 
Newspaper^  which  proclaimed  that  it  is  "one  of  the 
most  remarkable  paintings  ever  exhibited  on  this 
continent."  Not  one  writer  missed  the  opportunity 
to  remark  that  the  picture  was  all  the  more  extraor- 
dinary for  having  been  painted  by  a  woman— 'all 
executed  by  the  delicate  hand  of  a  lady!,"  as  one  com- 
mentator put  it.^^ 

Gambart's  third  venture  in  1857  was  an  exhibition  of 
modern  British  paintings  mounted  in  the  galleries  of 
the  National  Academy.  Like  the  two  French  shows,  it 
opened  in  October,  and,  like  them,  it  had  great  suc- 
cess, despite  the  reigning  economic  crisis;  indeed,  of 
the  three  presentations  it  probably  caused  the  most 
impressive  stir.  The  selection  favored  Pre-Raphaelites, 
including  William  Holman  Hunt,  Ford  Madox  Brown, 
and  Arthur  Hughes,  and  was  novel  for  Americans  in 
that  over  half  of  the  more  than  350  pictures  were 
watercolors,  which  were  not  yet  considered  appro- 
priate for  serious  work  or  exhibition  in  this  country. 
Critics  uniformly  praised  the  meticulousness  and 


61.  On  Gambart,  see  Jeremy  Maas, 
Getmbetrt:  Prince  of  the  Victorian 
Art  World  (London:  Barrie  and 
Jenkins,  1975);  and  Lois  M. 
Fink,  "French  Art  in  the  United 
States,  1850-1870:  Three  Dealers 
and  Colleaors,"  Gazette  des 
Beaux-ArtSy  ser.  6,  92  (Septem- 
ber 1978),  pp.  87-100. 

62.  "The  Fine  Arts— Rosa  Bonheur," 
Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  News- 
paper, October  17, 1857,  p.  310; 
see  also  "Rosa  Bonheur's  The 
Horse  Fair,'"  The  Albion,  Orto- 
ber  3, 1857,  p.  477;  and  "Rosa 

,  Bonheiir,"  Emerson's  Magazine 
and  Putnam's  Monthly  5 
(November  1857),  p.  640. 

63.  "Female  Artists,"  Ballou's  Pic- 
torial Drawing-Room  Compan- 
ion, November  14, 1S57,  p.  317. 


modern  French  painting  at  the  old  American  Art- 
Union  building  with  the  assistance  of  Ernest  Gam- 
bart. Gambart,  a  Belgian-born  London  dealer  who 
took  his  inventory  on  the  road,  as  Brett  had  done 
two  decades  earlier,  brought  to  GoupiFs  a  collec- 
tion of  well  over  two  hvmdred  paintings  by  Jules 
Breton,  Thomas  Couture,  Jean-Leon  Gerome,  Tony 
Robert-Fleury,  Constant  Troyon,  Vernet,  and  Charles- 
Edouard  Frere.  Goupil's  had  entered  the  market  by 
wooing  collectors  of  American  art  and  within  less 
than  a  decade  created  New  York's  first  gallery  of 
French  painting. 

Gambart  helped  Goupil's  put  together  this  exhibi- 
tion, but  he  was  very  much  an  independent  entrepre- 
neur and  simultaneously  worked  with  the  competition. 
It  is  to  him,  indeed,  that  the  city  owed  a  considerable 
part  of  its  late  fall  exhibition  schedule  in  1857.  Goupil's 
display  of  French  paintings  included  two  works  by 
the  celebrated  Rosa  Bonheur,  in  addition  to  a  portrait 
of  her  by  Dubufe.  But  Gambart  saved  her  spectacular 
Horse  Fair,  1853-55  (cat.  no.  51),  for  a  separate  show- 
ing, a  single-picture  exhibition  at  Williams,  Stevens 
and  Williams.  If  Niagara  had  created  a  sensation  when 
Williams  and  company  presented  it.  The  Horse  Fair, 
over  twice  the  size  of  Church's  picture  and  with  far 


Fig.  55.  Exterior  ofGoupil  &  Co,,  Fine  Art  Gallery^  772  Broadwayy 
ca.  i860.  Wood  engraving  by  Augustus  Fay.  Courtesy  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


intensity  of  the  British  pictures,  which  were  invariably 
compared  to  the  more  broadly  painted  French  works 
on  display  up  the  street. 

All  over  the  city,  galleries  offered  an  array  of  choices. 
By  November  viewers  of  the  French  pictures  at  the 
Art-Union  building  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
advised  to  stop  by  Goupil's  gallery  to  see  the  German 
Franz  Xaver  Winterhalter's  Empress  Eugenic  Sur- 
rounded by  Her  Ladies-in-Waiting,  1855  (fig.  56).  Visi- 
tors to  the  British  exhibition  could  also  have  looked  at 
the  collection  of  August  Belmont  in  adjacent  galleries 
at  the  Academy.  A  New  York  banker  whose  career 
took  him  to  Europe  as  United  States  Minister  to  The 


Hague,  Belmont  had  acquired  over  one  hundred  paint- 
ings, mainly  French,  Belgian,  and  Dutch,  which  were 
"liberally  thrown  open  to  the  public"  for  the  fall  sea- 
son. Down  the  block  at  Leeds's,  an  art  lover  could 
have  seen  J.  M.  Burt's  collection  of  European  paint- 
ings prior  to  its  auction.  "We  rolled  up  to  see  the  new 
pictures,"  wrote  the  editor  of  Harper^s  New  Monthly 
Magazine  in  December.  "There  was  the  great  Rosa 
Bonheur,  the  Horse  Market  [sic\  and  the  new  French 
Gallery,  and  the  New  English  Gallery,  and  the  old 
German  or  Diisseldorf  Gallery,  and  the  old  Bryan  or 
Christian  Gallery."  It  was  "a  new  era  .  .  .  what  more 
could  be  expected  or  wished.>"^^ 


64.  See  Brownlee  Brown,  "The 
French  Gallery  and  the  Horse 
Market,"  The  Independent,  Octo- 
ber 29, 1857,  p.  i;  and  "Pictures 
in  New  York,"  Fmnk  Leslie's 
Illustrated  Newspaper,  Octo- 
ber 31, 1857,  p.  342. 

65.  "The  Belmont  Collection,"  The 
Albion,  December  26, 1857, 

p.  621. 

66.  "The  Easy  Chair,"  Harper's  New 
Monthly  Magazine  16  (Decem- 
ber 1857),  pp.  129-30. 

67.  "The  Old  World  Coming  to  the 
New,"  The  Albion,  October  24, 
1857,  p.  513. 


Appendix  A 


The  following  are  venues  culled  from  periodical  adver- 
tisements, exhibition  reviews,  exhibition  catalogues, 
and  city  directories.  Artists'  studios  and  private  collec- 
tions are  included  only  if  they  advertised  exhibitions  or 
were  open  to  the  public.  Complete  dates  of  operation 
are  listed  when  available,  but  addresses  are  given  only 
for  the  period  under  discussion. 

American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts 

1802-42 

1816-30   New  Tork  Institution^  City  Hall  Fark^  Chambers 
Street 

1831-42    8i  Barclay  Street 

Founded  as  New  York  Academy  of  Arts  with  subscrip- 
tions from  businessmen,  physicians,  and  politicians. 
Purchased  plaster  casts  after  Greek  and  Roman  statues 
in  Musee  Napoleon,  Paris,  and  acquired  paintings. 
Incorporated  as  American  Academy  of  the  Arts  in  1808; 
in  1816  renamed  itself  American  Academy  of  the  Fine 
Arts  and  began  annual  exhibitions  of  contemporary 
painting  and  sculpture  and  renting  the  gallery  to  artists 
for  single-picture  exhibitions  and  to  dealers  for  display 
of  old  masters.  From  1816  to  1826  sponsored  series  of 
annual  discourses  on  the  arts  delivered  by  patrons. 
Upon  dissolution  sold  sculpture  collection  to  National 
Academy  of  Design  and  paintings  to  Wadsworth 
Atheneum,  Hartford. 

American  and  Foreign  Snuff  Store 
(Mrs.  Ncwcombe's  Store) 

ca.  1830S  297j  Broadway 

Dry-goods  and  sundries  shop  run  by  wife  of  miniature 
painter  and  carpenter  George  Newcombe.  Held  1836 
exhibition  of  a  wood  sculpture  of  a  Highlander  by 
Anthony  W.  Jones. 

American  Art- Union 

1839-S3 

1839-40  410  Broadway 
1842-47  322  Broadway 
1847-53    4-97  Broadway 

Founded  by  artist  and  entrepreneur  James  Herring  as 
Apollo  Association  for  the  Promotion  of  the  Fine  Arts 
in  the  United  States  to  maintain  a  free  public  gallery 
and  exhibit,  purchase,  and  sell  works  by  Americans. 
Changed  name  to  American  Art-Union  in  1842,  Motmted 
annual  exhibitions,  selected  a  painting  to  be  engraved 
for  distribution  to  subscribers,  purchased  paintings,  and 
also  sculpture,  for  award  by  lottery,  and  held  auctions. 
In  1853  presented  exhibition  of  paintings  treating  life  of 
George  Washington  as  a  benefit  for  New-York  Gallery 
of  the  Fine  Arts.  Published  Transactions  oftheApoUo 
Association  (1839-43);  Transactions  of  the  American  Art- 
Union  (1844-50);  Bulletin  of  the  American  Art-Union 


(1848-53).  Dissolved  after  it  was  accused  of  illegal 
business  practices. 

American  Female  Guardian  Society 

1834-1946 

1834-  at  least  1857    29  East  Twenty-ninth  Street 
Founded  as  New  York  Female  Moral  Reform  Society 
to  protect  women  and  children  from  the  dangers  of 
city  life.  Incorporated  in  1849  as  American  Female 
Guardian  Society.  Issued  various  publications  pertinent 
to  its  mission  and  in  1857  hosted  exhibition  of  Rem- 
brandt Peale's  Court  of  Death. 

American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York 

1827-77   various  addresses 

Held  annual  fairs  primarily  featuring  manufactured 
goods,  among  them  items  related  to  agriculture,  but 
also  including  paintings,  sculpture,  and  decorative  arts. 
Moved  offices  frequendy  but  held  most  fairs  at  Masonic 
Hall,  Niblo's  Garden,  or,  by  1844,  National  Academy 
of  Design;  site  of  1855  fair  was  Crystal  Palace.  Hosted 
annual  addresses,  delivered  at  close  of  each  exhibition, 
and  published  annual  reports  (1841-77)- 

American  Museum 

1790-1874 

1817-25    New  Tork  Institution,  City  Hall  Park,  Chambers 
Street 

1826-  27  130  Chatham  Street 

1830-65   Marble  Buildings,  218-222  Broadway 
Natural  history  museum  and  cabinet  of  curiosities 
founded  by  John  Scudder  as  Tammany  Museum;  name 
changed  to  American  Museum  in  1810  and  taken  over 
by  P.  T.  Barnum  in  1841.  Occasionally  moimted  exhibi- 
tions of  paintings  and  sculpture,  especially  panoramas 
and  large  spectacle  pictures. 

Apollo  Association  (see  American  Art- Union) 

Appleton's  Building 

1854-60   346-348  Broadway 

Opened  as  space  for  artists'  studios  by  owner,  publisher 
Daniel  Appleton  and  Company;  remodeled  in  1857, 
adding  seventy-five  square  feet  of  exhibition  space  and 
reconfiguring  upper  floors. 

Arcade  Baths 

1827- 30    39  Chambers  Street 

Exhibition  hall,  principal  rooms  of  National  Academy 
of  Design 

Artists'  Fimd  Society  of  New  York 

1859-75    Broadway  and  Tenth  Street 

Founded  to  provide  financial  support  to  widows  and 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  APPENDIX  A  67 


children  of  artists.  Each  member  contributed  a  work  to 
an  exhibition  and  auction,  a  benefit  for  the  survivors  of 
an  artist  chosen  by  AFS.  First  exhibition,  held  in  i860, 
mounted  at  National  Academy  of  Design  for  benefit  of 
the  AFS  itself.  Miniaturist  Thomas  Seir  Cummings  w^as 
founding  president. 

William  Henry  Aspinwall's  Gallery 

i8s9-7S    99  Tenth  Street 

Private  gallery  attached  to  home  of  Aspinwall;  built  to 
house  his  collection  of  European  paintings  and  opened 
to  the  public  "upon  stated  occasions"  during  1859  and 
perhaps  thereafter. 

William  Aufermann 

i8s9-6i    694  Broadway 
Picture  dealer 

David  Austen  Jr. 

i8s2        497  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Bangs  (see  also  Cooley) 

1837-1903 

Cooley  and  Bangs  (1837-38);  Bangs,  Richards  and  Piatt 
(1839-48);  Bangs,  Piatt  and  Company  (1849-50);  Bangs, 
Brother  and  Company  (1851-58);  Bangs,  Merwin  and 
Company  (1858-76);  Bangs  and  Company  (1876-1903) 
1837-44   196  Broadway 
1845-50    204  Broadway 
1851-60    13  Park  Rdw 

Auctioneer  of  European  paintings,  especially  old  mas- 
ters, and  coins,  manuscripts,  and  books 

Barnum's  Museum  (see  American  Museum) 

F.  J.  Bearns 

1842  139  Fulton  Street 
Auctioneer 

William  Beebe 

1848-49  91  Liberty  Street 
Picture  importer 

Thomas  Bell  and  Company 

1825        80  Broadway 

1843  32  Ann  Street 
Auctioneer 

August  Belmont's  Collection 

1857-90    109  Fifth  Avenue 

Gallery  at  home  of  Belmont  housing  his  collection  of 
European  paintings  formed  while  he  traveled;  opened 
to  "the  visitor  who  comes  properly  commended."  In 
1857  exhibition  of  collection  held  at  National  Academy 
of  Design,  as  benefit  for  the  city's  poor. 

James  Bleecker  and  Company  (Bleecker  and 
Van  Dyke) 

1840       Broadway  and  Chambers  Street 
Auctioneer,  principally  of  European  paintings 


Bourne's  Depository 

1827-  29    359  Broadway 

Shop  of  George  Melksham  Bourne,  who  exhibited 
engravings  and  also  sold  them  as  well  as  decorative 
stationery,  sheet  music,  and  drawing  materials 

John  Brady 

1854-60 

1854-  55    36  Catherine  Street 

1855-  56    22j  Catherine  Street 
1857-60    36  Catherine  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Charles  Brandis 

1850-61 

1850-  52    566  Fourth  Avenue 
1860-61   200  East  Houston  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Browere's  Gallery  of  Busts  and  Statues 

1821-34 

1821-26   315  Broadway 

1827  92  Nassau  Street 

1828  154  Nassau  Street 

1828-  29   34  Arcade  Street 
1830-31    512  Pearl  Street 
1832-34   78  Christopher  Street 

Studio,  gallery,  and  shop  of  sculptor  John  Henri  Isaac 
Browere,  who  specialized  in  taking  life  masks  of 
famous  Americans 

Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian  Art 

1852-59 

1852-  53    34S  Broadway 

1853-  54  843  Broadway 
1855-57    839  Broadway 

1859        Cooper  Union,  41  Cooper  Square 
Gallery,  open  by  appointment,  of  Thomas  Jefferson 
Bryan's  private  collection  of  more  than  two  hundred 
paintings,  nearly  half  of  them  Dutch  or  Flemish.  Bryan 
presented  the  collection  to  New-York  Historical  Society 
in  1867. 

Thomas  Campbell 

1851-  52    25  Pine  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Century  Association 

1847-present 

1847-49  495  Broadway 

1849-  50   435  Broome  Street 

1850-  52    575  Broadway 

1852-  56    24  Clinton  Place 
1857-91    42  Fast  Fifteenth  Street 

Social  club  primarily  for  artists  and  writers;  exhibits 
permanent  collection  of  paintings  by  many  artist- 
members  and  a  distinguished  group  of  portraits.  Holds 
temporary  exhibitions,  especially  in  conjvinction  with 
club's  annual  Twelfth  Night  Festival. 


68    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


John  Childs 

i8s2-s3    84  Nassm  Street 

Picture  dealer,  formerly  a  print  colorer 

Chinese  Assembly  Rooms 

m.  18SO-SS    S39-S4I  Broadway 

Venue  rented  primarily  for  displays  of  large  panorama 
paintings 

City  Dispensary 

183s        113  White  Street 

Hosted  October  benefit  exhibition  of  collection  of 
Joseph  Capece  Latro,  archbishop  of  Taranto,  Naples. 

City  Hall  (see  Governor's  Room) 

City  Saloon 

1834       Broadway  opposite  Saint  Paulas  Chapel 
Exhibition  hall  and  cafe 

Clinton  Hall 

1830-69   9  Beekman  Smet 

Exhibition  haU  used  by  National  Academy  of  Design, 
ApoUo  Association,  New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts, 
and  for  display  of  various  private  collections.  Taken  over 
by  Leavitt  auction  house  in  1869. 

William  A.  Colman  (Colman's  Store) 

l82I-$0 

1821-24   45-46  William  Street 
1824-28   86  Broadway 
1829-36  237-239  Broadway 

1836-  45  205  Broadway 
1846-50   203  Broadway 

Artists'  supply  shop  and  antiquarian  bookstore,  which 
also  assembled  extensive  inventory  of  oil  paintings  and 
engravings  for  sale.  Made  many  major  sales  through 
auction  houses  such  as  Park  Place  House,  Royal  Gurley, 
Leeds,  and  James  E.  Cooley. 

Edmund  I.  Cook 

1857-62 

1857-58  614  Broadway 
1860-62  618  Broadway 
Picture  dealer 

George  Cooke 

1832-  33    86  Broadway 
Picture  gallery  of  painter 

Cooley  (see  also  Bangs;  Horatio  Hill) 

1833-  66 

James  E.  Cooley  (1833-36, 1850-66);  Cooley  and  Bangs 
(1837-38);  Cooley,  Keese  and  Hill  (1846-48);  Cooley 
and  Keese  (1849-50) 

1833  134  Cedar  Street 

1834  151  Broadway 

1837-  38  196  Broadway 
1846-50  191  Broadway 
1850  304  Broadway 
1850-63    377-379  Broadway 


Auction  house,  which  originated  in  Boston  as  Cooley 
and  Drake,  for  books  and  fine  arts.  Held  sales  for 
William  A.  Colman  in  1850.  Shared  rooms  at  377-379 
Broadway  with  Leavitt  and  with  Lyman. 

Cooper  Union  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science  and  Art 

1859- present    41  Cooper  Square 

Private  college  founded  by  inventor  and  philanthropist 
Peter  Cooper.  Offers  instruction  in  art,  architecture, 
and  engineering,  and  free  public  lectures  and  exhibi- 
tions pertinent  to  its  teaching  mission.  Absorbed 
New-York  School  of  Design  for  Women  in  1858. 

Cosmopolitan  Art  Association 

1854-  62 

1857-  59    Church  of  the  Divine  Unity,  548  Broadway 

1860-  62   Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  625  Broadway 
Founded  in  Sandusky,  Ohio,  by  Chaimcey  L.  Derby 
as  art  union  and  to  promote  fine  arts  through  exhibi- 
tions, distribution  of  works  to  subscribers,  and  publi- 
cation of  monthly  Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal  (1856-60). 
Main  operation  remained  in  Ohio,  but  New  York 
branch  installed  in  Church  of  the  Divine  Unity, 
building  owned  by  Diisseldorf  Gallery  when  that 
estabhshment  was  purchased  by  CAA.  Became 
Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  combination  salesroom  and 
gallery,  upon  transfer  to  building  owned  by  Derby's 
brother,  art  dealer  Henry  W. 

Crayon  Gallery  (G.  W.  Nichols  Gallery) 

i860       768  Broadway 

Site  of  exhibition  space  and  studios  rented  out  to 
artists  by  George  Ward  Nichols 

John  Crumby 

1851-60 

1851-  52    25  Fine  Street 

1852-  58    87  Cedar  Street 

1858-  60    347  Broadway 
Picture  dealer 

Crystal  Palace 

1853-  58    Sixth  Avenue  and  Tenth  Street 
Cast-iron  and  glass  building  opened  for  New-York 
Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations,  1853-54, 
America's  first  world's  fair.  Included  picture  gallery 
that  was  rented  out  after  the  fair  closed  in  1854. 

Mrs.  Dassel's  Home 

1859        30  Bast  Twelfth  Street 
Residence  of  now  obscure  artist  Herminia  Borchard 
Dassel;  upon  Dassel's  death  was  site  of  exhibition 
and  sale  by  lottery,  organized  by  committee  headed 
by  Henry  T.  Tuckerman,  to  benefit  her  children. 

David  Davidson 

1855- 56    109  Nassau  Street 
Picture  dealer 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  APPENDIX  A  69 


Dexter's  Store  (Elias  Dexter) 

i860        562  Broadway 

Exhibited  and  sold  by  subscription  the  Saint-Memin 
collection  of  portraits,  as  engraved  by  Jeremiah  Gurney 
from  artist's  original  proofs.  Dexter  also  rented  studio 
space  on  the  premises  to  artists. 

Dioramic  Institute  (see  Marble  Buildings) 

S.  N.  Dodge 

1858        189  Chatham  Square 

Presumed  dealer  to  whom  paintings  and  drawings  in 
William  Ranney's  studio  were  consigned  by  the  artist's 
widow  in  1858. 

Dodworth  Studio  Building 

early  i8sos-8s 

early  i8sos  806  Broadway 
1858  896  Broadway 

early  1860s    204  Fifth  Avenue 

Opened  by  Allen  Dodworth  as  spaces  for  artists'  stu- 
dios. Site  of  group  shows  and  opening-night  receptions 
organized  by  Artists'  Reception  Association,  formed  in 
1858,  the  year  series  of  Art  Conversazioni  was  adver- 
tised. Exhibitions,  which  included  nonresident  foreign 
artists  as  well  as  artists  in  residence,  may  have  taken 
place  in  room  otherwise  devoted  to  Dodworth's  Dance 
Academy.  By  i860  ARA  had  sixty  members  and  gave 
three  receptions  annually. 

John  Doyle 

1827       237  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Simeon  Draper 

i8s8        497  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Dumont  and  Hosack 

1848-  54   n  Wall  Street 
Auctioneer 

Diisseldorf  Gallery  (see  also  Cosmopolitan 
Art  Association) 

1849-  62 

1849-56, 1858-59    Church  of  the  Divine  Unity, 

548  Broadway 
1857  497  Broadway 

i860  -  62  Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  625  Broadway 

Exhibition  and  sales  space  for  collection  of  Diisseldorf 
School  paintings  owned  by  wine  merchant  John  God- 
frey Boker.  Collection,  which  Boker  continually  sold 
from  and  added  to,  bought  by  Cosmopolitan  Art  Asso- 
ciation in  1857.  Although  Diisseldorf  Gallery  retained  its 
name,  its  pictures  were  sold  or  distributed  by  CAA. 
Last  remaining  pictures  in  collection  sold  in  1862. 

T.  Fitch  and  Company 

1831        151  Broadway 
Auctioneer 


Pierre  Flandin 

1850-53    293  Broadway 

Venue  of  picture  dealer  who  had  been  active  for  decades 
without  permanent  gallery 

William  H.  Franklin  and  Son 

1832, 1846    68  Wall  Street 

Auction  house,  probably  evolved  from  Franklin  and 
Mindurn,  established  in  1816 

Frazer's  Gallery 

1840       322  Broadway 

Held  exhibition  and  sale  of  American  portraits,  many 
by  John  Trumbull,  and  landscape  paintings. 

Peter  Funk  Picture  Making  Establishment 

1856  Broadway 

Produced  copies  of  American  paintings. 

Ernest  Gambart 

1857-67    various  addresses 

Belgian-born  London  print  and  painting  dealer  located 
in  rented  spaces;  brought  touring  exhibitions  to  United 
States.  First  American  ventures:  simultaneous  exhibitions 
of  French  painting  at  Goupil  and  Company,  British 
painting  at  National  Academy  of  Design,  and  Rosa  Bon- 
heur's  Horse  Fair  at  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 

Michael  Genings 

1852-53    283  Third  Avenue 
Picture  dealer 

John  B.  Glover 

1841-45    Granite  Buildings 
Auctioneer 

Goupil  and  Company 

1846-57 

1846-53  289  Broadway 
1854-57    366  Broadway 

New  York  branch  of  Paris  print  and  picture  dealers; 
Michael  Knoedler  was  American  agent.  Changed  name 
from  Goupil,  Vibert  and  Company  in  1850,  after  death 
of  Vibert.  Sold  artists'  supplies  as  well  as  fine  art.  In 
1848  established  International  Art  Union  to  exhibit 
and  distribute  European  paintings.  In  1857  hosted  first 
exhibition  of  French  paintings  in  America,  which 
evolved  into  annual  event  at  successor  firm  Knoedler 
and  Company. 

Governor's  Room,  City  Hall 

1815-present 

Long  gallery  housing  approximately  sixty  portraits; 
used  for  government  receptions  and  open  to  public 
occasionally. 

William  Gowans 

1839-43 

1839-42   New-Tork  Lon£f  Room,  169  Broadway 
1843        Waverly  Sales  Room,  204  Broadway 
Auctioneer 


70    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


James  Griffen 

i8s8-s9    7  Chambers  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Royal  Gurley  (see  also  Horatio  Hill) 

1831-49 

Pearson  and  Gurley  (1831-32);  Royal,  Gurley  and 

Company  (1833-41, 1846-49);  Gurley  and  Hill 

(1842-46);  George  H.  Gurley  (1848) 

i83i-4h  1842-46    New-Tork  Lon£  Roomy  169  Broadway 

1841  20  John.  Street 

1846-49  304  Broadway 

Auctioneer  of  books  and  paintings 

Oliver  Halsted 

182s       3  Law  Buildings 
Auctioneer 

George  M.  Harding 

i8s4-s6    6  Division  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Amos  Hawley 

1827       22  Wall  Street 
Auctioneer 

Mr,  Henry's  New- York  Gallery  of  Fine  Arts 

1827-30    100  Broadway 
Gallery  of  European  paintings 

Horatio  Hill  (see  also  Cooley;  Royal  Gurley) 

1846       169  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Martin  Hoffinan  and  Sons 

1826       63  Wall  Street 
Auctioneer 

Hubard  Gallery 

1824-25   208  Broadway 

Gallery  of  William  James  Hubard,  silhouettist 

Institute  of  Fine  Arts  (see  Cosmopolitan  Art 
Association) 

International  Art  Union  (see  also  Goupil 
and  Company) 

184S-SO 

Founded  by  Goupil  and  Company  to  exhibit  paintings 
and  prints  and  sell  and  distribute  them  to  subscribers. 
Dealt  principally  in  European  art,  unlike  similar  Ameri- 
can Art-Union,  which  focused  on  American  works. 
Profits  used  to  send  Americans  abroad  to  study  art. 
Published  International  Art  Union  Journal  (1849-50). 

William  Irving  and  Company 

i8s3        8  Pine  Street 
Auctioneer 


Jordan  and  Norton 

i8s4-SS    3S6  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Philip  Keefe 

1830-31    72  Oliver  Street 
Picture  dealer 

John  Keese  (see  also  Cooley) 

i8ss        337  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Joseph  Kelbley 

i8s2-s3    346  Seventh  Avenue 
Picture  dealer 

Elijah  C.  Kellogg 

I8s8-S9    6  West  Fourteenth  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Michael  Knocdler  and  Company  (see  also 
Goupil  and  Company) 

i8s7^^sent 

i8s7        289  Broadway 

1858- 59    366  Broadway 

1859-  69   A.  T.  Stewart  mansion^  772  Broadway 
Successor  to  Goupil  and  Company,  which  Knoedler, 
Goupil*s  American  agent,  bought  out.  Continued  to 
pursue  Goupil's  sales  and  exhibition  policies  but  gradu- 
ally shifted  focus  to  American  art. 

Joseph  Koeble 

1850-60 

1850-52    161  Third  Avenue 
1852-54    161  and  163  Third  Avenue 
1855-57    163  Third  Avenue 

1857- 58    167  Third  Avenue 

1858-  60    142  Third  Avenue: 
Picture  dealer 

George  Lambert 

185S-58 

1855-  58    343  Broadway 
1857-58    12  Fourth  Avenue 
Picture  dealer 

Landscape  Gallery 

1835  311 2  Broadway 

Held  exhibition  "Richardson's  Gallery  of  Landscape 
Paintings,"  twenty  scenes  of  America,  England, 
Scodand,  and  Asia  to  be  distributed  by  lottery. 
Artist  was  presumably  Scottish  landscape  painter 
Andrew  Richardson. 

Leavitt 

1856-  92 

Leavitt,  Delisser  and  Company  (1856);  George  A. 

Leavitt  and  Company  (1857-64, 1871-92);  Leavitt, 

Strebeigh  and  Company  (1866-71) 

1856-60   377-379  Broadway 

i860       24  Walker  Street^  21  Mercer  Street 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  APPENDIX  A  Jl 


One  of  city's  busiest  auction  houses,  shared  Broadway 
rooms  with  Cooley  and  with  Lyman.  Founded  by 
George  A.  Leavitt  and  partners  Richard  L.  Delisser  and 
John  K.  Allen.  Specialized  in  book  and  fine  art  auctions. 

Leeds 

184S-70 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  (1848-59);  Henry  H. 
Leeds  and  Miner  (1864-70) 
1848       290  Broadway 
1849-53    8  Wall  Street 

1854-  56  19  Nassau  Street 
1857-59    23  Nassau  Street 

City^s  leading  auction  house  at  midcentury;  held  several 
important  auctions  each  year. 

Joseph  Lemonge 

1857-  61    159  Second  Avenue 
Picture  dealer 

Philip  Levy 

1856-58    3  North  William  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Levy's  Auction  Room  (Aaron  Levy) 

1830-44 

R.  N.  Hamson  and  A.  Levy  (1830);  Levy's  Auction 
Room  (1834-43);  Levy  and  Spooner  (1844) 
1834-37   128  Broadway 
1837-38    18  Cortlandt  Street 

1839-  43    151  Broadway 
1844       72  Greenwich  Street 

Auctioneer  specializing  in  old  masters  pictures  and 
European,  statuary.  In  1838  held  six-day  sale  of  Michael 
PafTs  collection  of  more  than  one  thousand  paintings 
in  store  rented  from  Mr.  Piatt,  6  Spruce  Street.  Sold 
business  to  Jonathan  Leavitt. 

Lithographic  Office 

1836        Comer  of  Nassau  and  Spruce  Streets 
Sold  engravings. 

S.  L.  Loewenherz 

1855-  57    128  Nassau  Street 
Picture  dealer 

George  W.  Lord  and  Company 

1853-54    356  Broadway 

Auctioneer,  branch  of  Lord  and  Carlile  of  Philadelphia 

E.  H.  Ludlow  and  Company 

1840-  75 

1840       11  and  13  Broad  Street 

i8s2-s5    II  Wall  Street  and  2-3  New  Street 

1856        12  Pine  Street 

i8s7        II  Pine  Street 

1858-  60    14  Pine  Street 
i86o~75    3  Pine  Street 

Major  auction  house;  sold  collection  of  Philip  Hone  in 
1852  and  of  Charles  M.  Leupp  in  i860. 


Valentine  Lutz 

1850-62 

1850-  51    184  Bowery 
1852-53    185  Bowery 
1854-62   142  Third  Avenue 
Picture  dealer 

Lyceum  Gallery  (Lyceum  of  Natural  History) 

1833-49 

1833-37    Centre  and  White  Streets 
1848-49  563  Broadway 

Displayed  and  researched  mineralogical  and  zoological 
specimens  from  New  York  State;  let  its  space  for  various 
exhibitions,  including  shows  of  Audubon's  drawings 
and  old  masters  from  collection  of  Gideon  Nye. 

Lyman 

1839-58 

Lewis  Lyman  and  Company  (1839, 1853-58);  Lyman 
and  Rawdon  (1851-52) 
1839        27  Wall  Street 

1851-  58    377-379  Broadway 

Auctioneer,  shared  Broadway  rooms  with  Cooley  and 
with  Leavitt 

Lyrique  Hall 

1859        765  Broadway 

Housed  various  shows,  including  single-picture  exhibi- 
tion of  Frederic  E.  Church's  Heart  of  the  Andes. 

Marble  Btiildings  (Dioramic  Institute) 

1835-37    Broadway  near  Ann  Street 
Presented  changing  displays  of  dioramas;  operated  by 
W.  J.  and  H.  Harrington,  who  advertised  themselves 
as  "transparent  painters." 

Masonic  Hall 

1826-43  314-316  Broadway 

Space  rented  out  for  fairs,  dances,  circus  performers, 
magicians,  and,  less  often,  as  exhibition  hall  for  private 
collections. 

W.  McGavin 

1841-42   47  Liberty  Street 
Picture  dealer 

Bernard  McQuillin 

1844-58 

1844-52   44  Catherine  Street 

1852-  53    40  and  44  Catherine  Street 
1854-58    40  Catherine  Street 
Picture  dealer 

William  Mead  and  Company 

1844-60  112  Bowery 
Picture  dealer 


72    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York 

1833-61    Castle  Garden 

Held  annual  fairs  at  Castle  Garden  and  Niblo's  Garden 
and  hosted  annual  addresses.  Fairs  included  paintings 
and  sculpture  and  some  fine  decorative  arts,  but  bulk 
of  the  nvimerous  entries  were  manufactured  goods. 
Published  circular  (1835-37). 

Menger's 

i860       Dey  Street 

Housed  July  exhibition  of  Jasper  E  Cropseys  Four 
Seasons. 

Merchants'  Exchange 

1827-3S;  1842-present 
1827-3S         44  Wall  Street 
1842-present    ss  Wall  Street 

Occasional  site  of  exhibitions  and  sales  held  by  local 
dealers  and  auctioneers,  including  Henry  H.  Leeds's 
auction  of  Hiram  Powers's  Greek  Slave  in  1857  and 
Cosmopolitan  Art  Association's  sale  of  Wilham 
Randolph  Barbee's  Fisher  Girl  in  i860 

Thomas  J.  Miller  and  William  L.  Morris  Jr. 

i8s6       25  Wall  Street 
Auctioneer 

Mills 

1816-31 

P.  L.  Mills  and  Company  (1816-17, 1820-22);  Mills, 

Minton  and  Company  (1818-19);  Mills  and  Minton 

(1823-30);  Mills  Brothers  and  Company  (1831) 

1816       211  Pearl  Street 

1818-20   148  Pearl  Street 

1821        s8  Wall  Street 

1823-30    178  Pearl  Street 

1831        isi  Pearl  Street 

Auctioneer 

T.  M.  Moore  and  Company 

1828       43  Maiden  Lane 
Auctioneer 

Homer  Morgan 

1849        I  Pine  Street 
Auctioneer 

National  Academy  of  Design 

i82s-present 

182S-26    exhibitions^  287  Broadway;  classes^  Chambers  Street 

1827-30   Arcade  Baths,  39  Chambers  Street 

1830-40   Clinton  Hall,  9  Beekman  Street 

1840-49  348  Broadway 

i8so-s4    663  Broadway 

i8ss-s6    548  Broadway 

i8s7        663  Broadway 

1858-64   Broadway  and  Tenth  Street 

Foimded  by  New  York  Association  of  Artists  (also  known 

as  Drawing  Association)  after  that  group  unsuccessftilly 

attempted  to  merge  with  American  Academy  of  the  Fine 

Arts.  Modeled  after  Royal  Academy,  London;  mounts 


annual  exhibitions  of  works  of  living  artists,  offers  classes 
and  lectures,  and  grants  honors  to  members.  Special 
exhibitions  have  included  shows  of  Richard  Worsam 
Meade  Collection,  1831,  and  British  and  French  pictures, 
1857.  Upon  establishment  began  building  permanent 
collection,  requiring  each  member  to  donate  a  portrait 
of  himself  or  herself  and  another  work. 

New- York  Athenaeum 

1824-60 

1824-32  New  York  Institution,  City  Hall  Park, 

Chambers  Street 
1835-60   Athenaeum  Building,  Broadway  and 

Leonard  Street 
Private  library  that  borrowed  paintings  and  drawings 
from  private  collections  for  display  in  its  rooms.  Such 
exhibitions  included  "Francesco  Annelli's  Private  Gal- 
lery of  Paintings,"  1836,  and  "W.  Hayward's  Collection 
of  Pictures,"  1837.  In  i860  announced  plans  for  annual 
appropriation  to  an  American  painter  or  sculptor  for 
study  abroad,  but  no  such  allocations  were  made. 
Merged  with  New  York  Society  Library  in  i860. 

New- York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts 

1844-58 

1844, 1850-52    National  Academy  of  Design,  348  Broadway 

and  663  Broadway 
1844-48         New-Tork  Rotunda,  City  Hall  Park, 

Chambers  Street 
1848-58  New-Tork  Historical  Society,  various  addresses 

Evolved  from  private  gallery  of  Limian  Reed;  constituted 
of  his  collection  of  European  and  American  paintings; 
purchased  by  son-in-law,  Theodore  Allen,  and  business 
partner,  Jonathan  Sturges.  Collection,  augmented  after 
Reed's  death,  conceived  as  basis  of  a  national  gallery. 
Donated  to  New-York  Historical  Society  in  1858. 

New- York  Historical  Society 

1804-present 

1804-57      various  addresses 
1857-1908    Second  Avenue  and  Elepenth  Street 
Founded  by  business  and  government  leaders  to  collect, 
display,  and  preserve  material  pertaining  to  history  of 
United  States,  in  particular  New  York  State.  Began 
building  portrait  collection  early  on;  in  1858  received 
donation  of  New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts  collection. 

New- York  Long  Room 

1822-39   143  Front  Street,  169  Broadway,  and  various 

nearby  addresses 
Space  rented  by  auctioneers,  including  C.  W.  Oakley, 
William  Gowans,  Royal  Gurley,  Horatio  Hill,  and 
J.  Pearson. 

New- York  Rotunda 

1818-70    City  Hall  Park,  Chambers  Street 
Erected  by  John  Vanderlyn  for  display  of  his  Palace  and 
Gardens  of  Versailles,  1818-19.  This  panorama  and  others 
shown  there  until  1829,  when  building  was  taken  over  by 
New  York  City  and  space  was  used  for  various  offices. 
In  1844  city  gave  space  rent-free  to  New-York  Gallery 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:   APPENDIX  A  73 


of  the  Fine  Arts,  which  remained  there  until  1848,  after 
which  time  building  served  governmental  functions. 

New- York  School  of  Design  for  Women 

i846~sS   4S7  Broadway 

Provided  artistic  training  for  women,  primarily  in  prac- 
tical disciplines  of  wood  engraving,  china  painting,  and 
decorative  pattern  design.  Held  public  lectures  and 
exhibitions  and  sales  of  students'  work.  Merged  with 
Cooper  Union  for  the  Advancement  of  Science  and  Art. 

New  York  Society  Library 

i7S4^esent 

182S-27      16  Nassau  Street 

1827-  36      33  Nassau  Street 
1836-40      12  Chambers  Street 
1840-56      346  Broadway 
18S6-1937    109  University  Place 

New  York's  first  institutional  library,  held  occasional 
exhibitions,  including  Thomas  Cole's  series  The 
Voyage  of  Life,  1840,  and  paintings  by  Claude-Marie 
Dubufe,  1849. 

Niblo's  Garden 

1828-  46;  1849-95 
1828-46  $76  Broadway 
1849-95   576  Broadway 

Fashionable  coffeehouse  and  saloon  run  by  William 
Niblo.  Hosted  theatrical  performances,  concerts,  and 
exhibitions  of  panoramas  and  paintings. 

G.  W.  Nichols  Gallery  (see  Crayon  Gallery) 

Albert  H.  Nicolay 

1853        National  Academy  ofDesi^jn,  663  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Paffs  Gallery  of  Fine  Arts 

1811-38 

1820-33    221  Broadway 
1836-38    10  Barclay  Street 
1838        204  Fulton  Street 

Michael  Paff,  New  York's  earliest  dealer  in  European 
art,  opened  his  business  on  Broadway. 

Painting  Rooms 

1S36        359  j  Broadway 

Sales  shop  and  studio  of  James  De  Jongh  and  Franklin 
B.  Ladd,  portrait  and  miniature  painters 

Panorama  Building 

1834       Mercer  and  Prince  Streets 

Venue  for  panoramas  by  Frederick  Catherwood  and 

Robert  Barker 

Park  Place  House 

1832-36   239  Broadway 

Venue  for  auction  sales,  including  that  of  William 
Colman's  inventory  of  oil  paintings 


Peale's  New  York  Museum  and  Gallery  of 
the  Fine  Arts 

1825-43    The  Parthenon,  252  Broadway 
New  York  branch  of  Peale  family's  natural  history  and 
fine  arts  museum  in  Philadelphia;  operated  by  Rubens 
and  Rembrandt  Peale 

J.  Pearson  (see  also  Royal  Gvu*ley) 

1830-31    169  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Marshall  Pepoon 

i860       52  Wall  Street 

Mounted  exhibition  of  Heinrich  Anton  Heger's 
Cathedral  at  Halberstadt  in  July  i860. 

John  Pfeiffer 

1857-5S    335  Broadway 
Picture  dealer 

L.  Power  and  Company 

1826       46  Maiden  Lane 
Auctioneer 

Limian  Reed's  Gallery 

1832-36   13  Greenwich  Street 

Third  floor  of  Reed's  home,  converted  by  collector 
into  private  art  gallery  for  exhibition  of  his  Flemish, 
Dutch,  German,  Italian,  and  American  paintings;  open 
to  public  once  a  week.  Collection,  sold  after  death  of 
Reed  to  his  son-in-law,  Theodore  Allen,  and  business 
parmer,  Jonathan  Sturges,  became  New-York  Gallery 
of  the  Fine  Arts. 

Reichard's  Art  Rooms 

1840       226  Fifth  Avenue 

Space  for  auction  of  statues  by  Chauncey  Bradley  Ives 

Henry  E.  Riell  and  Jacob  Arcidarious 

1842       304  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

T.  P.  Rossiter's  Studio  House 

1856-  60   17  West  Thirty-eighth  Street 

House  designed  by  Richard  Morris  Hunt;  opened  by 
narrative  painter  Thomas  P.  Rossiter  as  art  school  and 
exhibition  space  for  works  by  many  artists.  Admission 
on  Wednesdays  was  free  and  on  Thursdays  and  Fridays 
by  tickets  sold  at  color  shops  and  bookstores. 

J.  Sabin  and  Company 

i860        Broadway  at  Fourth  Street  and  Lafayette  Place 
Auctioneer 

Schaus  Gallery 

1820-91 

1820s       204  Fifth  Avenue 

1854-  55    303  Broadway 

1855-  56    311  Broadway 

1857-  61    629  Broadway 


74    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Artists'  supply  shop  run  by  importer  and  art  collector 
William  Schaus,  who  kept  inventory  of  paintings  for 
sale.  Between  1850  and  1852  Schaus  was  a  partner  in 
Goupil  and  Company. 

Schenck 

1860-76 

Edward  and  R  H.  Schenck  (i860);  Edward  Schenck 
(1860-76) 

1860-76  141  Broadway 

Auctioneer,  principally  of  European  art 

C.  S.  Smith 

1843       27  Jay  Street 
Auctioneer 

Snedecor's 

18SS-61    S44  Broadway  and  38  White  Street 
Auctioneer 

Shop  for  artists'  supplies,  frames,  mirrors,  where  pro- 
prietor John  Snedecor  also  sold  paintings,  primarily 
by  American  artists. 

Stollenwerck  and  Brothers  (Washington  Divan) 

1817-36    IS7  Broadway 

From  1817  exhibited  Stollenwerck's  Mechanical  Pano- 
rama and  later  also  displayed  old  master  and  modem 
paintings.  New  York  venue  for  Colonel  McKinney's 
collection  of  portraits  of  American  Indians  in  1836 

Stujrvcsant  Institute 

1837-S6    6s9  Broadway 

Building  with  picture  hall  that  was  site  of  numerous 
exhibitions  of  painting  and  sculpture  by  American  and 
foreign  artists  as  well  as  of  antiquities  and  other  material 

Alexander  H.  Taylor 

1841-45 

1841-  42  138  Fulton  Street 

1842-  43  212  Norfolk  Street 

1843-  45   87  Cedar  Street 
Picture  dealer  and  picture  cleaner 

Tenth  Street  Studio  Building 

1857-1920    15  Tenth  Street 

Building  designed  by  Richard  Morris  Himt;  included 
twenty-five  studios  and  a  double-height  exhibition  gal- 
lery. Studios  were  generally  open  to  public  on  Saturdays, 
and  group  exhibitions  were  held  in  gallery.  Some  artists 
lent  their  studios  to  friends  for  exhibitions. 


Tuttle  and  Ducluzeau 

1846-48  88  William  Street 
Auctioneer 

University  Building 

1837-94   Washin£fton  Square  East 
Building  with  studio  spaces  rented  to  artists  by  New 
York  University  starting  in  1837.  Most  artists  held 
informal  exhibitions  of  their  work  in  their  studios. 

John  L.  Vandewater  and  Company 

1852        12  Wall  Street 
Auctioneer 

Washington  Divan  (see  Stollenwerck  and  Brothers) 

Waverly  House 

ca.  1851-67    697  Broadway 
Studio  building  designed  by  Thomas  P.  Rossiter, 
often  opened  for  exhibitions  of  works  by  artists  in 
residence,  including  Louis  Lang,  John  F.  Kensett, 
and  John  Casilear. 

James  H.  Weeks 

1822-37   Successively  at  406, 404, 93y  (^nd  423  Pearl  Street 
Dry-goods  shop  and  bookstore  that  sold  and  exhibited 
prints 

Wiggins  and  Pearson 

1826-28 

1826       68  William  Street 

1828       Mr,  Henrfs  New-York  Gallery  of  Fine  ArtSy 

100  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Wilkins,  Rollins  and  Company 

184JO       322  Broadway 
Auctioneer 

Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 

1810-59 

1851-59    353  Broadway 

Art  gallery,  shop  for  looking  glasses,  and  importer  and 
manufacturer  of  prints,  books,  and  artists'  supplies. 
Firm,  founded  by  John  H.  WiUiams,  his  son  George  H. 
Williams,  and  Colonel  Stevens,  held  many  exhibitions. 

Wills  and  Ellsworth 

i860       66  Liberty  Street 
Auctioneer 


Appendix  B 


Exhibitions  and  Auctions 


The  following  exhibitions  and  sales  are  culled  from 
periodical  advertisements,  exhibition  reviews,  and 
exhibition  catalogues.  Dates  of  openings  are  indicated 
by  the  citation  of  a  single  month  or  month  and  day, 
when  available;  closing  dates  are  given  when  known. 
Unless  sale  or  auction  is  noted,  the  event  is  an  exhi- 
bition. The  following  abbreviations  are  used:  AAFA, 
American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts;  AAU,  American 
Art-Union;  AICNY,  American  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New  York;  NAD,  National  Academy  of  Design. 
*  signifies  accompanied  by  a  published  catalogue. 

1825 

May  12,  Eleventh  Exhibition,  part  i,  AAFA  * 

Oaober  2$,  i82s-Jmuary  6, 1826 ^  William  Dunlap,  Death 

on  the  Pale  Horse,  AAFA 
Oaober  26,  Eleventh  Exhibition,  part  2,  AAFA  * 
December,  Panorama  of  Athens,  New-York  Rotunda 

1826 

January  lO-April  iSy  Jacques-Louis  David,  Coronation  of 

Napoleon,  AAFA 
May  10,  auction.  Old  Masters,  L.  Power  and  Company  ^ 
May  10,  Twelfth  Exhibition,  AAFA  ^ 
May  14-July  16,  First  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
May  i7y  Jacques-Louis  David,  Coronation  of  Napoleon, 

Washington  Hall 

1827 

February  is,  auction.  New  York  Collection  of  European 

Art,  Mills  and  Minton  * 
May  6 -July  16,  Second  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
May  17,  Thirteenth  Exhibition,  AAFA  ^ 
October,  Fran^ois-Marius  Granet,  Capuchin  Chapel, 

Washington  Hall 
October,  Mr.  Henry's  New-York  Gallery  of  Fine  Arts 

1828 

March  10,  William  Bullock  and  John  and  Robert 

Burford,  Panorama  of  Mexico,  New-York  Rotunda 
May  6 -July  10,  Third  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
May  IS,  Exhibition  and  sale.  Ancient  Paintings, 

Mr.  Henry's  New-York  Gallery  of  Fine  Arts 
May  23,  auction,  Paintings  by  Francis  Guy  and  Dutch 

and  Flemish  Masters,  Wiggins  and  Pearson  ^ 
May-September,  William  Dunlap,  Christ  on  Calvary, 

Arcade  Baths 
May,  Fourteenth  Exhibition,  AAFA  * 
October  29,  auction,  Benjamin  West,  Paintings  from 

Fulton  Collection,  John  Boyd  at  AAFA 
Oaober,  First  Fair,  AICNY 

December  2,  Antonio  Sarti  Collection  of  Old  Masters, 
AAFA^ 


1829 

April  18,  Panorama  of  Geneva,  New-York  Rotunda 

April  23,  auction,  Antonio  Sarti  Collection  of  Old 
Masters,  Michael  Henry  at  AAFA 

May  ii-July  13,  Fourth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 

May  16,  Fifteenth  Exhibition,  AAFA  ^ 

May  19,  auction.  Ancient  Paintings,  Mr.  Henry's  New- 
York  Gallery 

September  18,  Hugh  Reinagle,  Belshazzar^s  Feast, 
AAFA 

Oaober  9,  auction,  Paintings,  Engravings,  and 
Ephemera,  T.  M.  Moore  and  Company  * 
Oaober,  Second  Fair,  AICNY 

1830 

March  24-December  10,  Richard  Abraham  Collection  of 

Old  Masters,  AAFA  ^ 
April  22,  auction,  Paintings,  R.  N.  Hamson  and 

A.  Levy  * 

May  i-July  s,  Fifth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
August  30,  National  Gallery  of  Old  and  Modern 

European  Masters,  Arcade  Baths 
August  30,  Hugh  Reinagle,  Belshazzar^s  Feast^  Peale's 

New  York  Museum  and  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts 
Oaober,  Third  Fair,  AICNY 

1831 

April  is-October  8,  John  Trumbull,  Paintings,  AAFA  * 

April  28-July  9,  Sixth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 

April  30-December  I,  Horatio  Greenough,  Chanting 

Cherubs,  AAFA 
May  Sy  auction,  Mr.  Rodgers  Collection,  128  Broadway 
August,  James  Ward,  Paintings  of  Cattle,  NAD  ^ 
September-November,  Richard  W.  Meade  Collection  of 

European  Paintings,  NAD  * 
Oaober  is,  1831-February  i,  1832,  George  Cooke,  Raft  of 

the  Medusa,  AAFA 
Oaober,  Fourth  Fair,  AICNY 
November  11,  George  Cooke,  Paintings,  William  A. 

Colman  * 

1832 

February,  William  Dunlap,  Historical  Paintings,  NAD 
March-June,  De  Saireville  Collection  of  European 

Paintings,  271  Broadway 
May  12,  Fourteenth  Exhibition,  AAFA  ^ 
May  2i-July  8,  Seventh  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
June  8,  auction,  William  A.  Colman  Collection  of 

Paintings,  Park  Place  House 
September  19-December  31,  John  Watkins  Brett  Collection 

ofOld  Masters,  AAFA  ^ 
Oaober,  Fifth  Fair,  AICNY 

November  10,  D'Angier,  Sculptures,  Park  Place  House 


76    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


1833 

January  i-April  IS,  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  Temptation  of 
Adam  and  Eve  and  Expulsion  from  Paradise,  AAFA 

January,  John  Watkins  Brett  Collection  of  Old  Masters, 
AAFA* 

February  20,  Thomas  Cole,  Italian  Paintings,  Broadway 

and  Wall  Street 
May  8-July  6,  Eighth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
May  io~June  11,  James  Thom,  Tarn  O^Shanter,  Souter 

Johnny,  the  Landlord  and  Landlady,  AAFA  * 
June  10,  Fifteenth  Exhibition,  AAFA  * 
September  9,  Francis  Danby,  Opening  of  the  Sixth  Seal, 

AAFA* 

September,  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  Gallery  of  the  Louvre^ 

Broadway  and  Pine  Street 
Oaober,  Sixth  Fair,  AICNY 
November  7, 1833-January  1834,  James  Thom,  Tarn 

O'Shanter,  Souter  Johnny,  the  Landlord  and 

Landlady^  AAFA  * 
November,  Baron  Christian  Burckhardt  Collection  of 

Old  Masters,  Broadway  and  Chambers  Street 

1834 

March-June,  Thomas  Cole,  Angel  Appearing  to  the 

Shepherds,  AAFA 
April  17-June  14)  Robert  Ball  Hughes,  Uncle  Toby  and 

Widow  Wadman,  AAFA  * 
April  2S-July  $,  Ninth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
June  i6-July  26,  Giovanni  Paolo  Panini,  Paintings, 

AAFA* 

June  3o~July  i,  M.  Le  Marquis  de  Gouvello  Collection, 
AAFA* 

September  11,  Dioramic  Paintings,  AAFA 
Oaober,  Seventh  Fair,  AICNY 
November  i,  Tapestries  of  Raphael's  Cartoons  and 
Rubens's  Crucifixion^  City  Saloon 

1835 

April  24~June  30,  John  Watkins  Brett  Collection  of 

Old  Masters,  AAFA  * 
May  s-July  4,  Tenth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
June  30,  Daniel  Blake  Collection  of  Old  Masters,  AAFA  * 
Summer,  Mr.  Saunders  Collection  of  European  and 

American  Paintings,  Stollenwerck  and  Brothers 
September,  H.  Harrington,  Moving  Panorama  of  Lunar 

Discoveries  and  Diorama  of  the  Deluge,  Marble 

Buildings 

September,  First  Fair,  Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City  of 

New  York,  Casde  Garden 
October  13,  James  Thom,  Tarn  O^Shanter,  Souter  Johnny, 

the  Landlord  and  Landlady  and  Other  Works, 

AAFA 

October  28,  John  Trumbull,  Paintings,  AAFA  * 
October,  Eighdi  Fair,  AICNY 
Oaober,  Joseph  Capece  Latro  Collection,  City 
Dispensary  * 

November,  exhibition  and  sale,  Richardson's  Gallery  of 

Landscape  Paintings,  Landscape  Gallery 
December  12,  Sixteenth  Annual  Exhibition,  AAFA  * 
December,  H.  Harrington,  Dioramas,  Marble  Buildings 


December,  H.  Harrington,  Grand  Moving  Diorama, 
American  Museum 

1836 

April  9-July  9,  Benjamin  West,  Death  on  the  Pale  Horse, 
AAFA 

April  27-July  9,  Eleventh  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
June,  H.  Harrington,  Dioramas,  Marble  Buildings 
June,  Henry  Inman  after  C,  B.  King,  Gallery  of 

Portraits  of  American  Indians,  Stollenwerck  and 

Brothers 

July  4,  Anthony  W.  Jones,  Statue  of  a  Highlander, 

American  and  Foreign  Snuff  Store 
July,  Stanfield's  Great  Moving  Panorama,  Niblo's 

Garden 

September,  Second  Fair,  Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City 

of  New  York,  Casde  Garden 
September,  auction,  Ancient  and  Modem  Paintings, 

Thomas  Bell  at  Stollenwerck  and  Brothers 
Oaober,  Francesco  Annelli's  Private  Gallery  of  Paintings, 

New-York  Athenaeum 
October,  Thomas  Cole,  Course  of  Empire  series,  NAD 
Oaober,  Nintii  Fair,  AICNY 

December  3,  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  Temptation  of  Adam 

and  Eve  and  Expulsion  from  Paradise,  AAFA 
December,  H.  Harrington,  Dioramas,  Marble  Buildings 

1837 

January,  W.  Hayward,  Collection  of  Pictures,  New-York 
Athenaeum 

March,  D.W.  Boudet,  La  Belle  Nature  and  Daphne  de 

VOlympe^  17  Park  Row 
April  2i-July  4,  Twelfth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
May,  WiUiam  Dimlap  after  Benjamin  West,  Christ 

Healing  the  Sick,  American  Museum 
September,  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  Paintings,  Stuyvesant 

Institute 

September,  Third  Fair,  Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City  of 

New  York,  Niblo's  Garden 
October-November,  Mosaic  Picture  of  the  Ruins  of 

Paestum,  AAFA 
Oaober,  George  Catlin,  Indian  Gallery 
Oaober,  Tentii  Fair,  AICNY 

1838 

March  25-31,  auction,  part  i,  Michael  Paff  Collection, 

Levy  at  Mn  Piatt's  Store  * 
April  I,  auction,  part  2,  Michael  Paff  Collection,  Levy  at 

Mr.  Piatt's  Store  * 
April  23-July  7y  Thirteenth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
June  i6-Oaober  12,  Mr.  Sanguinetti's  Collection  of 

Ancient  Italian  Paintings,  AAFA  * 
July,  Thomas  Sully,  Queen  Victoria^  AAFA 
Oaober,  Eleventii  Fair,  AICNY  * 
Oaober,  Exhibition  of  Works  of  Modern  Artists,  Apollo 

Association  * 

November  19,  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  Dioramic  Pictures 

and  Four  Paintings,  AAFA  * 
November  19,  Exhibition  of  American  Paintings  (The 

Dunlap  Exhibition),  Stuyvesant  Institute  * 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  APPENDIX  B  77 


1839 

January,  Exhibition  of  Paintings  (American  Artists  and 
Choice  Old  Masters),  Apollo  Association  * 

January,  W.  Hayward's  Gallery  of  Old  Masters, 
AAFA^ 

April  17,  auction,  Frederick  Catherwood,  Watercolors, 

Drawings,  and  Paintings,  Levy's  Auction  Room 
April  24-July  6,  Fourteenth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
May  8-December  30,  John  Clark  Collection  of  Old 

Italian  Paintings,  AAFA 
May  9-22,  Alfred  J.  Miller,  Paintings  and  Drawings  of 

the  Rocky  Mountains,  410  Broadway  ^ 
May,  Francesco  Annelli's  Private  Gallery  of  Paintings, 

AAFA 

May,  Exhibition  of  Paintings  (American  Artists  and 
Choice  Old  Masters),  Apollo  Association  * 

June,  Thomas  Sully,  Queen  Victoria^  155  Broadway 

August,  John  Clark  Collection  of  Old  Italian  Paintings, 
281  Broadway  * 

October,  John  James  Audubon,  Drawings,  Lyceum 
GaUery 

October,  Exhibition  of  Paintings  (American  Artists  and 
Choice  Old  Masters),  Apollo  Association  * 

October,  Twelfth  Fair,  AICNY 

October,  Benjamin  West,  Christ  Rejected^  Stuyvesant 
Institute 

November  4y  auction,  John  Clark  Collection  of  Old 

Italian  Paintings,  Lyman  at  AAFA  * 
November,  Panorama  of  Lima,  New-York  Rotunda 
November,  Alexander  Vattemare  Collection,  NAD 

1840 

January  22,  auction,  Chauncey  Bradley  Ives,  Statues, 

Reichard's  Art  Rooms 
February,  Exhibition  of  Paintings,  Apollo  Association  ^ 
March  2$,  auction.  Old  Masters,  Levy  * 
April  23,  auction,  Old  Masters,  James  Bleecker  at 

Granite  Buildings  * 
April  27-July  8,  Fifteenth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
May  4-June  8,  Old  Masters,  AAFA  * 
May  26,  auction.  Old  Masters,  Wilkins,  Rollins  and 

Company  ^ 

July,  Frederick  Catherwood,  Panorama  of  the  Eternal 

City,  New-York  Rotunda 
September  18,  auction,  Old  Masters,  Bleecker  and 

Van  Dyke  ^ 

September,  Exhibition  of  Paintings,  Apollo  Association  * 

October,  Thirteenth  Fair,  AICNY 

November,  John  Clark  Collection  of  Old  Italian 

Paintings,  333  Broadway  * 
December,  Thomas  Cole,  The  Voyage  of  Life,  New  York 

Society  Library 

1841 

March,  Exhibition  of  Paintings,  Apollo  Association  * 
May  s-July  Sy  Sixteenth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
June  18,  auction.  Modern  European  Paintings, 

John  B.  Glover  * 
October,  Exhibition  of  Paintings,  Apollo  Association  ^ 
Oaober,  Fourteenth  Fair,  AICNY 


November  8,  auction.  Old  Masters,  Levy's  Auction  Room  * 
November  8,  auction.  Old  Masters,  Henry  E.  Riell  and 
Jacob  Arcularious  * 

1842 

April  27-July  9,  Seventeenth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
October  12,  auction,  Old  Masters,  Henry  E.  Riell  at 
NAD* 

October,  John  Clark  Collection  of  Old  Italian  Paintings, 

281  Broadway 
October,  Fifteenth  Fair,  AICNY 

1843 

March,  Daniel  Huntington,  Pilgrims^  Progress^  Granite 
Buildings 

April  12,  auction,  William  Franquinet  Collection,  Levy's 

Auction  Room  * 
April  27-July  4)  Eighteenth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
October  3,  auction,  J.  C.  Wadleigh  Collection,  C.  S.  Smith  * 
Oaober,  Skteenth  Fair,  AICNY 
October,  Robert  Walter  Weir,  Embarkation  of  the 

Pilgrims  * 

December  7,  auction,  Old  Master  and  Modern  Paintings, 

Thomas  Bell  and  Company  * 
December,  George  Harvey,  Watercolors  and  Oils, 

232  Broadway  * 

1844 

April  24-July  6,  Nineteenth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
June  12,  auction,  Professor  Kleynenberg  Collection, 

I^vy  and  Spooner  * 
October,  Francesco  Annelli,  The  End  of  the  Worlds  Apollo 

Association  * 
October,  Leclerc,  Paintings,  NAD 
October  1844-September  184s,  New-York  Gallery  of  the 

Fine  Arts,  Clinton  Hall  * 
October,  Seventeenth  Fair,  AICNY  * 
November  13,  auction,  A.  Cor  Collection,  Levy  and 

Spooner  * 

1845 

January  14^  auction,  Modern  European  Paintings, 

John  B.  Glover  * 
April  17-July  $,  Twentieth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
May,  Titian,  Venus^  449  Broadway 
September  184S-1848,  New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts, 

New-York  Rotunda 
Oaober,  Eighteenth  Fair,  AICNY 

1846 

February  14-March  is,  The  Inman  Gallery  (Henry 

Inman  Memorial  Exhibition),  AAU  * 
April  16 -July  4,  Twenty-first  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
Oaober  is,  auction.  Modern  Paintings,  Tuttle  and 

Ducluzeau  * 


78    ART  AND  THE   EMPIRE  CITY 


October,  Nineteenth  Fair,  AICNY,  Niblo's  Garden 
November    John  Vanderlyn,  Landing  of  Columbus^ 
NAD 

November,  H.  K.  Brown,  Statues,  Bas-reliefs,  and  Busts, 
NAD* 

December  4,  auction,  William  A.  Colman  Collection, 
William  H.  Franklin  and  Son  * 

1847 

March,  Emanuel  Leutze,  The  Court  of  Henry  VIII, 
AAU 

April  2-July  3,  Twenty-second  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
June  2s,  auction,  Joseph  Bonaparte  Collection,  James 

Bleecker  and  Company  * 
Au0ust  i847-Jc^nuary  1848,  Hiram  Powers,  Greek  Slave^ 

NAD 

Oaober,  Twentieth  Fair,  AICNY 
1848 

March  22,  auction,  James  Thomson  Collection,  Dumont 

and  Hosack  * 
April  s-July  8,  Twenty-third  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April  19,  auction,  John  G.  Chapman,  Paintings,  Dumont 

and  Hosack  * 
April,  Thomas  Cole  Memorial  Exhibition,  AAU  * 
April,  Gallery  of  Old  Masters  (Gideon  Nye  Collection), 

Lyceum  Gallery  * 
May-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
May,  Opening  Exhibition,  Goupil,  Vibert  and  Company 
June  8,  auction,  Royal  Gurley  inventory,  Cooley,  Keese 

and  Hill* 

June  29,  auction,  Daniel  Stanton  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
October  30,  auction.  Paintings,  Cooley,  Keese  and  Hill 
October,  John  Frazee,  Design  for  Washington 

Monument,  AAU  * 
October,  Paul  Delaroche,  Napoleon  Crossing  the  Alps^ 

Goupil,  Vibert  and  Company 
Oaober,  Twenty-first  Fair,  AICNY 
November,  Old  Masters,  Lyceum  Gallery 
December,  Exhibition  of  Paintings,  International  Art 

Union  * 

1849 

January,  Claude-Marie  Dubufe,  Temptation  of  Adam 

and  Eve  and  Expulsion  from  Paradise,  New  York 

Society  Library 
March,  Gallery  of  Old  Masters  (Gideon  Nye 

Collection),  Lyceum  Gallery  * 
April  3-July  7,  Twenty- fourth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April  18, 1849-Au^ust  i8s7)  Paintings  and  Drawings  by 

Artists  of  the  Diisseldorf  Academy,  Diisseldorf 

Gallery  * 

April  2$,  auction,  Charles  de  la  Forest  Collection, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
May,  Paintings,  International  Art  Union,  LaFarge 

Building  * 
October,  Twenty-second  Fair,  AICNY 


October-December,  Hiram  Powers,  Sculptures,  Lyceum 
Buildings 

November  8,  auction,  Aaron  Arnold  Collection,  Homer 
Morgan 

Autumn,  Old  Masters  (Gideon  Nye  Collection),  NAD  * 
December  17,  auction,  William  A.  Colman  Collection, 
through  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 

1850 

January-March,  Daniel  Himtington,  Paintings,  AAU 
April  3,  auction,  J.  P.  Beaumont  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
April  10,  auction,  WiUiam  A,  Colman  Collection, 

James  E.  Cooley  * 
April  is-July  6,  Twenty-fifth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
May,  Gallery  of  Old  Masters,  Niblo's  Garden 
June  18,  auction,  Gideon  Nye  Collection,  James  E. 

Cooley 

September  23,  New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts, 

Clinton  Hall,  NAD  ^ 
October,  William  Dunlap,  Death  on  the  Pale  Horse, 

Stoppani's  Building 
October,  Twenty-third  Fair,  AICNY 
Ten  Thousand  Things  on  China  and  the  Chinese, 

Chinese  Assembly  Rooms  * 
Roman  Gallery  of  Ancient  Pictures,  Stuyvesant  Institute  * 
Velazquez,  Charles  7,  Stuyvesant  Institute  * 

1851 

April  8-July  s,  Twenty-sixth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April-December,  Annual  Free  Exhibition,  AAU 
October  28-30,  auction,  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 

Inventory,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
October  i8si-Febntary  i8s2,  Emanuel  Leutze,  Washin^fton 

Crossing  the  Delaware,  Stuyvesant  Institute 
Oaober,  Twenty-fourth  Fair,  AICNY 
November  11,  auction,  Reverend  Samuel  Farmar 

Collection,  Lyman  and  Rawdon 

1852 

March  31-June  12,  Edward  Augustus  Brackett,  Ship- 
wrecked Mother  and  Child,  Stuyvesant  Institute  * 

April  I,  auction.  Private  Collection,  Lyman  and  Rawdon  * 

April  13-July  7,  Twenty-seventh  Exhibition,  NAD  * 

April  28,  auction,  Phihp  Hone  Collection,  E.  H.  Ludlow 
and  Company  * 

May  s,  auction,  John  A.  Boker  Collection,  Henry  H. 
Leeds  and  Company  * 

May-June,  Peter  Stephenson,  Wounded  Indian^ 
Stuyvesant  Institute 

June  9,  auction,  Paintings,  Bangs,  Brother  and 
Company  * 

Oaober  27,  auction,  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 

Inventory,  Leeds  * 
October,  De  Brakekleer  Collection  of  Paintings  by  the 

Belgian  Masters,  518  Broadway  * 
Oaober,  Twenty-fifth  Fair,  AICNY 
November  23,  auction,  Paintings  and  Decorative  Arts, 

Leeds  at  NAD  * 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  APPENDIX  B  79 


December  is~i7, 30,  auction,  AAU  Inventory,  David 

Austen  Jr.  at  AAU  ^ 
December  1852-1857^  Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian  Art, 

843  Broadway  * 

1853 

February  24,  auction.  Private  Collection  of  Paintings, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
March  s,  The  Washington  Gallery  of  Art,  AAU 
April  ip-July    Twenty-eighth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April  28y  auction,  J.  P.  Beaumont  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
JunCy  De  Brakekleer  Collection  of  Paintings  by  the 

Belgian  Masters,  547  Broadway  * 
July  i4y  i8s3-October  s,  1858^  Crystal  Palace  Exhibition  ^ 
July  26,  auction,  Paintings  and  Decorative  Arts, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
July,  Edward  Augustus  Brackett,  Shipwrecked  Mother 

and  Child,  Stuyvesant  Institute 
October  8-10,  auction,  BJienish-Belgian  Gallery  of 

Paintings,  Leeds  at  NAD  * 
Oaober,  Twenty-sixth  Fair,  AICNY 
November  23,  auction,  Brooklyn  Art  Association 

Inventory,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
December  d,  auction.  Paintings  and  Decorative  Arts, 

William  Irving  and  Company  * 
December  16,  auction.  Paintings,  Albert  H.  Nicolay  * 
Theodore  Kaufmann,  Paintings  of  Religious  Liberty, 

the  artist's  studio,  442  Broadway  * 

1854 

March  22-April2Sy  Twenty-ninth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
May,  Washington  Exhibition  in  Aid  of  the  New-York 

Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts,  AAU 
October  31  ,  auction,  Private  Collection,  Henry  H.  Leeds 

and  Company  * 
Henry  Abbott  Collection  of  Egyptian  Antiquities, 

Stuyvesant  Institute  * 

1855 

February,  A.  T.  Derby,  Watercolor  Portraits,  Williams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 
February,  Horace  Vernet,  Joseph  and  His  Brethren^ 

Goupil  and  Company 
March  14-May  10,  Thirtieth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
March,  William  Sidney  Mount,  The  Power  of  Music, 

Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 
April,  Thomas  Dimcan,  The  Triumphant  Entry  of 

Prince  Charles  Edward  into  Edinburgh,  Williams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 
April,  Daniel  Maclise,  Sacrifice  of  Noah,  Goupil  and 

Company 

May,  Richard  Ansolell,  Do£fs  and  Their  Game 
(7  Paintings),  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 

May,  John  Rowson  Smith,  Panorama  of  the  Tour  of 
Europe,  Chinese  Assembly  Rooms  * 

June,  Lilly  Martin  Spencer,  Paintings,  Schaus  Gallery 

September,  Ary  Scheffer,  Dante  and  Beatrice,  Goupil 
and  Company 

October,  Richard  Greenough,  Toung  Shepherd  Boy 


Attacked  by  an  Eagle,  and  Charles  Baxter,  The 

Spanish  Maid,  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 
October,  Twenty-seventh  Fair,  AICNY  * 
Oaober,  various  artists,  Summer  Studies,  Dodworth 

Studio  Building 
November,  Thomas  Faed,  Shakespeare  in  His  Study 

and  Milton  in  His  Study,  Williams,  Stevens  and 

Williams 

December  18,  auction.  Private  Collection,  Henry  H. 
Leeds  and  Company  * 

December,  Thomas  Faed,  Sir  Walter  Scott  and  His 

Literary  Friends  at  Abbotsford,  and  N.  Gasse,  Galileo 
at  Florence,  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 

1856 

March  14-May  10,  Thirty-first  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April  I,  auction.  Oil  Paintings,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and 
Company  * 

April  17,  auction.  Oil  Paintings  and  Engravings, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
April,  James  Smillie,  Engravings  after  Thomas  Cole, 

The  Voyage  of  Life,  Spingler  Institute 
June,  Paul  Delaroche,  Marie  Antoinette  on  Her  Way 

from  the  Tribunal,  Goupil  and  Company 
October  28,  auction,  J.  P.  Beaumont  Collection, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
October,  Twenty-eighth  Fair,  AICNY  * 
November  10,  auction,  Edward  Brush  Corwin  Collection, 

Bangs,  Brother  and  Company  * 
November,  John  Martin,  Judgment  series,  WiUiams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 
December  i8s6-April  i8s7,  Erastus  Dow  Palmer,  Marbles, 

Church  of  the  Divine  Unity 

1857 

February  20,  auction,  paintings  from  Ferdinand  Joachim 
Richardt's  Niagara  Gallery,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and 
Company  * 

March  26,  auction,  A.  E.  Douglass  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
May  Sj,  auction,  Goupil  and  Company  Inventory  and  a 

Private  Collection,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  ^ 
May  28,  auction,  William  Schaus  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  ^ 
May  28,  Thirty-second  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
May,  Frederic  E.  Church,  Niagara,  Tenth-Street  Studio 

Building 

May,  Frederic  E.  Church,  Niagara,  Williams,  Stevens 

and  Williams 
June,  auction,  Hiram  Powers,  Greek  Slave,  Leeds  at 

Merchants'  Exchange 
June,  Robert  Walter  Weir,  Embarkation  of  the  Pilgrims, 

Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 
September  28,  Frederic  E.  Church,  Niagara,  Williams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 
September,  Rembrandt  Peale,  Court  of  Death,  American 

Female  Guardian  Society 
October  20,  i8s7-Febmary  1858,  Exhibition  of  British  Art, 

Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams  at  NAD  * 
October-November,  Twenty-ninth  Fair,  AICNY  ^ 


80    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Oaober  i8s7-March  i8s8,  Exhibition  of  French  Paintings, 

Goupil  and  Company  at  AAU  * 
October,  Rosa  Bonheiir,  The  Horse  Fair,  Williams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 
Novembers,  auction,  J.  M.  Burt  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
November  i8,  auction.  Paintings,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and 

Company  * 

November  i8s7-J(inua7y  i860,  Erastus  Dow  Palmer,  The 

White  Captive^  Schaus  Gallery 
November,  Franz  Xaver  Winterhalter,  Empress  Eugenie 

Surrounded  by  Her  Lctdies-in-Waitin^^  Goupil  and 

Company 

December,  August  Belmont  Collection,  NAD 
December  i8s7'-Jmuary  1858,  Hiram  Powers,  Greek  Slave^ 
Diisseldorf  Gallery 

1858 

January,  reception  and  exhibition,  Dodworth  Studio 
Building 

February  4,  auction,  D.  D.  Byerly  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
February  9,  auction,  Dr.  S.  Spooner  Collection, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
March,  George  Hering,  The  Village  Blacksmith^  and 

T.  Buchanan  Read,  Spirit  of  the  Waterfall 
April  2,  Edward  Troye,  Oriental  Paintings,  Apollo 

Association 

April  is-June  30,  Thirty-third  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April  22,  auction,  Joseph  Fagnani  Collection, 

E.  H.  Ludlow  and  Company 
May,  Gideon  Nye  Collection  of  Old  Masters,  AAU  * 
May,  William  T.  Ranney,  Memorial  Exhibition  and  Sale, 

S.  N.  Dodge 
June  9,  auction,  Paintings,  Bangs,  Brother  and 

Company  * 

July,  F.  Wenzler,  A  Scene  in  Berkshire  County,  Mass,, 

Dodworth  Studio  Building 
September  28,  Frederic  E.  Church,  Niagara,  Williams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 
October  21,  auction,  J.  Swinbourne,  Mr.  Jenkins,  and  G.  W. 

Alson  Collections,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  ^ 
December  20,  auction.  Paintings  to  Benefit  William  T. 

Ranney  Fund,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
December,  Louis  Sonntag,  Dream  of  Italy,  Williams, 

Stevens  and  Williams 

1859 

January,  Mrs.  DasseFs  Works,  Mrs.  Dassel's  Home 
January,  Exhibition,  International  Art  Union 
February,  benefit  exhibition,  Regis-Francois  Gignoux, 

Nia£fara  by  Moonlight,  Goupil  and  Company 
March  16, 17,  auction,  Goupil  and  Company  Inventory, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
March,  opening  of  William  Henry  Aspinwall's  Gallery 
March,  opening  of  August  Belmonfs  Collection 
March,  Paintings  and  Drawings  by  Artists  of  the 

Diisseldorf  Academy,  Diisseldorf  Gallery  * 
April  7y  auction,  Modern  Paintings,  Henry  H.  Leeds 

and  Company  * 


April  13-June  2s,  Thirty-fourth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 
April  19, 20,  auction,  Paintings,  Henry  H,  Leeds  and 
Company  * 

April  27y  28,  Frederic  E.  Church,  The  Heart  of  the  Andes, 
Lyrique  Hall 

April  29-May  23,  Frederic  E.  Church,  The  Heart  of  the 

Andes,  Tenth  Street  Studio  Building 
September-November,  Exhibition  of  British  and  French 

Paintings,  NAD  * 
September-Decembers,  Frederic  E.  Church,  The  Heart  of 

the  Andes,  Tenth  Street  Studio  Building 
October-November,  Hiram  Powers,  Washin^on  at  the 

Masonic  Altar,  Goupil  and  Company 
November  s,  Louis  Sonntag,  Dream  of  Italy,,  Diisseldorf 

GaUery 

November  10,  auction,  Rollin  Sandford  and  James 
Journeay  Collections,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and 
Company  * 

November,  Chevalier  Pettich,  Statues,  Cooper  Union  for 

the  Advancement  of  Science  and  Art 
November,  Thomas  P.  Rossiter  and  Louis  Remy  Mignot, 

The  Home  of  Washin^fton  after  the  War,,  NAD 
December,  auction,  J.  P.  Beaumont  Collection,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
December,  Paul  Akers,  Dead  Pearl  Diver,  Diisseldorf 

GaUcry 

i860 

January  31-February  i,  auction,  Snedecor's  Inventory, 
Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  at  NAD 

January,  Exhibition  of  Paintings,  International  Art 
Union  * 

January,  reception  and  exhibition,  Dodworth  Studio 
Building 

January,  Charles  Barry,  Crayon  Drawings,  Crayon 
GaUery 

February  29,  auction,  George  H.  Hall,  Paintings  and 
Studies,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 

February,  Thomas  Crawford,  Dancing  Jennie, 
Diisseldorf  Gallery 

February,  First  Exhibition,  Artists'  Fund  Society  * 

February,  reception  and  exhibition,  Dodworth  Studio 
Building 

March,  reception  and  exhibition,  Dodworth  Studio 
Building 

March,  reception  and  exhibition,  T.  P.  Rossiter's  Studio 
House 

March,  Thomas  P.  Rossiter,  Scriptural  Paintings, 
T.  P.  Rossiter's  Studio  House  * 

April  14-June  16,  Thirty-fifth  Exhibition,  NAD  * 

April  24,  auction,  Paintings  and  Decorative  Arts, 
Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 

April,  Leonard  Volk,  Statuette  of  Senator  Douglas, 
Crayon  Gallery 

May  22,  23,  auction,  Wilham  E.  Burton  Collection, 
Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 

May,  Paintings  and  Drawings  by  Artists  of  the  Diissel- 
dorf Academy  with  the  Jarves  Collection  of  Old 
Masters,  Diisseldorf  Gallery,  Institute  of  Fine  Arts  * 

July,  Jasper  Cropsey,  Four  Seasons,  Menger's 


MAPPING  THE  VENUES:  APPENDIX  B  8l 


July,  Heinrich  Anton  Heger,  Cathedral  at  Halberstadt, 

Marshall  Pepoon 
August,  Charles-Balthazar-Julien  Fevret  de  Saint- 

Memin,  Engravings,  Dexter's  Store 
October  13,  auction,  Paintings,  Manuscripts,  and 

Engravings,  Bangs,  Merwin  and  Company  * 
Oaober  19,  auction,  Paintings,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and 

Company  * 

October  24,  auction.  Paintings,  Henry  H.  Leeds  and 
Company  * 

November  13,  auction,  Charles  M.  Leupp  Collection, 
Ludlow  * 

November,  Exhibition  of  French  and  Flemish  Paintings, 

Goupil  and  Company  ^ 
December  s,  auction,  French  and  Belgian  Paintings, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
December  12,  auction.  Modern  Paintings,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
December  14,  auction,  Modern  Paintings,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  * 
December  18,  auction,  Snedecor's  Inventory,  Henry  H. 

Leeds  and  Company  ^ 
December  19,  auction,  A.  d'Heyvetter  Collection, 

Edward  and  F.  H.  Schenck  ^ 


December  24,  auction,  Paintings  and  Decorative  Arts, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 
December,  George  Loring  Brown,  The  City  and  Harbor 

of  New  Tork  and  Paintings  by  American  Artists^ 

Crayon  Gallery 
December,  Exhibition  of  Paintings  and  Sculpture,  Artists' 

Fund  Society 

1861 

January  24,  auction,  Fine  Modern  Oil  Paintings, 

Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  ^ 
February  6,  auction,  French  and  Flemish  Paintings 

from  Goupil  and  Company,  Henry  H.  Leeds 

and  Company  * 
February  20,  auction,  French,  Flemish,  and  American 

Paintings,  Schenck  * 
March  28,  auction,  Italian  Paintings,  Bangs  * 
April  20-June  17,  Thirty-sixth  Exhibition,  NAD  ^ 
May  4,  auction.  Modern  Paintings  and  Watercolors, 

Bangs  ^ 

May,  Frederic  E.  Church,  The  Icebergs^  Goupil  and 
Company 

December  is,  auction,  Paintings  by  George  L.  Brown, 
Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Company  * 


Private  Collectors  and  Public  Spirit: 
A  Selective  View 

JOHN  K,  HOWAT 


The  dramatic  growth  in  the  number  of  private 
art  collectors  in  New  York  City  during  the 
years  1825  through  1861  reflected  the  concur- 
rent rapid  development  of  an  increasingly  great  metrop- 
olis. In  1825  New  York  City,  which  is  to  say  the  small 
urban  cluster  gathered  at  the  bottom  of  Manhattan 
Island,  had  a  population  of  about  166,000.  Society 
was  presided  over  by  a  prosperous  but  not  very  large 
group  of  leaders— landholders,  merchants,  bankers, 
lawyers,  manufacturers  (including  sophisticated 
craftsmen),  physicians,  educators,  politicians,  a  few 
artists  and  writers,  and  people  of  leisure— only  a  few 
of  whom  had  traveled  extensively  abroad.  These  lead- 
ers had  only  a  circumscribed  knowledge  and  expe- 
rience of  fine-art  objects,  especially  items  from  other 
cultures,  and  only  a  limited  access  to  art  publications. 
New  York,  like  the  nation,  was  in  its  cultural  youth. 

By  1861  the  city,  still  legally  constituted  only  of 
Manhattan  Island,  boasted  more  than  820,000  citizens 
(1,000,000  in  Greater  New  York,  which  unofficially 
included  Brooklyn),  who  composed  a  population 
remarkable  for  its  diversity  and  entrepreneurial  verve.  ^ 
In  a  brief  thirty-six  years  revolutionary  changes  in 
technologies,  modes  of  travel  and  communication, 
industry  and  commerce— and  in  their  capitalization— 
provided  the  backdrop  for  a  much  expanded,  con- 
siderably wealthier  group  of  people  who  devoted 
themselves  to  acquiring  fine  art  in  many  of  its  varieties. 
New  York  Cit/s  world  of  visual  arts  was  transformed 
from  a  small,  close-knit,  mostly  private,  and  somewhat 
naive  community  into  a  large,  complicated,  and  sophis- 
ticated one  with  a  much  broader  view  of  the  role  of  the 
arts  in  public  life.  By  1861  this  art  world  was  primed 
and  poised  to  help  inaugurate  a  great  age— one  that 
continues  to  this  day  throughout  the  nation— in  which 
art  acquisition  became  better  informed  and  public  art 
museums  and  galleries  were  established  through  the 
generosity  of  philanthropists. 

Before  1825  the  city  had  a  limited  number  of  in- 
stitutions, whether  public,  private,  or  commercial, 
that  concerned  themselves  with  the  visual  arts.  The 
thoughtful  but  quite  small  band  of  civic  leaders  who 


established  and  supported  these  organizations— men 
such  as  De  Witt  Clinton,  Asher  B.  Durand,  Dr.  John  W. 
Francis,  Robert  Fulton,  Philip  Hone,  Dr.  David 
Hosack,  the  brothers  Edward  and  Robert  Livingston, 
Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  John  Trumbull,  John  Vanderlyn, 
and  Gulian  Crommelin  Verplanck— either  had  no 
personal  collections,  or  relatively  small  ones,  or,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  artists  Durand,  Trumbull,  and  Vander- 
lyn, had  larger  aggregations  of  their  own  works,  with 
some  by  other  artists. 

One  noteworthy,  although  hardly  typical,  collec- 
tor during  these  early  years  was  Eliza  Jumel  (1775- 
1865),  who,  before  her  marriage  to  the  wealthy 
Stephen  Jumel,  had  been  a  prostitute  in  Rhode 
Island.  In  1817  Mme  Jumel  put  her  large  collection  of 
European  paintings  on  view  at  the  American  Acad- 
emy of  the  Fine  Arts,  apparendy  in  the  hope  of  gain- 
ing entree  to  New  York  society.  The  attempt  failed, 
and  on  April  24,  18 21,  the  collection  was  auctioned. 
The  sale  catalogue  of  242  items,  prepared  by  one 
Claude  G.  Fontaine,  was  solemnly  titled  Catalogue 
of  Original  Paintings,  From  Italian^  Dutch,  Flemish 
and  French  Masters  of  the  Ancient  and  Modern  Times, 
Selected  by  the  Best  Judges  from  Eminent  Galleries  in 
Europe  and  Intended  for  a  Private  Gallery  in  Amer- 
ica? Famous  artists'  names  abounded  therein,  with 
glaring  misspellings— as  in  "Cannoletty,"  "Goitius," 
and  "Pictro  di  Cortone'— that  provided  an  insight 
into  the  naivete  with  which  the  collection  had  been 
formed  and  catalogued. 

The  items  that  were  not  sold  at  the  18  21  auction 
were  later  used  to  decorate  Mme  JumePs  house  in 
Harlem  Heights,  now  known  as  the  Morris-Jumel 
Mansion.  An  1862  visit  to  the  mansion  was  recorded 
by  an  awestruck  Miss  Ann  Parker  in  her  diary: 

Everything  looked  as  if  it  was  many  years  since  they 
dusted,  and  the  atmosphere  was  very  disagreeable — 
as  though  fresh  air  was  unknown.  These  two  halls 
had  inlaid  tables,  choicely  and  beautifully  set-in 
gilt  frames,  hanging  baskets  and  etageriers  covered 
with  articles  of  virtue.  The  walls  were  hung  with 


1.  For  population  figures  in  1825 
and  i860,  see  Ira  Rosenwaike, 
Population  History  of  New  Tork 
City  (Syracuse:  Syracuse  Uni- 
versity Press,  1972),  p.  33. 

2.  See  Michel  Benisovich,  "Sales  of 
French  Collections  of  Paintings 
in  the  United  States  during  the 
First  Half  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century,"  An  Quarterly  19 
(autumn  1956),  p.  288. 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  59 


84    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


3.  Miss  Ann  Parker,  Diary,  typed 
transcript,  Jumel  Papers,  box  i, 
folder  14,  Manuscript  Col- 
lection, New-York  Historical 
Society. 

4.  William  Diinlap,  History  of  the 
Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Arts  of 
Design  in  the  United  States, 

2  vols.  (New  York:  George  P. 
Scott,  1834;  new  ed.,  3  vols., 
edited  by  Frank  W.  Bayley  and 
Charles  E.  Goodspeed,  Boston: 
C.  E.  Goodspeed  and  Co., 
1918),  vol.  3,  p.  270. 


mrepmntin£fs — one  especially ^  a  full  length  of 
General  Washin^on,  which  was  my  admiration. 
.  .  .  She  was  very  magn^cent  and  amiable  in  her 
manners  and  conversation  and  called  our  atten- 
tion to  the  superb  paintings  on  the  wallsy  where 
they  were  boughty  etc} 

Mme  Jumel  died  in  1865,  having  lived  for  decades  as 
an  aged  curiosity,  surrounded  by  her  pictures  and  fur- 
niture in  a  setting  of  famous  disarray  (fig.  57). 

The  more  typical  art  collector  in  New  York  during 
the  late  1820s  and  early  1830s  was  part  of  a  small,  pro- 
gressive, and  public-minded  group,  engaged  in  a 
scope  of  admirable  although  restricted  activities.  The 
growing  importance  of  this  group  was  made  clear  in 
1825,  when  the  conflict  surroimding  the  establishment 
of  the  National  Academy  of  Design  took  center  stage 
in  the  public  press.  The  impleasant  public  and  private 
running  battie  between  supporters  of  the  elitist  Amer- 
ican Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts  (most  prominendy  the 
elderly  portraitist  Trumbull)  and  of  the  yoimger  art- 
ists who  banded  together  to  form  the  National  Acad- 
emy (most  prominendy  Morse  and  William  Dunlap) 
was  waged  for  almost  two  decades.  Yet,  despite  the 
prevailing  thunderous  art  weather,  Trumbvill,  Dun- 
lap,  and  Durand  (the  latter  one  of  the  new  guard) 
foimd  it  possible  to  imite  in  their  enthusiasm  for  the 
work  of  the  fledgling  Thomas  Cole,  himself  a  founding 
member  of  the  National  Academy.  All  three  purchased 


Fig.  57.  Abraham  Hosier,  HaU  of  the  Roger  Morris  or  Jumel  Munsion,  Harlem  Heights^  Manhattan^ 
ca.  1830S.  Watercolor.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Eliot  Tuckerman 


landscapes  by  Cole  when  they  were  shown  in  a  shop 
window  in  1825,  as  did  patrons  such  as  Hone,  Ver- 
planck,  and  Hosack,  who  relied  on  their  position  as 
cultural  benefactors  in  order  to  straddle  the  gulf 
between  the  two  camps  (see  "Mapping  the  Venues" 
by  Carrie  Rebora  Barratt  in  this  publication, 
pp.  47-50).  These  patrons  had  started  out  as  support- 
ers of  the  American  Academy,  which  was  the  regular 
showplace  in  the  city  for  traveling  European  "collec- 
tors," many  of  whom  were  in  fact  dealers  who  came  to 
New  York  to  work  a  rich  market.  When  the  Academy 
dissolved  in  1842,  the  same  collectors  became  loyal 
backers  of  the  new  organization,  founded  and  domi- 
nated by  artists. 

At  the  center  of  the  city's  cultural  world  was  Dun- 
lap  (1766-1839),  a  painter  of  only  moderate  distinc- 
tion but  a  prolific  playwright,  biographer,  historian, 
diarist,  and  theater  manager.  Dunlap's  position  was 
doubly  assured  by  the  publication  in  1832  of  his  His- 
tory of  the  American  Theatre,  followed  two  years  later 
by  his  two-volume  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of 
the  Arts  of  Design  in  the  United  States.  The  latter,  the 
first  published  history  of  the  visual  arts  in  the  nation, 
is  still  consulted  regularly  as  a  rich  compilation  of 
facts  and  anecdotes.  The  work  ends  with  a  nine-page 
discussion  entitied  "Collections  of  Pictures,"  for  which 
Dunlap  apologized  unnecessarily:  "In  our  extensive 
country  these  are  so  far  asunder,  and  my  knowledge 
of  them  so  imperfect,  that  I  fear  my  readers  may  ex- 
claim, as  it  regards  my  account  of  them,  'O  lame  and 
impotent  conclusion.' ""^  The  collections  listed  ranged 
along  the  Adantic  coast,  from  Boston  to  Baltimore, 
but,  understandably  enough,  given  Dunlap's  residence 
in  New  York  City,  most  were  concentrated  there. 

Also  understandable  was  Dimlap's  focus  on  the  col- 
lection of  Philip  Hone  (1780-1851;  cat.  no.  58,  fig.  58), 
who  had  made  a  comfortable  fortune  before  retiring 
in  May  1821  to  turn  his  attention  to  other  interests.  An 
active  social  leader,  admirable  diarist,  and  enthusiastic 
art  collector.  Hone  would  serve  a  one-year  term  as 
mayor  in  1825.  Shordy  after  his  retirement.  Hone  trav- 
eled to  England,  where  he  ordered  a  canvas  from  each 
of  the  two  best-known  American  painters  resident  in 
London:  from  Charles  Robert  Leslie,  Slender,  Shal- 
low, and  Anne  Page,  1825  (unlocated;  first  version, 
also  1825,  Yale  Center  for  British  Art,  New  Haven), 
and  from  Gilbert  Stuart  Newton,  Old  Age  Reading 
and  Touth  Sleeping,  ca.  1821-25  (unlocated).  Both 
artists  were  intimates  of  the  famous  New  York  author 
Washington  Irving,  who  doubtiess  recommended  their 
work  to  his  close  friend  Hone,  still  in  the  early  stages 
of  forming  a  collection. 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  85 


Because  New  York  was  relatively  small  and  its  art 
enterprise  limited,  the  arrival  of  the  two  pictures  in 
the  city  in  late  1825  caused  something  of  a  furor  in  the 
local  press.  Among  the  several  notices  that  appeared, 
this  one  in  the  New-Tork  Review  helped  to  establish 
Hone  as  an  important  art  patron: 

The  present  seems  to  be  an  auspicious  era  for  the 
Vine  Arts  in  our  city.  Our  corporation  [has]  always 
liberally  encouraged  every  attempt  at  improvement; 
and  now  we  have,  in  our  chief  magistrate,  Philip 
Hone,  Esq.  a  man  whose  taste  and  knowledge  make 
him  competent  to  judge  of  merit,  and  whose  liberal- 
ity has  displayed  itself  by  the  patronage  of  living 
artists.  Mr.  Hone  is  no  collector  of  old  pictures.  The 
picture  dealers  ,  .  .  have  not  in  him  a  dupe  or  a 
customer.  He  encourages  painters,  by  employing  the 
meritorious;  and  his  walls  honour,  and  are  hon- 
oured by,  the  works  of  Leslie,  Newton,  Wall,  Cole, 
Peak,  and  other  artists,  who  are  thus  stimulated 
to  persevere  in  the  road  to  perfection.'^ 

In  1834  Hone  supplied  Dvinlap  with  a  list  of  pic- 
tures in  his  collection,  to  be  published  in  the  Rise  and 
Progress.  It  contained  entries  on  works  (including 
copies  after  several  old  masters)  by  fourteen  Ameri- 
can artists,  among  whom  were  Cole,  Morse,  Dunlap 
himself,  Vanderlyn,  Rembrandt  Peale,  Robert  Wal- 
ter Weir,  and  William  Guy  Wall.  Only  three  of  the 
painters  listed— one  each  from  England,  Scotland, 
and  France— were  not  American.  With  pardonable 
parochial  pride  Hone  wrote  Dunlap,  "The  above  are 
all  the  works  of  artists  now  living,  and  I  do  not  know 
of  a  finer  collection  of  modern  pictures.  I  have  sev- 
eral old  pictures,  some  of  which  are  dignified  by 
the  names  of  celebrated  painters;  but  I  do  not  esteem 
them  sufficiendy  to  induce  me  to  furnish  you  with 
a  catalogue."^  Like  the  reporter  for  the  New-Tork 
Review,  Hone  was  obviously  aware  that  picture  deal- 
ers in  the  city  were  known  to  sell— or,  at  the  best, 
were  routinely  suspected  of  handling— pictures  of 
doubtful  authenticity  and  condition.  In  fact,  through- 
out the  period  in  question  (as  indeed  before  and 
after),  the  world  of  New  York  collectors  was  loosely 
divided  between  those  who,  like  Hone,  preferred  the 
safer  road  of  acquiring  works  by  living  artists  and 
those  who  sought  the  more  recherche  but  riskier 
works  by  "old  masters,"  or  at  least  by  European  artists 
who  were  securely  deceased. 

On  April  28,  1852,  Hone's  collection  was  sold  at  a 
posthumous  auction.  The  catalogue  recorded  almost 
three  hundred  items,  including  small  statuary,  paint- 
ings, prints  (many  portraits  and  historical  scenes), 


Fig.  58.  Shobal  Vail  Clevenger,  Philip  Hone,  1839.  Plaster. 
Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 
James  Herring  1862,7 


and  French  and  English  medals.  Among  the  Euro- 
pean artists  listed— presumably  including  some  that 
Hone  did  "not  esteem  . . .  sufSciendy"  and  again  with 
some  misspellings— were  '^on  Ostade,"  "Canna- 
letto,"  "Gerard  Dow,"  Ruisdael,  Turner,  Hobbema, 
and  Murillo.^ 

For  those  collectors  who  preferred  to  seek  out  "old 
masters"  primarily,  the  chief  art  dealer  in  the  city  was 
Michael  Paff  (d.  1838).  A  German  immigrant,  prob- 
ably from  Baden-Wiirttemberg,  Paff  arrived  in  New 
York  in  1784  on  the  same  ship  as  John  Jacob  Astor, 
both  having  been  attracted  by  the  golden  pros- 
pects presented  by  the  new  United  States  of  America. 
The  two  competed  in  the  business  of  selling  musical 
instruments  and  sheet  music  until  1802,  when  Paff 
and  his  brother  bought  out  Astor's  interests  in  that 
field  (Astor  had  by  then  gone  on  to  establish  himself 
as  a  leader  in  the  North  American  fur  trade).  Before 
long  Paff  also  had  moved  beyond  selling  musical 
effects,  and  by  1811  he  was  in  the  business  of  operating 
his  own  art  gallery. 


New-Tork  Review  notice 
reprinted  in  "Fine  Arts  "  New- 
Tork  Evening  Post,  May  6, 1826. 

.  Dunlap,  Rise  and  Pro£[ress, 
vol.  3,  p.  277. 

.  E.  H.  Ludlow,  Inventory  of 
Paintin£fs,  Statunry,  Medals, 
&c.,  the  Property  of  the  Late 
Philip  Hone  .  .  .  Wednesday, 
April  28, 1852  (sale  cat.,  New 
York:  P.  Miller  and  Son,  1852). 


86    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


8.  Malcolm  Goldstein,  "PafF, 
Michael"  in  American  National 
Biography,  edited  by  John  A. 
Garraty  and  Mark  C.  Games 
(New  York:  Oxford  University 
Press,  1999),  vol.  16,  pp.  895-96. 

9.  John  Durand,  The  Life  and 
Times  of  A.  B.  Durand  (New 
York:  C.  Scribner's  Sons,  1894; 
facsimile  ed..  New  York:  Ken- 
nedy Graphics,  1970),  p.  66. 

10.  Catalo£fue  of  the  Extensive  and 
Valuable  Collection  of  Pictures, 
En£[ravin£fs,  and  Works  of  Art 

.  .  .  Collected  by  Michael  Pcff. .  . 
(sale  cat.,  New  York:  A.  Levy, 
Auctioneer,  1838),  p.  i. 

11.  "Exhibition  of  Paintings,  Col- 
lected in  Spain  by  the  Late 
Richard  W.  Meade,  Esq.,**  New- 
Tork  Mirror,  September  17, 1831, 
pp.  86-S7. 


Within  a  few  years  PafF  rose  to  prominence  in  New 
York,  both  by  meeting  the  city's  newly  perceived 
needs  for  the  "old  masters"  and  by  presenting  himself 
as  a  private  collector  of  substance.^  More  than  fifty 
years  after  PafF's  death,  Asher  Durand's  son  John 
recalled  that  during  his  father's  youth  native  works 
of  art  were  sold  in  obscure  frame  makers'  shops,  while 
PafF  more  grandly  offered  works  such  as  'The  Last 
Supper  by  Michael  Angelo"— having  arrived  at  that 
attribution  because  the  number  of  pavement  stones 
(ten)  depicted  in  the  room  was  the  same  as  the  num- 
ber of  letters  in  the  artist's  name  (Buonarotti).  In  retro- 
spect, John  Durand  commented  sardonically,  "It  is 
needless  to  say  that  Paff  proved  the  authenticity  of 
other  originals  by  similar  evidence."^  Yet,  despite 
such  perceptions  of  charlatanism,  Paff  was  liked  and 
respected  in  the  city  for  his  engaging  and  enthusiastic 
artistic  boosterism. 

After  Paff 's  death  his  private  collection  of  more 
than  one  thousand  paintings  and  sketches  and  eighty- 
four  engraved  reproductions  was  auctioned  in  sales 
lasting  six  days.  The  preface  to  the  sales  catalogue 
eulogized  Paff  briefly,  stating  that  "more  than  35 
years  of  his  life  were  devoted  with  undiminished  zeal 
to  the  collection  of  Rare  and  Valuable  Faintin^s— 
they  were  his  great  source  of  delight,  he  seemed  but 
to  live  in  the  enjoyment  of  them,  and  it  was  always 
with  reluctance  he  parted  with  a  fine  Picture,  at  how- 
ever large  a  price."  It  is  tantalizing  to  think  that 
perhaps  a  few  of  Paff's  pictures  may  have  been  given 
proper  attributions,  for  names  such  as  Van  Dyck, 
Rubens,  Rembrandt,  Tintoretto,  Titian,  Raphael,  and 
Diirer  are  among  the  many  hundreds  enthusiastically 
scattered  throughout  his  catalogue.  Unfortunately 
there  is  no  feasible  way  to  trace  the  provenances  of 
these  paintings. 

A  collection  of  old  masters  clearly  more  distin- 
guished than  Paff's  was  that  formed  by  the  merchant 
Richard  Worsam  Meade  (1778-1828).  A  native  of  Phil- 
adelphia, Meade  had  spent  many  years  in  Cadiz,  where 
he  was  able  to  acquire  what  at  the  time  was  thought 
to  be  one  of  the  most  important  groups  of  Ital- 
ian, Spanish,  and  Flemish  pictures  yet  imported  to 
America.  In  September  1831  the  New-Tork  Mirror,  the 
weekly  paper  most  concerned  with  the  arts  in  the 
city,  discussed  the  posthumous  preauction  exhibition 
of  Meade's  collection  and  named  Titian,  Veronese, 
Domenichino,  Murillo,  and  Rubens  as  among  the 
artists  represented.  Also  of  considerable  interest  was  a 
bust  of  George  Washington  (cat.  no.  52)  carved  in 
1795  by  the  Italian  sculptor  Giuseppe  Ceracchi,  which 
Meade  had  bought  from  the  widow  of  the  Spanish 


ambassador  to  the  United  States.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  now  owns  this  work,  which  is  thought  to 
be  the  only  sculptural  bust  for  which  the  notoriously 
impatient  Washington  ever  sat. 

Although  Meade's  business  affairs  had  ended  in  con- 
troversy with  both  the  Spanish  and  American  gov- 
ernments, the  New-Tork  Mirror  praised  him  warmly 
as  a  colleaor:  "He  secured  and  transmitted  to  his 
native  country  a  treasure  of  art,  such  as  had  never 
been  before  possessed  by  an  American  citizen.  A  col- 
lection of  genuine,  authentic  specimens,  from  which 
we  may  form  a  judgment,  and  by  which  we  may 
model  a  taste,  founded  on  a  comparison  of  the  works 
of  some  of  the  most  celebrated  masters."^^  Mrs. 
Meade,  who  had  placed  the  collection  on  sale,  retained 
ownership  of  the  Ceracchi  until  her  death  in  1852, 
when  Gouverneur  Kemble  of  New  York  purchased  it 
from  her  estate. 

By  1835  New  York  City,  already  the  brawling  com- 
mercial and  financial  center  of  the  nation,  could  claim 
leadership  of  the  nation's  art  commxmity  as  well.  Pri- 
mary among  the  developments  that  had  led  to  such 
prominence  were  the  advent  of  the  American  Acad- 
emy of  the  Fine  Arts  in  1802,  Paff's  establishment  as  a 
dealer  in  1811,  the  foimding  of  the  National  Academy 
in  1825,  and  the  1834  publication  of  Dunlap's  Rise  and 
Progress,  which  described  the  flourishing  relationship 
among  artists  and  collectors.  Despite  occasional  finan- 
cial recessions,  the  city  presented  itself  during  the 
antebellum  period  as  a  pot  of  gold  wherein  amateurs 
could  form  collections  and  friendships  that  marked 
them  as  men  of  taste  supporting,  in  their  private 
way,  the  growing  interest  in  the  arts.  Some  collectors, 
remarkable  for  their  local  pride  and  pugnacious  self- 
assertion  in  every  area  of  public  life,  felt  called  upon 
to  make  regular  pronoimcements  on  the  excellence  of 
the  city's  artists  and  to  support  them  with  purchases. 
Others  attempted,  with  less  personal  involvement,  to 
recapture  the  cultural  glories  of  the  European  past  by 
forming  collections  that  included  old  master  paint- 
ings, drawings,  and  prints  in  addition  to  antiquities 
and  decorative  arts. 

Luman  Reed  (1787-1836),  who  began  collecting 
about  1830,  is  the  ideal  model  for  the  first  type  of 
patron.  As  Mrs.  Jonathan  Sturges,  widow  of  Reed's 
business  partner,  later  recalled, 

Mr.  Reed  had  conceived  the  idea  of  a  picture 
gallery  in  his  new  house.  .  .  .  Mr.  Reed^s first  essay 
was  with  Michael  Paff,  the  principal  ^old  picture^ 
dealer  of  the  period  in  New  York.  A  few  pictures 
were  purchased,  but  Mr.  Reed  had  too  much 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  87 


Fig.  59.  William  Sidney  Mount,  Bar£(mnin0  for  a  Horse  (Farmers  Bargaining),  1835.  Oil  on  canvas.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of  the  New  York 
Gallery  of  Fine  Arts  1858.59 


intuitive ^ood  sense  to  be  taken  in  by  such  ^'old  pic- 
tures'^ as  were  on  sale  at  that  period  of  our  country's 
history,  and  he  soon  began  to  look  around  among 
our  own  artists,  sought  their  personal  acquaintance 
and  examined  their  works  and  purchased  with 
great  good  taste  and  judgement 

Cole,  Durand,  William  Sidney  Mount,  and  George 
Flagg  were  the  primary  beneficiaries  of  Reed's  inter- 
est, Despite  Mrs,  Sturges's  recollections,  however. 
Reed's  house  on  Greenwich  Street,  designed 
by  Isaac  G.  Pearson,  also  contained  a  large  collection 
of  paintings  by  Flemish,  German,  Dutch,  Italian, 
English,  and  Scottish  artists.  The  heart  of  the  col- 
lection, still  kept  intact  at  the  New-York  Historical 
Society,  is  Cole's  five-picture  series.  The  Course  of 


Empire,  1833-36  (figs,  91-95),  arguably  the  artist's 
most  successful  effort  in  an  ideal  mode.  In  a  far  more 
realistic  manner.  Mount's  Bargaining  for  a  Horse, 
1835  (fig.  59),  remarkable  for  its  tight  composition  and 
careful  finish,  is  probably  the  finest  genre  scene  in  the 
Reed  collection.  Reed,  a  very  generous  man,  allowed 
interested  members  of  the  public  to  visit  his  art 
gallery,  located  on  the  third  floor  of  his  house,  as 
well  as  to  consult  his  collection  of  art  books  and 
printed  reproductions. 

Jonathan  Sturges  (1802-1874)  followed  in  Reed's 
footsteps  as  a  collector,  beginning  in  the  late  1830s.  As 
described  by  Henry  T.  Tuckerman  in  1867,  his  collec- 
tion was  not  large— just  under  three  dozen  examples 
—and  was  composed  primarily  of  works  commis- 
sioned from  his  friends,  eleven  of  New  York's  best 


12.  Mrs.  Jonathan  Sturges  [Mary 
Pemberton  Cady],  Remi- 
niscences of  a  Lon£(  Life  (New 
York;  F.  E.  Parrish  and  Com- 
pany, 1894),  p.  158. 

13.  See  Ella  M.  Foshay,  Mr.  Luman 
Reed's  Picture  Gallery:  A  Pio- 
neer Collection  of  American  Art 
(New  York:  Harry  N.  Abrams 
in  association  with  the  New- 
York  Historical  Society,  1990), 
for  an  admirable  and  complete 
discussion  of  Reed's  collecting 
accomplishments. 

14.  Ibid.,  pp.  123-92. 


88    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  60.  Thomas  Cole,  The  Voyage  of  Life:  Manhood,  1840.  Oil  on  canvas.  Munson-Williams-Proaor  Arts  Institute,  Utica,  New  York,  Museum  Purchase  55.107 


provided  to  the  New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts, 
established  in  1844.  This  gallery  had  as  its  nucleus  the 
Reed  Collection,  which  had  been  purchased  from 
the  Reed  family  by  Sturges  and  T.  H.  Faile  (another 
business  associate  of  Reed),  among  others.  Although 
ultimately  vmsuccessful,  it  was  meant  to  be  the  first 
public  museum  in  New  York  devoted  solely  to  the 
visual  arts.  In  1851  Movmt  acknowledged  Sturges's 
gifts  as  both  art  administrator  and  collector:  "Since 
the  death  of  Luman  Reed,  no  man  in  this  city,  holds 
a  more  prominent  place  in  the  affections  of  artists  & 
the  public,  than  .  .  .  Jonathan  Sturges.  He  has  apart- 
ments richly  decorated  with  paintings,  and  busts,  by 
native  artists,  and  I  believe,  has  but  one  mirror,  which 
reflects  well  his  taste." 

During  the  1830s  and  1840s  most  New  York  collec- 
tors acquired  modesdy,  usually  for  the  purpose  of 
fitting  out  their  parlors  and  sitting  rooms.  They 
would  attend  the  annual  exhibition  of  the  National 
Academy,  which  presented  artworks  available  for  pur- 
chase and,  in  the  accompanying  catalogue,  lists  of 
what  had  abready  been  sold  to  collectors.    It  was  rare 


15.  Henry  T.  Tuckerman,  Book  of  the 
Artists,  American  Artist  Life, 
Comprisin£f  Biographical  and 
Critical  Sketches  of  American 
Artists:  Preceded  by  an  Histori- 
cal Account  of  the  Rise  and 
Progress  of  Art  in  America 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and 
Son;  London:  Sampson  Low 
and  Co.,  1867),  p.  627. 

16.  "Our  Private  Collections,  No.  II 
[Jonathan  Sturges] "  The  Crayon 
3  (February  1856),  pp.  57-58. 

17.  William  S.  Mount,  Memoran- 
dimi,  April  6, 1851,  New-York 
Historical  Society,  quoted 

in  Franklin  Kelly,  "Mount's 
Patrons,"  in  William  Sidney 
Mount,  Painter  of  American 
Life,  by  Deborah  J.  Johnson 
et  al.  (exh.  cat..  Museums 
at  Stony  Brook;  New  York: 
American  Federation  of  Arts, 
1998),  p.  118. 

18.  See  Kelly,  "Mount's  Patrons," 
pp.  109-28. 


artists.  Durand  painted  more  than  a  dozen  canvases 
for  Sturges,  including  copies  after  European  masters 
and  four  of  his  own  landscape  compositions,  among 
the  latter  In  the  Woods,  1855  (cat.  no.  31),  a  superb 
example  of  the  high  quality  of  Sturges's  acquisitions. 
Cole's  View  on  the  Catskill,  Early  Autumn,  1837 
(Metropolitan  Museum),  Charles  Cromwell  Ingham's 
Flower  Girl,  1846  (cat.  no.  32),  and  three  canvases  by 
Mount,  especially  Farmers  Nooning,  1836  (The  Muse- 
ums at  Stony  Brook),  maintain  the  Sturges  standard. 
Like  so  many  of  his  contemporaries,  Sturges  had  an 
extensive  collection  of  prints,  many  of  which  were 
reproductions  of  famous  European  masterworks.  The 
Crayon,  which  published  a  description  of  the  Sturges 
collection  in  1856,  singled  out  the  holdings  of  prints 
after  Turner  for  praise;  Crossing  the  Brook,  numbered 
and  signed  by  Turner,  although  actually  made  by  an 
artist  he  had  hired,  was  thought  to  be  the  only  print 
after  that  painting  in  America. 

Despite  the  acuity  of  his  eye  and  his  eagerness  to 
support  contemporary  artists,  Sturges  achieved  his 
greatest  renown  from  the  leadership  and  support  he 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  89 


that  a  collector  would  acquire  large  groups  of  pic- 
tures, as  Reed  had,  with  the  benevolent  interest  of 
exhibiting  them  to  the  public.  Or  that  one  would  aim 
to  establish  a  permanent  public  art  gallery  in  New 
York  City,  as  Sturges  had  in  his  attempts  to  build  the 
New-York  Gallery. 

Occasionally,  large-scale  commissions  by  private 
collectors  would  reflect  the  hope,  regularly  reiterated 
in  the  press,  of  a  more  lasting,  public  art  venue.  Prob- 
ably the  most  significant  single  commission  received 
by  any  New  York  painter  after  the  death  of  Luman 
Reed  and  before  the  Civil  War  was  the  one  agreed  on 
in  1839  by  Cole  and  Samuel  Ward  (1786-1839),  a  prom- 
inent New  York  banker.  The  contract  for  the  series 
The  Voyage  of  Life  stipulated  that  "the  four  paintings 
are  to  be  6  or  7/4  or  5  feet  wide  and  high  and  to  be 
executed  in  the  style  of  those  by  the  same  artist 
known  as  'The  Course  of  Empire (The  latter  series 
had  been  ordered  by  Reed  from  Cole  and  was  com- 
pleted in  1836,  shortly  after  the  collector's  death.) 

The  theme  of  The  Voyage  of  Life,  1839-40  (see 
figs.  49,  60),  a  man's  struggle  through  life,  guided 
by  religion,  had  particular  appeal  for  Ward,  a  deeply 
devout  man  whose  faith  had  been  tested  some  years 
before  by  the  death  of  his  much-beloved  wife.  His 
daughter  Julia  Ward  Howe  noted  that  her  mother's 
death  caused  Ward  such  pain  that  he  immediately  sold 
his  elegant,  beautifully  furnished  house  on  Bowling 
Green.  The  new  home  that  he  subsequendy  built,  at 
the  corner  of  Broadway  and  Bond  Street,  was  then 
somewhat  removed  from  the  city  center  there,  the 
Ward  family  studied,  read  widely,  and  played  and 
listened  to  music.  Describing  her  father  as  "a  man 
of  fine  tastes,  inclined  to  generous  and  even  lavish 
expenditure,"  Howe  remarks  that  "he  filled  his  art  gal- 
lery with  the  finest  pictures  that  money  could  com- 
mand in  the  New  York  of  that  day."^^  Yet  she  also 
relates  that,  one  day  not  long  before  he  died,  he  was 
visited  by  the  famous  English  writer  and  authority  on 
European  art  Anna  Jameson.  Jameson  "asked  to  see 
my  father's  pictures.  Two  of  these,  portraits  of  Charles 
First  and  his  queen,  were  supposed  to  be  by  Van 
Dyck.  Mrs.  Jameson  doubted  this."^^  Perhaps  Ward, 
too,  was  a  victim  of  yet  another  dubious  attribution 
and  sale  by  Paff. 

When  Ward  died,  in  1839,  the  country  was  still  reel- 
ing from  the  Panic  of  1837,  and  complications  relating 
to  his  affairs,  mosdy  involving  real  estate  proper- 
ties, had  left  his  legatees  short  of  cash.  It  was  not 
until  early  1841,  following  rather  difficult  negotia- 
tions with  Samuel  Ward  Jr.,  that  Cole  received  pay- 
ment for  The  Voyage  of  Life ;  after  a  very  successful 


public  exhibition,  the  suite  of  pictures  was  sent  to  the 
Ward  house. 

Sturges's  dream  of  a  permanent  public  art  gallery 
and  Ward's  ambitious,  large-scale  collecting,  perhaps 
with  the  same  dream  in  mind,  were  also  reflected  in  a 
proposal  promulgated  in  1835  by  the  Connecticut- 
born  architect  Ithiel  Town  (1784-1844),  well  known 
in  New  York  as  the  senior  partner  of  Alexander  Jack- 
son Davis.  An  inventive  and  immensely  productive 
architect,  Town  patented  in  1820  a  highly  successful 
new  design  for  a  bridge  truss.  From  this  he  enjoyed 
income  sufficient  to  allow  him  to  travel  twice  to 
Europe,  where  he  fed  his  insatiable  appetite  for  books 
(mosdy  on  art  and  architecture),  engravings,  paint- 
ings, sculpture,  coins,  armor,  and  antiquities.  Town's 
proposal  bore  the  imposing  title  The  Outlines  of  a  Plan 
for  Establishing  in  New-Tork  an  Academy  and  Insti- 
tution of  the  Fine  ArtSy  on  Such  a  Scale  as  Is  Required 
by  the  Importance  of  the  Subject^  and  the  Wants  of  a 
Great  and  Growin^f  City,  the  Constant  Resort  of  an 
Immense  Number  of  Strangers  from  All  Parts  of  the 
World.  The  Result  of  Some  Thou£fhts  on  a  Favourite 
Subject.  In  it,  Town  suggested  that  shares  be  sold  in  a 
stock  company  that  would  operate  a  bipartite  organi- 
zation composed  of  an  academy  run  by  artists  and  an 
art  gallery  governed  by  the  stockholders.^^ 

Town's  concept  was  a  generous  expansion  of  the 
ideas  embodied  in  the  National  Academy,  of  which  he 
had  been  a  cofounder  a  decade  earlier.  His  specific 
and  lengthy  recommendations  covered  every  aspect 
of  financing,  organization,  and  governance.  As  to  the 
collections,  they  were  to  consist  of 

sculptures^  bass-reliefs  [sic]^  and  paintinjSy  ancient 
and  modern;  an  extensive  library  of  books  relating 
to  the  fine  artSy  books  of  engravingSy  and  engravings 
of  history  and  mythology y  portraitSy  etc.;  coins  and 
medalSy  ancient  and  modern;  models  of  architec- 
turcy  ancient  and  modern;  drawings  of  all  kinds; 
specimens  and  relics  of  antiquity  of  all  kinds,  such 
as  vasesy  candelabra,  ancient  armour,  etc.;  speci- 
mens and  objects  of  natural  history;  alsoy  curious 
specimens  of  the  mechanic's  and  manufacturer's 
arts;  models  of  curious  and  useful  inventions  and 
improvementSy  especially  such  articles  of  improve- 
ments as  relate  to  the  fine  artSy  either  directly  or 
more  remotely; — all  of  which  to  be  obtained  from 
time  to  time  by  the  president  and  board  of  controly 
and  arranged  by  them  in  the  several  buildings 
constructed  and  fitted  up  for  the  purpose. 

While  this  passage  has  not  been  documented  as  a 
blueprint  for  the  organization  in  1852  of  London's 


19.  Ellwood  C.  Parry  III,  The  Art  of 
Thomas  Cole:  Ambition  and 
Imagination  (Newark:  Univer- 
sity of  Delaware,  1988),  p.  226. 

20.  Julia  Ward  Howe,  Reminis- 
cences, 1819-1S99  (Boston  and 
New  York:  Houghton  Mifflin 
and  Company,  1899)  p.  12. 

21.  Ibid.,  p.  46. 

22.  Ibid.,  p.  41- 

23.  Parry,  Art  of  Cole,  p.  259. 

24.  Jack  Quinan,  'Town,  Ithiel,"  in 
The  Dictionary  of  Art,  edited  by 
Jane  Turner  (New  York:  Grove, 
1996),  vol.  31,  pp.  231-32. 

25.  Ithiel  Town,  The  Outlines  of  a 
Plan  for  Establishing  in  New- 
Tork  an  Academy  and  Institu- 
tion of  the  Fine  Arts  .  .  .  (New 
York:  George  F.  Hopkins  and 
Son,  1835),  passim. 

26.  Ibid.,  p.  II. 


90    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


27.  Lydia  H.  Sigoumey,  "Residence 
of  Ithicl Town,  Esq."  Ladies' 
Companion  10  {January  1839), 
pp.  123-26;  see  also  Parry,  Art 
of  Cole,  p.  245. 

28.  Joseph  Sabin,  A  Catalogue  of 
the  Books,  Autographs,  Engrav- 
ings, and  Miscellaneous  Articles 
Belonging  to  the  Estate  of  the 
Late  John  Allan  (sale  cat.,  New 
York,  1864),  p.  iii.  I  am  grateful 
to  Elliot  Bostwick  Davis,  Assis- 
tant Curator,  Department  of 
American  Paintings  and  Sculp- 
ture, Metropolitan  Museum,  and 
Georgia  Bamhill,  Andrew  W. 
Mellon  Curator  of  Graphic  Arts, 
American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  for 
information  on  print  collectors, 
especially  that  found  in  Barn- 
hill's  lecture  "Print  Collecting  in 
New  York  to  the  Civil  War," 
delivered  in  April  1986  at  the 
National  Academy  of  Design. 

29.  Sabin,  Catalogue  of  Estate  of 
John  Allan,  p.  v. 

30.  Joseph  Sabin,  Catalogue  of  the 
. . .  Collection  of.  .  .  the  Late 
Mr.  E.  B.  Corwin  (sale  cat..  New 
York:  Bangs,  Brother  and  Co., 
November  10, 1856),  title  page. 


Viaoria  and  Albert  Museum  or  in  1870  of  the  Metro- 
politan Museum,  its  congruence  with  both  museums' 
foimding  plans  is  remarkable.  A  good  idea  was  clearly 
in  the  air. 

In  1836  Town  removed  to  New  Haven,  where  he 
had  maintained  a  part-time  residence  for  years.  Three 
years  later,  the  Hartford  writer  Lydia  H.  Sigourney, 
an  extraordinarily  prolific  author  of  unremarkable 
prose  and  poetry,  published  a  description  of  Town's 
New  Haven  library,  housed  in  a  classic  double-cube 
room  in  his  residence  on  Hillhouse  Avenue: 

In  the  second  story,  is  a  spacious  apartment^  forty- 
five  feet  in  lengthy  twenty-three  in  breadth ,  and 
twenty-two  in  heighth,  with  two  sky-lights,  six  feet 
square. .  .  .  There,  and  in  the  lobbies,  and  study,  are 
arranged,  in  Egyptian,  Grecian  and  Gothic  cases, 
of  fine  symmetry,  between  nine  and  ten  thousand 
volumes.  Many  of  these  are  rare,  expensive,  and 
valuable.  More  than  three  fourths  are  folios  and 
quartos.  A  great  proportion  are  adorned  with 
engravings.  It  is  not  easy  to  compute  the  number  of 
these  embellishments — though  the  proprietor  sup- 
poses them  to  exceed  two  hundred  thousand.  There 
are  also  some  twenty  or  twenty-five  thousand  sepa- 
rate engravings — some  of  them  splendid  executions 
of  the  best  masters,  both  ancient  and  modern.  In 
these  particulars,  this  library  surpasses  all  others 
in  our  country.  There  are  also  one  hundred  and 
seventy  oil  paintings,  besides  mosaics,  and  other 
works  of  art,  and  objects  of  curiosity.'^'^ 

In  1842  Town  returned  to  New  York  City,  where,  after 
his  death  two  years  later,  his  collection  was  dispersed 
in  a  series  of  large  auction  sales. 

Town's  partner,  Davis  (1803-1892),  was  a  noted  col- 
lector of  prints,  which,  because  they  were  relatively 
inexpensive  and  easy  to  store  and  transport,  offered 
an  attractive  basis  for  the  formation  of  a  large  col- 
lection. As  early  as  18  31  Davis  bought  four  etchings 
of  Roman  scenes  by  Piranesi,  and  in  1844  he  began 
to  acquire  aggressively  at  New  York  print  auctions, 
including  the  posthxmious  sales  of  Town's  collection. 
Davis  ultimately  brought  together  a  very  large  hold- 
ing of  prints,  numbering  in  the  several  hundreds, 
many  of  which  are  now  in  the  Department  of  Draw- 
ings and  Prints  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum.  Most 
of  the  prints  depicted  architectural  subjects,  but  there 
were  also  many  reproductions  of  paintings  (by  artists 
such  as  Poussin,  Rubens,  Coypel,  West,  and  Trum- 
bull), as  well  as  landscapes,  religious,  literary,  and  his- 
torical scenes,  and  portraits  of  famous  people.  These 
print  materials,  buttressed  by  nimierous  books  and 


the  architect's  own  drawings  and  sketches,  formed  a 
distinguished  library,  typical  of  the  best  of  such  Amer- 
ican collections  in  the  pre-Civil  War  years. 

Another  avid  collector  of  engravings  was  John 
Allan  (1777-1863),  a  native  of  Scodand  who  had  immi- 
grated to  New  York  as  a  teenager.  While  pursuing  a 
modest  career  as  a  bookkeeper,  commission  agent,  and 
rent  colleaor,  Allan  also  assembled  an  extensive  library 
and  a  substantial  art  collection.  In  1864  the  well-known 
bibliographer  and  bookseller  Joseph  Sabin  prefaced  the 
330-page  catalogue  of  Allan's  posthumous  sale  with 
this  notice:  "The  Collection  . . .  was  at  once  the  pride, 
the  pleasure,  and  the  occupation  of  its  late  venerable 
owner  for  upwards  of  half  a  century,  and  is  of  so  var- 
ied and  interesting  a  charaaer  as  to  warrant  some  few 
remarks  upon  its  leading  specialties."^^  Among  the 
"specialties"  provided  in  Sabin's  table  of  contents  are 
books,  autograph  letters,  engravings,  watercolors  and 
drawings,  oil  paintings,  coins  and  medals,  snufiboxes, 
seals,  watches,  silver  plate,  antique  china,  bronzes, 
arms  and  armor,  and  antiquities. 

Books  occupied  the  largest  section  of  Sabin's  cata- 
logue, but  the  next  largest  (some  twenty-six  pages) 
was  given  over  to  638  lots  of  engravings,  containing 
more  than  eleven  thousand  individual  images.  Most 
of  these  were  merely  reproductions,  'Svell  suited  to 
the  taste  of  some  'Illustrator,'"^^  as  Sabin  commented. 
Since  almost  every  lot  heaped  together  batches  of 
prints  vmder  a  general  description,  it  is  almost  impos- 
sible to  identify  the  individual  works  or  to  determine 
their  quality.  Occasionally  individual  prints  are  listed, 
as,  for  example,  Durand's  engraving  Musidora,  which 
depicts  a  scene  from  James  Thomson's  poem  The  Sea- 
sons (fig.  61). 

Reproductive  prints,  which  had  great  value  to  those 
interested  in  the  visual  arts  at  a  time  long  before  art 
books  became  common,  were  also  featured  in  the 
collection  of  Edward  Brush  Corwin  (d.  1856).  On 
November  10, 1856,  Sabin  published  his  hefty  catalogue 
of  Corwin's  library  and  collection,  with  a  tide  page 
listing  the  contents  of  the  collector's  bulging  shelves: 
"[A]  rare,  cimous,  and  valuable  collection  of  books, 
tracts,  autographs,  Mss.,  engravings,  paintings,  &c. 
. . .  Comprehending  an  immense  assemblage  of  books 
in  almost  every  department  of  literature  . . .  illustrated 
books,  bibles,  and  biblical  literature,  old  theology  and 
sermons,  history  and  biography,  and  books  relat- 
ing to  America,  Mss.,  autographs,  &c.,  also,  line  and 
mezzotint  engravings,  oil  paintings,  &c.,  Scc''^*^  After 
reviewing  the  thousands  of  books,  Sabin  commented 
on  the  engravings,  which  were  given  a  large,  separate 
section  of  their  own.  He  noted  that  Corwin  "had 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  pi 


Fig.  6i.  Asher  B.  Durand,  MusidorHy  1825.  Engraving. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Frederic  F.  Durand,  1930  30.15.1 


some  practical  acquaintance  with  the  art  [of  engrav- 
ing], and  particularly  a  keen  perception  of  all  those 
niceties  which  distinguish  a  good  from  a  poor  impres- 
sion of  a  print;  and  noticeable  among  the  numer- 
ous examples  of  art,  will  be  very  fine  specimens  of 


Bartolozzi,  Sharp,  Woollett,  WiUe,  Finden,  among 
European  artists;  while  of  American  subjects  there  are 
many  of  the  choicest  productions  of  the  burin." 
Over  twelve  hundred  engravings  are  cited,  145  of 
which,  by  Francesco  Bartolozzi,  recorded  the  com- 
positions of  other  artists. 

Another  collection  rich  in  engravings,  but  assem- 
bled for  working  purposes,  was  that  of  Durand  (1796- 
1886),  the  grand  old  man  of  New  York's  art  world. 
Durand  had  pursued  a  varied  career,  first  as  a  young 
engraver,  then  as  a  portrait  and  genre  painter,  and 
finally  as  an  august  landscape  painter.  It  is  fair  to 
assume  that  his  collection  was  formed  mosdy  before 
the  Civil  War,  when  he  produced  many  landscapes 
under  the  influence  of  Turner.  His  estate  sale,  held 
consecutively  on  April  13  and  14,  1887,  contained  his 
own  numerous  oil  studies,  "a  choice  collection  of  Fine 
Illustrated  Art  Books,"  and  an  immense  collection 
of  engravings,  some  his  own  originals,  many  others 
after  Turner,  and  some  reproducing  works  by  artists 
such  as  Bartolozzi,  RafFaello  Morghen,  William  Sharp, 
and  Robert  Strange. 

Like  many  other  artists,  John  M.  Falconer  (1820- 
1903)  formed  a  sizable  collection  of  paintings,  water- 
colors,  and  engravings  that  he  used  as  models  for  his 
work.  Falconer  was  a  native  of  Edinburgh  who  came 
to  New  York  in  1848  and  built  a  career  as  an  etcher 
and  a  painter  of  portraits,  genre  subjects,  and  land- 
scapes. During  the  1850s  he  corresponded  regularly 
with  Mount,  who  shared  with  him  an  interest  in 
prints  after  the  genre  pictures  of  David  Wilkie.  The 


31.  Ibid.,  p.  vii. 

32.  Executor^s  Sale:  Studies  in  Oil 
by  Asher  B.  Durand,  N.A., 
Deceased,  En£fravin^s  by 
Durand  .  .  .  and  Others  (sale 
cat.,  New  York:  Ortgies'  and 
Co.,  April  13, 14, 1887). 


Fig.  62.  James  A.  Suydam,  Paradise  Rocks,  Newport,  1865.  Oil  on  canvas.  National  Academy  of  Design,  New  York,  Bequest  of 
James  A.  Suydam 


92    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


33.  Anderson  Auction  Company, 
Catalogue  of  the  Interesting  and 
Valuable  Collection  of  Oil  Paint- 
ings, Water-Colors  and  Engrav- 
ings Formed  by  the  Late  John  M. 
Falconer  (sale  cat..  New  York, 
April  28,  29, 1904),  passim. 

34.  The  Diary  of  George  Templeton 
Strong,  edited  by  Allan  Nevins 
and  Milton  Halsey  Thomas 
(New  York:  Macmillan  Com- 
pany, 1952),  vol.  4,  p.  34,  entry 
for  September  16, 1865. 

35.  Bangs,  Merwin  and  Co.,  Cata- 
logue of  a  Choice  Private  Library. 
Being  the  Collection  of  the 

Late  Mr.  James  A.  Suydam 
(sale  cat..  New  York,  Novem- 
ber 22,  23, 1865). 

36.  David  Dcaringer,  "James  Augus- 
tus Suydam,"  in  Catalogue  of  the 
Permanent  Collection  of  Paint- 
ings and  Sculpture  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design, 
edited  by  Abigail  Booth  Gerdts 
(New  York:  Hudson  HiUs 
Press,  forthcoming). 

37.  Eliot  C.  Clark,  History  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design, 
1825-1953  (New  York:  Columbia 
University  Press,  I954),  p-  86. 

38.  Boston  Transcript,  May  2, 1896. 

39.  J.  R.W.  Hitchcock,  Etching 

in  America  (New  York:  White, 
Stokes,  and  Allen,  1886),  p.  49- 


Fig.  63.  Rembrandt  van  Rijn,  The  Descent  from  the  Cross: 
The  Second  Plate.  The  Netherlands,  1633.  Etching  and  burin. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
Henry  Walters,  1917  17.37.69 


auction  catalogue  of  Falconer's  collection,  issued  in 
1904,  listed  almost  350  prints,  including  dozens  by 
Durand,  five  by  Rembrandt,  and  twelve  each  by 
Turner  and  Wilkie.^^ 

James  A.  Suydam  (1819-1865),  member  of  an  old 
New  York  Dutch  family,  enjoyed  an  inheritance,  aug- 
mented by  his  own  business  successes,  that  allowed 
him  to  retire  early  to  study  painting  as  an  amateur  and 
to  travel  abroad.  A  member  of  the  Century  Associa- 
tion since  1849,  Suydam  was  a  popular  figure  in  New 
York's  art  world,  although  his  landscape  paintings 
were  not  by  any  means  unconventional  (fig.  62).  After 
his  death,  on  September  16,  1865,  George  Temple- 
ton  Strong  recorded  this  acerbic  opinion  of  the  man 
and  his  art:  "Poor  Jem  Suydam  dead  of  dysentery  at 
North  Conway.  ...  He  devoted  himself  to  landscape 
art  some  years  ago,  first  as  amateur  and  then  profes- 
sionally, and  was  represented  at  every  academy  by  pic- 
tures that  embodied  no  sentiment  of  any  kind,  but 
that  shewed  he  had  made  himself  a  very  good  painter. 
An  excellent  fellow,  with  a  streak  of  the  Dutchiness 
that  belongs  to  his  race."^"*^ 

The  catalogue  of  the  posthumous  sale  of  Suydam's 
library,  drawings,  and  engravings  lists  more  than  one 
hundred  original  and  reproductive  prints;  featured 
are  works  by  old  masters  such  as  Rembrandt,  Diirer, 


Ostade,  and  Raphael  and  contemporaries  including 
Rosa  Bonheur,  Ary  SchefFer,  and  George  Caleb  Bing- 
ham. 'phe  Department  of  Drawings  and  Prints  of 
the  Metropolitan  Museum  houses  several  dozen 
Rembrandt  etchings  from  the  collection,  including 
multiple  copies  of  The  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds^ 
The  Raising  of  Lazarus,  and  The  Descent  from  the 
Cross  (fig.  63).  Most  important  to  Suydam's  lasting 
good  name  was  his  generous  bequest  of  $50,000  to 
the  National  Academy,  along  with  his  collection  of 
ninety-two  paintings  by  contemporary  American  and 
European  artists.  The  pictures,  including  splendid 
examples  by  Frederic  E.  Church,  John  F.  Kensett, 
Charles-Edouard  Frere,  and  Andreas  Achenbach,  were 
appraised  by  the  Academy  at  $12,821. 

From  the  perspective  of  long-range  importance  to 
American  public  collections,  probably  the  greatest 
group  of  prints  assembled  in  New  York  City  before 
the  Civil  War  was  that  belonging  to  Henry  Foster 
Sewall  (1816-1896).  Sewall,  born  in  New  York  City, 
was  a  descendant  of  Samuel  Sewall,  chief  justice  of 
Massachusetts  in  the  early  eighteenth  century,  and  was 
associated  with  the  New  York  shipping  firm  of  Grin- 
nell,  Minturn  and  Company,  owners  of  the  great  clip- 
per Flyin^f  Cloud,  He  began  to  collect  in  1847,  bought 
a  few  prints  (by  Durand,  Diirer,  and  Rembrandt)  at 
the  Corwin  sale  in  1856,  and,  according  to  his  obitu- 
ary in  the  Boston  Transcript,  "left  one  of  the  finest 
collections  of  early  prints  in  the  world,  outside  of 
the  public  art  museums  of  England,  France  and  Ger- 
many," Because  of  his  business,  Sewall  was  well 
placed  to  involve  himself  directiy  and  beneficially  in 
the  European  print  market.  As  J.  R.  W.  Hitchcock 
pointed  out  in  1886,  "he  was,  with  the  exception  of  a 
Scotchman  temporarily  resident  here,  the  only  Amer- 
ican correspondent  of  Edward  Evans,  then  the  chief 
print-seller  of  London.  The  latter  sent  out  by  sailing- 
vessels  portfolios  of  prints  from  which  Mr.  Sewall 
made  his  selections,  thus  beginning  a  collection  chosen 
with  singular  discrimination,  and  now  famous  among 
print  lovers." 

When  Sewall's  collection  of  approximately  twenty- 
three  thousand  prints  was  put  on  the  market  after  his 
death,  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts  in  Boston  bought  it 
at  the  urging  of  Sylvester  R.  Koehler,  the  first  curator 
of  the  museum's  Print  Department.  The  fimds  for  the 
purchase  came  from  the  bequest  of  Harvey  D.  Parker, 
proprietor  of  Boston's  famous  Parker  House  Hotel, 
and  thus  the  collection  is  named  for  him  rather 
than  Sewall.  The  annual  report  of  the  trustees  of  the 
museum,  issued  at  the  close  of  1897,  quoted  Koehler's 
perspicacious  evaluation  of  the  collection,  the  single 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  93 


Fig.  64.  Albrecht  Durer,  The  Fall  of  Man  (Adam  and  Eve), 
Germany,  1504.  Engraving.  Courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  Fine 
Arts,  Boston,  Harvey  D.  Parker  Collection  P246 


most  remarkable  acquisition  of  prints  by  an  American 
art  museum: 

If  Mr.  Sewall  had  a  penchant,  it  was  for  old  prints, 
and  the  engravers,  etc.  of  the  is  th,  i6th,  17th,  and 
18 th  centuries  are  therefore  more  fully  represented  in 
the  collection  he  made  than  those  of  the  19  th  century, 
more  especially  those  of  the  first  half  of  it.  This,  how- 
ever, is  quite  fortunate  for  the  Museum,  as  in  the 
prints  heretofore  acquired  by  it,  mostly  by  gift,  the 
prints  last  alluded  to  very  decidedly  preponderate. 
The  richness  of  the  collection  in  Diirer  [see  fi^f.  64] 
and  Rembrandt  is  st^ciently  evidenced  by  the  exhi- 
bition which  opened  to-day,  and  its  wealth  in  other 
departments, — old  Germans,  old  Netherlanders, 
old  Italians,  followers  of  Rembrandt,  Ostade,  French 
etchers  of  the  17th  century  ( Claude,  Callot,  etc.), 
French  portraits,  and  so  on, — will  be  demonstrated 
by  future  exhibitions.^^ 

In  the  past  half  century,  historians  of  American  art 
during  the  antebellum  period  have  emphasized  both 
the  development  of  the  domestic  school  and  the 
avidity  with  which  American  paintings  and  sculptures 
were  acquired  by  collectors  at  home.  This  is  under- 
standable, since  the  rise  of  an  indigenous  school  was 
indeed  an  exciting  act  of  social  will,  a  cultural  tale 
that  had  not  been  retold  properly  since  the  1880s. 


However,  as  William  G.  Constable  noted  in  1963,  it 
is  also  significant  that,  while  men  such  as  Reed  and 
Sturges  were  forming  their  collections  of  Ameri- 
can works,  others  were  searching  abroad^  in  Europe 
and  farther  afield— and  bringing  together  intriguing 
groups  of  paintings,  sculptures,  antiquities,  and  deco- 
rative arts."^^  These  would  later  have  a  considerable 
impact  on  fashions  in  American  collecting,  especially 
during  the  post-Civil  War  years,  when  domestic  land- 
scape, genre,  and  history  painting  fell  from  favor. 

James  C.  Colles  (1788-1883),  a  native  of  New  Jersey, 
made  his  fortune  in  mercantile  pursuits  in  New  Orleans 
before  retiring  in  1840.  By  1845  Colles  and  his  family 
had  spent  three  productive  years  collecting  in  Europe. 
For  their  new  home  at  Tenth  Street  and  Univer- 
sity Place  in  New  York,  Colles  had  bought  a  group 
of  "old  master"  paintings  bearing  dubious  attribu- 
tions (Raphael,  del  Sarto,  Leonardo)  as  well  as  sculp- 
tures by  Thomas  Crawford,  an  American  residing 
in  Rome,  and  the  Italian  Lorenzo  Bartolini.  While  in 
Amsterdam,  in  1843,  he  had  acquired  various  works 
of  antiquarian  interest,  including  many  Buhl-work 
furnishings,  for  the  New  York  residence.  Most  signifi- 
cant were  his  lavish  purchases  in  Paris:  clocks,  lamps, 
mantel  garnitures,  Sevres  porcelains,  a  large,  specially 
ordered  Aubusson  carpet,  and  a  drawing-room  suite 
(see  cat.  no.  236A,  b).  In  1843  Colles  commissioned 
a  sofa,  dressing  table,  and  sideboard,  among  other 
pieces,  from  Auguste-Emile  Ringuet-Leprince,  then 
one  of  the  most  fashionable  furniture  makers  and 
upholsterers  in  Paris;  subsequently,  as  part  of  his 
voluminous  correspondence  with  Leprince,  he  con- 
tinued to  order  additional  furnishings  (see  "'Gorgeous 
Articles  of  Furniture':  Cabinetmaking  in  the  Empire 
City,"  by  Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger  in  this  pub- 
lication, pp.  309-12)."^^  As  a  showcase  for  European 
art  treasures,  and  especially  for  contemporary  French 
decorative  arts,  the  Colles  house  set  the  standard  for 
elegance  and  sophistication  in  New  York. 

CoUes's  son-in-law,  John  Taylor  Johnston  (1820- 
1893),  was  also  a  patron  of  Binguet-Leprince  and  a 
distinguished  collector  of  the  work  of  contemporary 
artists.  Trained  as  a  lawyer  at  Yale,  he  made  invest- 
ments in  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  railroads  that 
soon  earned  him  a  substantial  fortune.  Equally  early 
in  his  career,  in  the  1840s,  Johnston  began  to  travel 
abroad,  collecting  modern  paintings  as  he  went,  while 
also  buying  pictures  from  artists  in  New  York.  By 
1870,  when  he  was  elected  the  first  president  of  the 
newly  established  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
Johnston  had  amassed  the  largest  collection  of  con- 
temporary paintings  in  New  York  City.  At  its  largest. 


40.  Trustees  of  the  [Boston] 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Twenty- 
second  Annual  Report,  for  the 
Tear  Ending  December  31, 1897 
(Boston,  1898),  pp.  12-15. 

41.  William  G.  Constable,  Art  Col- 
lecting in  the  United  States  of 
America  (Edinburgh:  Thomas 
Nelson  and  Sons;  Paris:  Societe 
Fran^aise  d'fiditions  Nelson, 
1963),  p.  27. 

42.  Emily  Johnston  de  Forest,  James 
Colles,  1788-1883,  Life  and  Letters 
(New  York:  Privately  printed, 
1926),  passim. 


94    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  65.  J.  M.  W.  Turner,  Slave  Ship,  England,  1840.  Oil  on  canvas.  Courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Henry  Lillie  Pierce  Fund  99.22 


43.  See  Caroline  Williams,  "The 
Place  of  the  New-York  Historical 
Society  in  the  Growth  of  Ameri- 
can Interest  in  Egyptology," 
New-Tork  Historical  Society 
Quarterly  Bulletin  4  (April 
1920),  pp.  3-20;  and  John  D. 
Cooney,  "Acquisition  of  the 
Abbott  Collection,"  Brooklyn 
Museum  Bulletin  10  (spring 
1949),  pp.  16-23. 


just  before  its  dispersal  at  auction  in  1876  to  raise  cap- 
ital for  Johnston's  railroad  interests,  the  collection 
contained  more  than  100  American  works  (mostly  oils 
but  also  several  dozen  drawings  and  watercolors)  and 
about  210  from  Europe  (more  than  half  of  which 
were  oils).  American  masterworks  abounded,  among 
them  Church's  Twilight  in  the  Wilderness,  i860  (Cleve- 
land Musevim  of  Art),  and  Nia^fara,  1857  (fig.  50); 
Cole's  series  The  Voyage  of  Life,  1839-40  (formerly  in 
the  Ward  collection;  see  figs.  49,  60),  and  The  Moun- 
tain Ford,  1846  (Metropolitan  Museum);  Winslow 
Homer's  Prisoners  from  the  Front,  1866  (Metropolitan 
Museum);  and  Turner's  Slave  Ship,  1840  (fig.  65),  The 
familiar  European  names  are  too  numerous  to  men- 
tion in  full:  Meissonier,  Isabey,  Corot,  Bouguereau, 
Gerome,  and  Delacroix  are  but  a  few. 

Dr.  Henry  Abbott  (1812-1859),  British  by  birth  and 
a  New  Yorker  by  occasional  residence,  was  the  first  in 


the  United  States  to  form  an  important  collection  of 
Egyptian  antiquities."^^  Abbott  spent  the  years  1832  to 
1852  in  Cairo,  eventually  acquiring  more  than  two 
thousand  ancient  Egyptian  artifacts.  He  brought  about 
half  of  these  to  New  York  in  1852,  with  the  aim  of  sell- 
ing the  entire  group  to  any  institution  for  $60,000 
($40,000  less  than  the  value  he  placed  on  it).  At 
the  same  time,  Abbott  hoped  to  turn  a  profit  by 
exhibiting  the  collection  at  the  Stuyvesant  Institute 
for  an  entrance  fee  of  50  cents  a  person.  The  collection 
remained  on  view,  and  available  for  purchase,  after 
Abbott  returned  to  Cairo  in  1854- 

Nothing  happened  until  rumors  cropped  up  that 
the  group  was  being  offered  for  sale  in  Europe.  With 
that  as  a  goad,  shordy  before  Abbott's  death  in  March 
1859,  a  group  of  trustees  of  the  New-York  Histor- 
ical Society,  led  by  William  C.  Prime,  raised  $55,000 
for  the  purchase,  an  amount  that  was  apparentiy 


acceptable  to  Abbott.  Late  in  June  i860,  while  details 
of  the  purchase  agreement  were  still  being  worked 
out  with  his  estate,  Frank  Leslie^s  Illustrated  News- 
paper wrote  the  following: 

We  rejoice  that  the  Historical  Society  have  received 
this  noble  collection,  the  only  one  in  the  country 
really  deserving  the  name  of  a  museum  in  the 
higher  sense  of  the  word.  Let  us  trust  that  in  time 
other  museums.,  illustrating  other  races,  may  he 
added  to  it,  until  finally  New  Tork  shall  boast  an 
institution  which  will  make  her  the  first  city  in 
the  world  at  which  the  scholar  and  the  artist  may 
acquire  practical  knowledge  of  the  past,  and  be 
thereby  qualified  to  criticise  correctly  and  erect  a 
soundly  based  standard  of  judgment  on  men,  works 
of  literature  and  art.  The  first  step  has  been  taken; 
let  us  trust  that  the  intelligence  and  liberality  of 
our  citizens  will  accomplish  the  rest^^ 

The  collection  was  finally  acquired  officially  by  the 
Society  on  December  31,  i860,  but  not  imtil  Harper^s 
Weekly  had  robustly  browbeaten  New  York  for  its  lag- 
gard behavior  in  not  purchasing  the  collection  sooner: 

That  little  city  [Boston ]  does  not  call  herself  a  metrop- 
olis, but  somehow  these  things  have  a  metropolitan 
air.  Shall  we  not  march  with  her,  side  by  side,  in 
these  good  works?  The  largest  ships — the  most  spacious 
warehouses — the  most  ^palatial  residences'^ — the 
most  expensive  balls — the  most  unblushing  and  enor- 
mous taxes — the  utmost  civic  corruption — are  not, 
alone,  enough  to  make  a  great  metropolis.  What 
renown  the  little  Tuscan  city  of  Florence  has  in  his- 
tory! It  was  not  because  the  Medici  were  merchant 
princes.  It  was  because  the  traders  were  not  content 
that  their  city  should  be  a  shop,  and  so  made  it  a 
museum,  a  library,  a  gallery — and  collected  in  it, 
so  far  as  they  could,  the  choicest  results  of  human 
genius  in  every  department. 

The  greatest  assemblage  of  Egyptian  antiquities  in  the 
United  States  until  early  in  the  twentieth  century,  the 
Abbott  collection  was  transferred  on  long-term  loan 
to  the  Brooklyn  Museum  in  1937."^^  It  was  purchased 
for  Brooklyn's  permanent  collection  in  1948,  using 
the  Wilbour  Fund,  and  remains  the  most  important 
group  acquisition  of  Egyptian  objects  in  the  history 
of  the  museum  (see  fig.  66)."^^ 

Prime  (1825 -1905;  fig.  67),  who  was  instrumental  in 
the  initial  purchase  of  the  Abbott  collection,  was  a 
distinguished  collector,  scholar,  and  author  who  also 
counted  Egyptian  art  among  his  many  interests.  The 
son  of  a  Presbyterian  minister  and  country-school 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  95 

headmaster,  he  was  born  in  relatively  modest  cir- 
cumstances in  a  small  upstate  New  York  village.  He 
graduated  from  Princeton  in  1843,  studied  law,  and 
began  to  practice  in  New  York  City  in  1846.  In  1851 
he  married  Mary  Trumbull  (d.  1872)  of  Stonington, 
Connecticut,  and  thereafter  the  couple  collected  as  a 
pioneering  team,  acquiring  in  a  wide  range  of  media: 
pottery,  porcelain,  and  European  woodcuts  in  partic- 
ular but  also  coins,  medals,  and  seals.  In  1855  they 
made  their  first  trip  to  Egypt  and  began  to  collect 
ancient  Egyptian  artifacts.  In  1857  Prime  published 
two  books  that  reflect  the  couple's  religious  and 
scholarly  interests:  Tent  Life  in  the  Holy  Land  and 


Fig.  66.  Family  Group,  Possibly  Iru-Ka-Ptah  and  His  Family, 
Egypt  (reportedly  from  Saqqara),  Old  Kingdom,  Fifth 
Dynasty,  ca.  2240-2200  B.C.  Painted  limestone.  Brooklyn 
Museum  of  Art,  Charles  Edwin  Wilbour  Fund  37.17E 


44.  "The  Abbott  Egyptian  Museum," 
Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  News- 
paper, Jvine  30,  i860,  p.  83. 

45.  "The  Lounger.  A  Metropolitan 
Meditation,"  Harper's  Weekly, 
April  23, 1859,  p.  259. 

46.  Cooney,  "Acquisition  of  Abbott 
Collection,"  p.  17. 

47.  Ibid.,  p.  22. 


96    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  67.  Fridolin  Schlegel,  William  Cowper  Prime,  1857.  Oil  on  canvas.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Gift  of  Benjamin  L.  Prime,  his  great-grandson  1953.188 


48.  William  C.  Prime,  Coins,  Med- 
als, and  Seals,  Ancient  and 
Modern  .  .  .  (New  York:  Harper 
and  Brothers,  1861). 

49.  William  C.  Prime,  The  Little 
Passion  of  Albert  Durer  (New- 
York:  J.  W.  Bouton,  1868). 


Boat  Life  in  E^ypt  and  Nubia,  Four  years  later  he 
left  the  practice  of  law  to  become  a  full-time  journal- 
ist and  writer,  publishing  Coins^  Medals^  and  Seals, 
Ancient  and  Modern,  which  confirmed  the  scholarly 
seriousness  of  his  and  his  wife's  collecting.  Prime 
had  an  abiding  interest  in  early  European  prints,  par- 
ticularly those  with  religious  themes,  and  in  1868  he 
published  one  of  the  earliest  books  of  facsimilies  after 
Diirer's  work  issued  in  this  country, 

Prime  was  also  a  powerful  early  figure  behind  the 
growth  of  art  museums  and  art  education  in  the 
United  States.  Deeply  involved  in  the  establishment 
of  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  he  served  as  an  original 
trustee  and  later  as  a  vice  president  before  he  resigned 


in  1891  to  protest  the  opening  of  the  museum  on 
Sundays.  In  1884  he  was  named  the  first  professor  of 
art  history  at  Princeton,  to  which  he  and  his  wdfe 
bequeathed  their  collection.  The  couple's  view  of  art 
collecting  is  stated  in  Prime's  Pottery  and  Porcelain  of 
All  Times  and  Nations  (1878),  an  important  early  dis- 
cussion of  the  subject  in  America: 

Every  man  and  woman  should  have  a  hobby.  .  .  . 
No  pleasure  is  more  profitable  than  that  found  in 
surrounding!  one^s  daily  life  with  works  of  the  Great 
Artist  or  of  man,  arranged  and  class^ed  in  such 
way  as  to  please  the  eye,  afford  instruction,  or  form 
material  for  intelligent  study  and  examination. 


PRIVATE   COLLECTORS  AND   PUBLIC  SPIRIT  97 


The  refinin£f  influences  which  attend  the  formation 
of  such  collections  are  ample  reward  for  timCy  labor, 
and  money  expended  on  them,  if  there  were  no 
other  compensation,^^ 

Among  the  wealthiest  and  most  insightful  of  the 
collectors  with  wide-ranging  interests  was  James  Lenox 
(1800-1880),  the  founder  of  the  Lenox  Library,  today 
an  essential  constituent  of  the  New  York  Public 
Library's  Astor,  Lenox,  and  Tilden  Foundations.  To 
some,  Lenox  is  best  known  as  the  starchy  Presby- 
terian philanthropist  who  formed  the  largest  private 
collection  of  Bibles  in  the  nation,  including  the  first 
Gutenberg  Bible  brought  to  America.  Yet  his  scope 
and  impact  as  an  art  collector  were  far  broader,  dating 
from  his  early  years,  when,  as  a  young  man  of  fortune, 
he  traveled  widely  in  Europe  and  began  to  collect 
with  a  catholic  taste.  Despite  his  predictable  begin- 
nings in  partnership  with  his  financially  astute  father, 
Robert,  a  merchant  and  real  estate  investor,  James's 
"mind  was  rather  on  music,  gems,  engravings,  paint- 
ings, fine  arts  and  literature,  than  on  merchandize ."^^ 
Soon  after  his  father's  death  in  1839,  the  very  wealthy 
James  retired  from  business  to  study,  to  collect,  and 
to  pursue  philanthropic  activities— all  in  an  exceed- 
ingly private  way.^^  He  bought  secretly,  shared  his 
treasures  with  a  limited  circle  of  friends,  and  quiedy 
gave  large  sums  of  money  to  numerous  charities. 

Incorporated  in  1870,  the  Lenox  Library  was  located 
on  Fifth  Avenue  between  Seventieth  and  Seventy-first 
Streets  and  was  housed  in  a  building  that  Lenox  com- 
missioned from  Richard  Morris  Hunt  (today,  the 
Frick  Collection  occupies  the  site).  Over  the  next  dec- 
ade Lenox  showered  his  library  with  treasures,  many 
of  which  were  paintings  from  his  residence  at  53  Fifth 
Avenue.  These  were  largely  by  contemporary  English 
and  American  artists,  with  a  considerable  sprinkling 
of  French,  German,  and  Netherlandish  examples. 
Among  the  English  artists  included  were  Constable, 
Gainsborough,  Raeburn,  Reynolds,  and  Turner;  some 
of  the  Americans  were  Church,  Cole,  Morse,  Copley, 
Leslie  (who,  resident  in  England,  was  a  regular  adviser 
to  Lenox),  Daniel  Huntington,  and  Henry  Inman. 

In  his  biography  of  Lenox,  Henry  Stevens  recorded 
how,  in  1845,  Leslie  acted  on  behalf  of  Lenox  in  nego- 
tiations with  a  surly  Turner  for  the  purchase  of  one 
of  the  master's  great  works,  Staff  a,  VingaVs  Cave,  1832 
(cat.  no.  49).  Lenox  did  not  care  for  the  picture  when 
he  first  received  it  and  complained  by  letter  to  Leslie. 
Shortly  thereafter  he  wrote  again,  repenting:  "Burn 
my  last  letter,  I  have  now  looked  into  my  Turner'  and 
it  is  all  that  I  could  desire.  Accept  best  thanks." 


TingaVs  Cave,  a  memorable  study  of  water,  mist, 
clouds,  smoke,  and  light,  shared  Lenox's  walls  with 
Church's  Cotopaxi,  1862  (Detroit  Institute  of  Arts), 
which  is  among  the  finest  studies  of  similar  effects  by 
an  American  painter. 

Lenox's  philanthropic  and  wide-reaching  vision  is 
exemplified  by  his  purchase,  for  $3,000,  of  the  so- 
called  Nineveh  Marbles  (fig.  68).  This  massive  group 
of  alabaster  bas-reliefs,  dating  to  about  870  B.C.,  was 
described  by  Stevens  as  "13  slabs  [twelve,  in  fact], 
about  a  foot  thick  .  .  .  generally  about  7\  feet  high, 
and  averaging  6  feet  in  width,  the  whole,  ranged  side 
by  side,  measuring  72  feet  2  inches."  Despite  their 
then  popular  name,  the  slabs  actually  came  from 
the  northwest  palace  of  Ashurnasirpal  II  at  Nimrud, 
located  some  twenty  miles  south  of  Nineveh.  The 
quest  for  Assyrian  antiquities  such  as  these  had  begun 
in  the  1840s,  as  French  and  English  excavators  (most 
notably,  Austen  Henry  Layard)  worked  digs  at  Nine- 
veh and  Nimrud.  By  the  late  1840s  both  the  Louvre 
and  the  British  Museum  had  impressive  displays  of 


Fig.  68.  Ashurnasirpal  II,  Kirig  of  Assyria,  Assyria  (from  present-day  Nimrud,  Iraq),  ca.  870  B.C. 
Alabastrous  limestone.  Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  Hagop  Kevorkian  55.155 


50.  William  C.  Prime,  Pottery  and 
Porcelain  of  All  Times  and 
Nations  with  Tables  of  Factory 
and  Artists^  Marks  for  the  Use  of 
Collectors  (New  York:  Harper 
and  Brothers,  1878),  p.  17. 

51.  Henry  Stevens,  Recollections  of 
James  Lenox  and  the  Formation 
of  His  Library,  edited  by  Victor 
H.  Paltsits  (New  York:  New 
York  Public  Library,  1951),  p.  4- 

52.  It  is  characteristic  of  Lenox  that 
he  is  said  to  have  directed  on  his 
deathbed  that  "no  particulars  of 
his  early  life  and  career  should 
be  given  for  publication"  New- 
Tork  Times,  February  19, 1880. 

53.  Stevens,  Recollections  of  James 
Lenox,  pp.  40-43. 

54.  Ibid.,  pp.  95-96. 


98    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  69.  William  Sidney  Mount,  The  Power  of  Musky  1847.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  Leonard  C.  Hanna,  Jr. 
Fund  1991.110 


55.  For  a  full  history  of  the  Lenox 
marbles,  see  Robert  H.  Dyson 
Jr.,  "A  Gift  of  Nimmd  Sculp- 
tures," Brooklyn  Museum  Bulle- 
tin 18  (spring  1957),  pp.  1-13. 

I  am  grateftil  to  Richard  Faz- 
zini,  Curator  of  Egyptian,  Clas- 
sical, and  Middle  Eastern  Art, 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art, 
for  this  reference. 

56.  R.  W.  G.  Vail,  Knickerbocker 
Birthday:  A  Sesqui-Centenmal 
History  of  the  New-Tork  Histor- 
ical Society,  i8o4-i9S4  (New 
York:  New-York  Historical 
Society,  1954),  p- 109- 

57.  The  Crayon  3  (January  1856), 
pp.  27-28  (Wolfe);  (February 
1856),  pp.  57-58  (Sturges); 
(April  1856),  p.  123  (Cozzens); 
(June  1856),  p.  186  (Leupp); 
(August  1856),  p.  249  (Roberts); 
(December  1856),  p.  374 
(Magoon). 


Assyrian  materials  on  exhibit.  When  the  Nineveh 
Marbles  were  shopped  around  the  international  art 
market  by  several  English  entrepreneiirs  in  1853,  diey 
were  deemed  by  both  museums  to  be  unnecessary 
additions  to  their  collections.  After  they  were  also 
rejected  by  potential  buyers  in  Boston  in  1858,  Lenox 
acquired  them  for  immediate  gift  to  the  New-York 
Historical  Society.  So  heavy  that  they  had  to  be  kept 
in  the  basements  of  the  two  buildings  afterward  occu- 
pied by  the  Society,  the  marbles  (known  as  the  Lenox 
Collection  of  Nineveh  Sculptures)  were  placed  on 
long-term  loan  at  the  Brooklyn  Museum  in  1937, 
when  the  Society  changed  its  collection  policy;  in  1955 
the  museum  purchased  the  pieces  with  help  from  the 
Hagop  Kevorkian  Foundation. 

Despite  the  subsequent  history  of  the  marbles, 
Lenox's  gift  to  the  Society  was  of  remarkable  museo- 
logical  importance,  as  the  Society's  direaor,  R.  W.  G. 
Vail,  recalled  in  1954:  "These  splendid  works  of  ancient 
art,  the  only  others  from  the  same  site  being  in  the 
British  Museimi  and  the  Louvre,  added  gready  to  the 
prestige  and  interest  of  the  Society's  art  gallery  during 


the  period  when  we  took  the  entire  field  of  art  history 
for  our  province."  On  view  today  at  the  Brooklyn 
Museum,  they  are  still  regarded  as  one  of  the  finest  sets 
of  Assyrian  reliefs  in  the  United  States.  And,  although 
the  Lenox  Library  no  longer  exists  as  a  separate  organi- 
zation and  Lenox's  art  collection  has  been  dispersed, 
he  still  remains  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  influen- 
tial of  New  York's  early  collectors. 

From  January  through  December  1856  The  Crayon 
published  a  series  of  articles,  entitled  "Our  Private 
Collections,"  that  briefly  described  six  New  York  City 
art  collections. 5^  Li  addition  to  Sturges,  the  collectors 
discussed  were  John  Wolfe,  the  Reverend  Elias  L. 
Magoon,  Charles  M.  Leupp,  Abraham  M.  Cozzens, 
and  Marshall  O.  Roberts.  This  selection  was  pre- 
sumably meant  to  highlight  the  city*s  most  important 
private  assemblages  of  art,  which,  The  Crayon  noted, 
were  largely  unknown  to  the  public.  What  is  most 
obvious  in  reviewing  the  characterizations  of  these 
collections  is  how  examples  of  contemporary  Euro- 
pean art  were  becoming  nearly  as  numerous  in  them 
as  works  by  living  Americans  (the  latter  were  almost 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND   PUBLIC  SPIRIT  99 


Fig.  70.  Frederic  E.  Church,  The  Andes  of  Ecuador,  1855.  Oil  on  canvas.  Reynolda  House,  Museum  of  American  Art,  Winston-Salem,  North  Carolina  1966. 12.21. 01 


all  by  artists  active  in  New  York).  Wolfe  (ca.  1821-1894), 
for  instance,  who  later  advised  his  cousin  Catharine 
Lorillard  Wolfe  (1828-1887)  on  the  formation  of  her 
European  collection,  concentrated  almost  wholly  on 
nineteenth-century  English,  French,  Flemish,  and  Ger- 
man (especially  Diisseldorf  School)  paintings.  The 
names  of  Leslie,  Clarkson  Stanfield,  Delacroix,  Alex- 
andre Calame,  Barend  Cornelius  Koekkoek,  Andreas 
Schelfhout,  Johann  Peter  Hasenclever,  and  Ferdinand 
Georg  WaldmiiUer  stand  out  prominendy  in  Wolfe's 
listing,  dwarfing  his  holdings  of  a  few  pictures  by  the 
Americans  Durand,  John  Thomas  Peele,  and  Thomas 
Hewes  Hinckley. 

The  large  collection  acquired  by  Magoon  (1810- 
1886),  parts  of  which  were  later  foundation  blocks 
for  the  collections  of  Vassar  College  and  the  Metro- 
politan Museum,  focused  on  contemporary  sketches, 
watcrcolors,  and  oils  from  both  Europe  and  America. 
Magoon,  who  must  have  been  an  annoying  pres- 
ence on  the  art  scene,  regularly  coaxed  pictures  at 
low  prices  from  almost  every  important  painter  in 
midcentury  New  York,  including  Church,  Jasper  F. 


Cropsey,  Thomas  Doughty,  Durand,  Eastman  John- 
son, Kensett,  Ijouis  Lang,  Mount,  Robert  Walter  Weir, 
and  William  Trost  Richards.  From  among  Magoon's 
large  holdings  of  English  and  European  works  The 
Crayon  singled  out  those  depicting  "monumental 
antiquities"  and  noted  that  "through  extraordinary 
success  in  that  specialty  [he]  has  acquired,  probably, 
the  best  collection  in  America."  His  group  of  five 
drawings  by  Turner  was  apparendy  also  remarkable. 
The  fact  that  Magoon  made  his  treasures  available  for 
study  was  recognized  by  The  Crayon  as  an  important 
contribution  to  New  York's  art  milieu:  "Artists  and 
Amateurs  are  much  indebted  to  his  enthusiasm  for 
these  foreign  contributions  to  the  Art- treasures  of  our 
city,  and  certainly  to  his  courtesy  for  the  facilities 
afforded  for  their  inspection." 

Leupp  (1807-1859),  a  remarkably  successful  New 
York  merchant  who,  like  many  of  his  contempo- 
raries, had  achieved  wealth  through  hard  work  and 
sage  investments,  put  together  a  superb  group  of 
American  and  European  paintings  and  sculptures 
during  the  1840s  and  1850s.  After  Leupp's  death 


58.  "Our  Private  Collections,  No.  VI 
[E.  L.  Magoon],"  Vjc  Crayon  3 
(December  1856),  p.  374- 

59.  Ibid. 


lOO    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  71.  Emanuel  Leutze,  Washington  Crossing  the  Delaware,  Germany,  1851.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  John  S. 
Kennedy,  1897  97.34 


60.  James  T.  Callow,  "American 
Art  in  the  Collection  of 
Charles  M.  Leupp"  Antiques 
118  (November  1980), 

pp.  998-1009. 

61.  "Our  Private  Collections, 
No.  Ill  [A.  M.  Cozzens]^ 
The  Crayon  3  (April  1856), 
p.  123. 

62.  "Our  Private  Collections, 

No.  IV  [MarshaU  O.  Roberts]," 
TTje  Crayon  3  (August  1856), 
p.  249- 

63.  Mr.  Robert  M.  Olyphant's 
Collection  of  Paintin£[s  by 
American  Artists . .  .  (sale  cat., 
New  York:  B„  Somerville, 
December  18, 19, 1877)- 


by  suicide,  his  collection— much  admired  then,  as 
it  would  be  today— was  dispersed  at  auction  on 
November  13,  i860.  Among  its  American  works  were 
Cole's  Mountain  Ford^  1846,  later  owned  by  John 
Taylor  Johnston  (Metropolitan  Museum),  Emanuel 
Leutze's  Mrs.  Schuyler  Burmn£[  Her  Wheat  Fields  on 
the  Approach  of  the  British,  1852  (cat.  no.  34),  Mounf s 
Power  of  Musicy  1847  (fig.  69),  and  Henry  Kirke 
Brown's  forceful  marble  bust  of  William  CuUen  Bry- 
ant, 1846-47  (cat.  no.  61). ^0  Leupp's  small  group  of 
European  pictures  contained  paintings  of  cattle,  genre 
scenes,  landscapes,  and  a  portrait  each  of  Napoleon 
and  Marat. 

Of  those  named  in  The  Crayon  series,  Sturges,  Coz- 
zens,  and  Roberts— along  with  Robert  M.  Olyphant 
and  Robert  L.  Stuart— would  probably  have  been 
deemed  the  most  important  by  New  York  artists  in  the 
late  1850S,  for  these  colleaors  were  their  major  patrons. 

Cozzens  (1811-1868),  a  founding  member  of  the 
Century  Association,  was  active  in  managing  the 
American  Art-Union  during  the  1840s,  serving  as  its 
president  in  1850  and  1851;  he  was  also  a  regular  sup- 
porter of  the  National  Academy.  Always  a  steady 
friend  of  the  city's  artists,  he  had  formed  a  collection 


Fig.  72.  John  R  Kensett,  White  Mountain  Scenery^  1859.  Oil 
on  canvas.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society, 
on  permanent  loan  from  the  New  York  Public  Library,  The 
Robert  L.  Stuart  Collection,  1944 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  lOI 


characterized  by  The  Crayon  as  "conspicuous  for 
the  large  proportion  of  American  pictures  it  con- 
tains." Especially  noteworthy  among  the  almost 
sixty  contemporary  American  canvases  were  The  Andes 
of  Ecuador^  1855  (fig.  70),  by  Church;  The  Beeches, 
1845  (Metropolitan  Museum),  by  Durand;  Columbus 
before  the  Queeny  1843  (Collection  of  Mrs.  James  H. 
Frier),  by  Leutze;  and  The  Microscope,  1849  (Yale 
University  Art  Gallery,  New  Haven),  by  Robert 
Walter  Weir. 

Roberts  (1814-1880)  began  his  career  humbly 
enough,  as  a  ship's  chandler,  but  he  soon  made  an 
immense  fortune  in  the  shipping  business  (in  associa- 
tion with  William  Henry  Aspinwall)  and  in  railroads. 
Thus  possessing  the  means  to  support  a  youthfully 
acquired  taste  for  pictures,  he  went  on  to  assemble 
probably  the  largest  holding  of  American  paintings 
in  the  nation:  in  1867  Tuckerman  listed  more  than 
no  such  pictures  belonging  to  Roberts.  Although  The 
Crayon  had  not  recorded  many  of  these  in  its  1856 
article,  it  did  comment  on  the  collection's  American 
focus  and  singled  out  Leutze's  Washington  Crossing 
the  Delaware,  1851  (fig.  71),  for  special  mention. Rob- 
erts's sharp  eye  for  quality  continued  to  set  an  example 
for  New  York  collectors  for  many  years. 

Olyphant  (1824-1918)  worked  for  his  father  in  the 
China  trade  before  achieving  great  success  with  the 
Delaware  and  Hudson  Canal  Company.  He  was  an 
intimate  friend  of  Kensett,  who  may  have  advised  him 
in  forming  his  collection  of  more  than  one  hundred 
American  paintings,  recorded  by  Tuckerman  in  1867. 
As  early  as  1854  Olyphant  began  buying  pictures 
from  Kensett  and  other  New  York  artists,  expressing 
a  preference  for  genre  scenes  and  landscapes.  His 
collection  grew  to  include  works  by  Church,  Cole, 
Cropsey,  Sanford  Robinson  Gifford,  William  Stanley 
Haseltine,  Eastman  Johnson,  Leutze,  Arthur  Fitz- 
william  Tait,  Elihu  Vedder,  and  Worthington  Whit- 
tredge.  When  Olyphant's  collection  was  sold  in  1877, 
the  catalogue  noted  that  many  of  the  pictures  had 
become  well  known  through  regular  public  exhibi- 
tion, especially  at  the  National  Academy,^^  where  the 
preauction  display  was  mounted. 

A  highly  successful  sugar  refiner,  Stuart  (1806- 
1882)  formed  an  enormous  collection  of  contemporary 
pictures,  sculptures,  and  books.  He  began  collecting 
in  the  1850s,  buying  major  works  by  American  artists, 
notably  Durand's  Franconia  Notch,  1857  (New  York 
Public  Library,  on  long-term  loan  to  the  New-York 
Historical  Society),  and  Kensett's  White  Mountain 
Scenery,  1859  (fig.  72).  Later  he  added  perhaps  his  great- 
est acquisition,  Johnson's  Ne^ro  Life  at  the  South,  1859 


Fig.  75.  Hiram  Powers,  Fisher  Boy,  Florence,  modeled  1841-44;  carved  1857.  Marble.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of  Hamilton  Fish,  1894  94-91 


I02    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig,  74.  Thomas  Crawford,  Flora^  Rome,  modeled  1847;  carved  by  1853.  Marble.  Collection  of  The  Newark 
Museum,  Newark,  New  Jersey,  Gift  of  Franklin  Murphy,  Jr.,  1926  26.2786 


64.  Catalogue  of  Mrs.  R.  L.  Stuarfs 
Collection  of  Paintings  (New 
York:  Privately  printed,  1885). 


(cat.  no.  40).  In  the  1860s  Stuart  began  acquiring 
European  pictures  by  such  artists  as  Bouguereau, 
Hugues  Merle,  Jules  Breton,  and  Eugene  Verboeck- 
hoven.  A  catalogue  of  the  colleaion  prepared  in  1885, 
after  Stuart's  death,  listed  49  American  artists  and 
112  Europeans some  years  later  his  wife  gave  the 
collection  to  the  New  York  Public  Library. 

Several  prewar  collectors  in  New  York  had  larger 
than  usual  holdings  of  American  sculpture.  First 


among  these  was  Hamilton  Fish  (1808-1893),  one  of 
New  York  State's  most  prominent  political  figures, 
who  had  served  successively  as  a  member  of  Congress, 
the  lieutenant  governor  and  governor  of  New  York,  a 
United  States  senator  and  secretary  of  state.  During 
the  1 850s  Fish  was  a  very  active  patron  of  American 
sculptors,  traveling  with  his  family  to  Europe  from 
1857  to  1859  in  order  to  cultivate  his  artistic  taste.  In 
all,  Fish  bought  ten  marbles  by  Erastus  Dow  Palmer, 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  IO3 


seven  by  Hiram  Powers,  and  one  by  Crawford.  He 
later  bequeathed  to  the  Metropolitan  Museum  Pow- 
ers's  Fisher  Boy,  1841-44  (%.  73);  Palmer's  Indian 
Girly  1853-56  (fig.  125),  and  White  Captive,  1857-58 
(cat.  no.  69);  and  Crawford's  Babes  in  the  Wood, 
ca.  1850  (fig.  114)— all  extraordinary  additions  to  the 
Museum's  young  collection  of  American  sculpture. 
Fish's  interest  in  marble  carving  extended  to  mantel- 
pieces, one  of  which  (cat.  no.  220)  was  produced  for 
his  New  York  house  by  the  firm  of  Fisher  and  Bird. 

Another  New  Yorker  of  the  late  antebellum  period 
who  had  a  considerable  impact  on  the  public  display 
of  privately  owned  sculpture  was  Richard  K.  Haight 
(1797-1862),  who  had  commissioned  Crawford's 
Flora  (fig.  74)  in  1849  and  received  it  in  1853.*^^  The 
same  year,  Flora  was  displayed  at  the  Crystal  Pal- 
ace exhibition  along  with  Powers's  Greek  Slave,  a 
version  of  1847  (cat.  no.  60);  both  marbles  have 
long  been  together  in  the  collection  of  the  Newark 
Museum.  In  August  i860  The  Crayon  reported  a 
rumor  that  Haight  intended  to  present  Flora  to  "the 
Central  Park"  for  display;  sometime  afterward,  the 
work  was  shown  in  the  park,  in  the  Arsenal  on  Fifth 
Avenue,  along  with  eighty-seven  plaster  casts  of  other 
works  by  Crawford,  donated  by  the  artist's  widow. 
In  1867  Tuckerman  referred  to  these  sculptures  as 
being  on  view  in  the  "Central  Park  Museim,  N.Y." 
(the  Arsenal),  which  may  be  credited  as  the  first  art 
museum  within  Central  Park.^^  Later  the  collection 
was  transferred  to  "the  Mt.  St.  Vincent  buildings  at 
McGown's  Pass  [in  Central  Park,  near  the  East  Drive 
and  105th  Street]  ...  for  use  as  a  statuary  gallery  and 
museum."  ^0  These  structures  were  destroyed  by  fire 
in  18 81,  along  with  some  of  the  artworks,  so  it  is  not 
clear  how  Flora  survived  to  join  the  collection  of 
the  Newark  Museum. 

As  the  sculpture  collections  of  Fish  and  Haight 
were  being  made  available  to  a  wider  audience,  three 
other  collectors— Thomas  Jefferson  Bryan,  Aspinwall, 
and  August  Belmont— were  themselves  forming 
impressive  quasi-public  galleries  of  paintings.  Bryan 
(1802-1870;  fig.  75)  was  born  in  Philadelphia  and,  as 
the  son  of  a  wealthy  partner  of  Astor,  was  able  to 
indulge  his  taste  for  fine  art  early  in  life.  In  1829,  six 
years  after  graduating  from  Harvard  CoUege,  Bryan 
began  a  sojourn  in  Paris  that  lasted  until  1850,  when 
he  took  up  residence  in  New  York  City.  During 
those  two  decades  Bryan  assembled  a  collection  of 
230  European  paintings,  including  works  by  old  mas- 
ters from  the  Italian,  Spanish,  German,  Dutch,  Flem- 
ish, French,  and  English  schools;  he  also  acquired 
a  number  of  American  paintings.  The  quality  and 


Fig.  75.  Thomas  Sully,  Thomas  Jefferson  BryaUy  1831.  Oil  on 
canvas.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society, 
The  John  Jay  Watson  Fund  1960.26 


importance  of  the  works  varied  widely,  and  many  of 
the  rosy  attributions  made  during  Bryan's  lifetime 
have  been  downgraded  in  subsequent  years.  Certain 
paintings  are  still  highly  regarded,  however,  for  the 
collection  did  contain  authentic  works  by  masters 
such  as  Rembrandt,  Rubens,  Diirer,  Giotto,  Raphael, 
Scheggia  (see  cat.  no.  42),  Poussin,  and  Watteau. 

After  Bryan's  offer  to  donate  the  collection  to  a 
public  institution  in  Philadelphia  was  refused,  he  put 
it  on  long-term  public  view  in  New  York,  beginning 
in  1852  at  348  Broadway.  Richard  Grant  White,  the 
father  of  the  architect  Stanford  White,  was  commis- 
sioned to  prepare  the  accompanying  Catalogue  of 
the  Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian  Art,  from  the  Earliest 
Masters  to  the  Present  Time 7^  White  described  the 
gallery  as  having  "in  its  historical  character,  an  impor- 
tance not  possessed  by  any  other  ever  opened  to  the 
public  in  this  country.  The  rise  and  progress  of  each 
of  the  great  schools  .  .  .  can  be  traced  by  characteris- 
tic productions  of  those  schools,  in  all  the  stages  of 
their  development,  which  hang  upon  these  walls."^^ 
He  also  pointed  out  an  admirable  characteristic  of 
Bryan's  undertaking:  "It  has  been  the  aim  of  the  pro- 
prietor to  collect  a  gallery  which  should  not  only  give 
pleasure  to  casual  visitants,  but  afford  efficient  aid  to 
the  student  of  the  history  of  Art."^^  White  pussyfooted 


65.  David  B.  Dearinger,  "American 
Neoclassic  Sculptors  and  Their 
Private  Patrons  in  Boston" 
(Ph.D.  dissertation.  City  Uni- 
versity of  New  York,  1993), 
vol.  2,  p.  687. 

66.  Thayer  Tolles,  ed.,  American 
Sculpture  in  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  Volume  i,  A  Cat- 
alqgue  of  Works  by  Artists  Born 
before  186s  (New  York:  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
1999),  pp.  64-66,  68-71. 

67.  For  a  detailed  discussion  of  the 
commission,  see  Lauretta  Dim- 
mick,  "A  Catalogue  of  the  Por- 
trait Busts  and  Ideal  Works  of 
Thomas  Crawford  (i8i3?-i857), 
American  Sculptor  in  Rome" 
(Ph.D.  dissertation.  University 
of  Pittsburgh,  1986),  pp.  448-62. 

68.  "Domestic  Art  Gossip,"  The 
Crayon  7  (August  i860),  p.  231, 
cited  in  Dimmick,  "Portrait 
Busts  of  Crawford." 

69.  Tuckerman,  Book  of  Artists^ 
p.  622. 

70.  Winifred  E.  Howe,  A  History 
of  The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art  (New  York:  The  Metro- 
politan Museum  of  Art,  1913), 
p.  42. 

71.  See  [Richard  Grant  White], 
Catalogue  of  the  Bryan  Gallery 
of  Christian  Art,  from  the 
Earliest  Masters  to  the  Present 
Time  (New  York:  George  F. 
Nesbitt  and  Co.,  1852);  and 
Richard  Grant  White,  Com- 
panion to  the  Bryan  Gallery  of 
Christian  Art .  .  .  (New  York: 
Baker,  Godwin  and  Co.,  Print- 
ers, 1853). 

72.  White,  Companion  to  Bryan 
Gallery,  p.  iv. 

73.  Ibid.,  p.  ix. 


I04    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  76.  Bartolome  Estcban  Murillo,  The  Immaculate  ConceptioHy  Spain,  ca.  1660-70.  Oil  on 
canvas.  The  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts,  Gift  of  James  E.  Scripps,  1989  89.70 


74..  Ibid.,  pp.  iv-v. 

75.  Frederick  W.  Dupee,  ed.,  Henry 
James:  Autobiography — A  Small 
Boy  and  Others,  Notes  of  a  Son 
and  Brother,  The  Middle  Tears 
(Princeton:  Princeton  University 
Press,  1983),  pp.  152-53. 

76.  Constable,  Art  Collectin£i,  p.  29. 

77.  John  E.  Stillwell,  "Thomas  J. 
Bryan— The  First  Art  Colleaor 
and  Connoisseur  in  New  York 
City,"  New-Tork  Historical  Soci- 
ety Quarterly  Bulletin  i  (January 
1918),  pp.  103-5. 


around  the  most  problematic  aspect  of  the  collection 
by  noting  that  "the  author  declines  to  express  any  opin- 
ion upon  the  authenticity  of  the  many  pictures  here 
which  bear  some  of  the  greatest  names  in  art;  but  he 
wishes  it  to  be  understood  that  he  does  this  solely  on 
account  of  his  entire  want  of  confidence  in  his  ability 
to  speak  with  the  least  authority  upon  that  subject." 

The  gallery  was  not  a  great  success  and  was  subject 
to  the  sneers  of  many,  including  Henry  James,  who 
recalled  his  visit  there  as  a  boy: 

Deep  the  disdppointmenty  on  my  own  party  I  remcm- 
hety  at  Bryants  Gallery  of  Christian  Art.  .  .  .  It  cast 
a  chilly  this  collection  of  worm-eaten  diptychs  and 


triptychsy  of  an^fular  saints  and  seraphs,  of  black 
Madonnas  and  obscure  BambinoSy  of  such  market 
and  approved  ^primitives^^  as  had  never  yet  been 
shipped  to  our  shores.  ...  7  doubt  whether  I  pro- 
claimed that  it  bored  me — any  more  than  I  have 
ever  noted  till  now  that  it  made  me  be^in  badly 
with  Christian  art.  I  like  to  think  that  the  collec- 
tion consisted  without  abatement  of  frauds  and 
Y^kes^  and  that  if  those  had  been  honest  things 
my  perception  wouldn^t  so  have  slumbered;  yet  the 
principle  of  interest  had  been  somehow  compro- 
mised, and  I  think  I  have  never  since  stood  before 
a  real  Primitive,  a  primitive  of  the  primitives, 
without  having  to  shake  off  the  grey  mantle 
of  that  night 7^ 

More  recentiy,  and  more  knowledgeably.  Constable 
wrote  of  the  collection  (now  at  the  New-York  His- 
torical Society)  that  though  "there  are  no  great  mas- 
terpieces . .  .  there  are  many  that  are  of  much  interest 
and  considerable  merit." 

Bryan's  attempt  to  provide  the  people  of  New  York 
with  an  art-historical  survey  of  European  and  Ameri- 
can painting— and,  in  fact,  to  establish  something  like 
a  national  gallery  of  art— was  a  generous,  even  revo- 
lutionary, one;  the  need  for  such  a  resource  contin- 
ued for  many  years,  imtil  the  Metropolitan  Museum 
began  to  build  its  paintings  collections  in  later  dec- 
ades. Bryan  offered  his  collection,  augmented  by 
more  European  and  American  paintings,  to  the  Soci- 
ety in  1864;  six  years  later,  as  he  lay  dying  onboard  a 
ship  bound  from  France  to  New  York,  he  stipulated 
in  writing  that  his  more  recent  acquisitions  should  be 
added  to  the  gift  (the  size  of  the  collection  has  sub- 
sequendy  been  reduced  through  deaccessioning  and 
sales).  Although  Bryan  was  not  actually  "the  first  art 
collector  and  connoisseur  in  New  York  City,"^^  he 
should  be  remembered  for  the  resonating  value  of  his 
ideals  and  public  spirit. 

In  the  mid-i850s  Aspinwall  (1807-1875),  a  New 
York  merchant  who  had  amassed  a  vast  fortune  as  an 
importer,  shipping  magnate,  and  railroad  investor, 
retired  from  daily  involvement  in  business  to  devote 
himself  to  charitable  affairs,  travel,  and  art  collecting. 
Taking  up  the  latter  interest  with  the  same  energy  that 
had  marked  his  previous  entrepreneurial  activities, 
Aspinwall  traveled  widely  in  Europe,  where  he  made 
lavish  purchases  of  art.  By  1857  his  acquisitions  had 
begun  to  attract  attention  in  New  York.  Of  particular 
note  was  a  large  Murillo  canvas  titled  The  Immaculate 
Conception,  ca.  1660-70  (fig.  76),  which  was  remarked 
on  in  The  Crayon  before  it  went  on  exhibition  at 


Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams,  a  commercial  gal- 
lery, in  January  1858/^  That  exhibition  was  apparently 
just  a  convenient  way  station  for  the  famous  canvas, 
since  by  January  1859  construction  had  been  com- 
pleted on  an  art  gallery  added  to  Aspinwall's  house 
on  Tenth  Street. 

The  house  was  originally  designed  about  1845  by 
the  architect  Frederick  Diaper,  an  English  immigrant 
who  was  also  responsible  for  several  banks  on  Wall 
Street  and  the  New  York  Society  Library  building, 
erected  in  1840.  The  new  gallery,  designed  by  James 
Renwick  Jr.,  had  a  separate  entry  from  the  street, 
which  facilitated  the  visits  by  the  public  that  Aspin- 
wall  allowed  several  days  a  week.  Its  entrance  corridor 
contained  several  dozen  works  of  art,  both  paint- 
ings and  sculptures,  many  of  which  bore  attributions 
(to  Leonardo,  Pontormo,  and  Titian,  for  example) 
that  today  would  probably  seem  overenthusiastic. 
Mixed  in  with  these  were  more  modern  works  attrib- 
uted to  Gainsborough,  Lawrence,  Romney,  SchefFer, 
and  Bertel  Thorvaldsen,  as  well  as  pictures  by  the 
Americans  Gilbert  Stuart  (a  portrait  of  George  Wash- 
ington) and  Richard  Caton  Woodville.  Beyond,  in 
a  large  room  that  combined  gaslight  with  natural 
light  (introduced  through  concealed  openings  in  the 
ceiling),  were  hung  eighty-five  pictures  arranged 
densely  in  multiple  rows,  as  was  characteristic  of 
the  time.  The  famous  Murillo  held  pride  of  place  on 
the  east  wall  (fig.  77).  Works  attributed  to  European 
masters  of  the  fifteenth  through  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury—"school  of  Raphael"  through  Jacques-Raymond 
Brascassat— predominated,  but  there  were  also  a  few 
paintings  by  the  New  York  artists  Regis-Francois 
Gignoux,  Hinckley,  Huntington,  Kensett,  and  Fred- 
erick R.  Spencer,  as  well  as  by  the  expatriate  Ameri- 
can John  Rollin  Tilton,  Adjacent  was  a  small  gallery, 
illuminated  and  installed  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
larger  one,  containing  two  dozen  pictures,  most  of 
which  were  landscapes,  seascapes,  animal  subjects, 
and  genre  scenes  by  northern  painters  of  the  seven- 
teenth through  the  nineteenth  century;  among  the 
American  works  found  there  was  Church's  Beacon, 
off  Mount  Desert  Island,  1851  (fig.  78).  The  collection 

was  explained  in  a  printed  catalogue  provided  by 
Aspinwall.^9 

The  public  greeted  Aspinwall's  gallery  enthusias- 
tically and  soon  had  another  reason  to  rejoice.  At 
about  the  same  time,  Belmont's  picture  gallery  was 
also  opened  to  them  for  several  days  a  week,  free  of 
charge  for  artists  and  art  students.  The  banker  Bel- 
mont (1816-1890)  had  first  begun  to  build  his  fortune 
in  the  1830s  as  the  New  York  representative  of  the 


PRIVATE   COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  IO5 

Rothschild  interests;  he  had  formed  his  collection 
from  1853  to  1857,  while  serving  as  the  American  min- 
ister to  The  Hague.  The  collection  was  reviewed  in 
The  Crayon  for  January  1858,  after  its  exhibition  at 
the  National  Academy,^^  and  was  then  installed  in  a 
gallery  in  Belmont's  house. 

Unlike  Aspinwall,  Belmont  had  bought  only  pictures 
by  living  European  artists.  Those  he  chose— painters 
such  as  Bonheur,  Calame,  Meissonier,  Theodore 
Rousseau,  Constant  Troyon,  Horace  Vernet,  Koek- 
koek,  and  Meyer  von  Bremen— were  all  eminendy 
acceptable  to  current  taste,  which  was  then  evolving 
in  favor  of  European  art  as  opposed  to  American. 
Commenting  on  the  cosmopolitan  nature  of  Bel- 
mont's collection.  The  Crayon  noted  that  it 

embraces  master-pieces  by  many  of  the  first  artists 
of  continental  Europe,  and  it  contains  masterly  Art, 
The  pictures  come  to  us  from  a  land  where  Art  is 
beyond  price;  where  money  fails  to  tempt  Art  from 
the  hands  of  comparative  poverty,  where  statues 
in  honor  of  artists  stand  in  the  thoroughfares, 
where  fetes  are  held  to  rejoice  over  artistic  success, 
and  from  a  land  where  artists  have  represented 
the  people.  No  wonder  that  the  Art  of  continen- 
tal Europe  is,  and  always  has  been,  the  Art  of 
the  world,  for  Art  there  stands  at  the  head  of 


Fig.  77.  The  Em  End  ofAspinwuWs  Principal  Gallery.  Wood  engraving  from  Harper^s  Weekly, 
February  26, 1859,  pp.  132-34.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene 
Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


78.  "Domestic  Art  Gossip"  The 
Crayon  4  (October  1857),  p.  316. 

79-  Descriptive  Catalogue  of  the  Pic- 
tures of  the  Gallery  of  W.  H. 
Aspinwall,  No.  99  Tenth  Street, 
New-Tork  (n.p.,  i860). 

80.  TJje  Crayon  5  (January  1858), 
p.  23. 


I06    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  78.  Frederic  E.  Church,  Beacon,  (ff  Mount  Desert  Islmd,  1851.  Oil  on  canvas.  Private  collection 


81.  Ibid. 

82.  "Shall  New  York  Have  a  Public 
Gallery  of  Paintings?"  Heirper^s 
Weekly,  February  19, 1859,  p.  114. 

83.  Ibid. 


popular  thou£(ht  and  feeling  in  recognized  fellow- 
ship with  the  greatest  subjects  of  human  interest — 
Law  and  Reli^ion.^^ 

The  advent  of  Aspinwall's  and  Belmont's  galleries 
elicited  from  Harper^s  Weekly  the  presumptuous  pro- 
posal "that  the  owners  of  these  galleries  should,  by 
their  wills,  bequeath  them  to  the  city.  The  reasons 
urged  in  favor  of  this  suggestion  are,  first,  the  strong 
probability  that,  in  a  country  of  vicissitudes  like  this, 
no  gallery  of  works  of  art  can  be  expected  to  remain 
over  two  generations  in  the  same  family;  secondly, 
the  public  advantage  of  having  a  great  gallery  of 
paintings  in  this  city;  and  lasdy,  the  uselessness,  as  a 
general  rule,  of  galleries  kept  exclusively  for  private 
inspection."  Forging  on  in  the  same  vein,  Harper^s 
discussed  possible  sources  of  funds  needed  to  build 
such  a  gallery:  "There  are  half  a  dozen  men  in  New 
York  who  could  afford  to  build,  in  the  Central  Park, 
an  edifice  for  a  city  gallery.  Mr.  William  B.  Astor,  for 


instance,  would  no  doubt  be  delighted  to  have  such 
an  opportunity  of  using  his  wealth  to  noble  advan- 
tages, and  transmitting  his  name  to  posterity  side  by 
side  with  his  father's.'' 

The  beginning  of  the  Civil  War,  in  April  1861,  closed 
many  chapters  in  American  life.  By  the  war's  end,  the 
nature  of  the  artist's  life— fully  chronicled  in  1867 
by  Tuckerman's  Book  of  the  Artists,  American  Artist 
Life—h2Ld  completely  changed.  Most  noticeable  was  a 
radical  shift  in  the  taste  of  collectors,  away  from  Hud- 
son River  landscapes  and  ideal  marble  figures  toward 
the  more  painterly,  realistic,  and  worldly  works  being 
created  across  the  Adantic,  especially  in  the  ateliers  of 
France,  Germany,  and  Holland.  As  collectors  in  New 
York  City  embraced  the  new  tastes,  many  of  the  older 
artists,  such  as  Durand,  Church,  and  Albert  Bierstadt, 
were  stranded  without  active  patronage.  That  the 
seeds  of  this  change  were  sown  in  the  years  1825  to 
1861  is  demonstrated  in  John  Durand's  Life  and  Times 


of  A.  B.  Durand  (1894),  which,  except  for  its  defen- 
sive tone,  is  one  of  the  best  artistic  records  of  the 
period.  The  real  theme  of  Durand's  book  is— to  para- 
phase  Dunlap— the  Rise  and  Decline  of  the  American 
school  of  painting,  as  represented  by  the  career  of  his 
father.  For  this  decline  Durand  blamed  the  importa- 
tion of  European  art  to  this  country,  beginning  with 
the  opening  of  the  Diisseldorf  Gallery  in  New  York  in 
1849.  To  him  the  collection  of  Wolfe  (composed 
mostly  of  Diisseldorf  School  pictures),  the  display  of 
Bonheur's  Horse  Fairy  1853-55  (cat.  no.  51),  and  other 
contemporary  French  works,  and  the  far-reaching 
impact  of  John  Ruskin's  writings  completed  the  dam- 
age, as  collectors  with  new  fortunes  (unlike  those 
whose  wealth  had  been  acquired  earlier)  deserted  the 
artists  of  America. 

At  the  close  of  his  book,  a  downcast  Durand  came 
to  this  conclusion: 

The  American  school  of  art  is  an  invisible  factor 
among  literary  and  other  intellectual  products  of 
the  country.  As  far  as  native  -productions  are  con- 
cernedy  they  are  scattered  over  the  country,  hidden 
away  in  private  houses  and  displayed  in £(loomy 
drawin£f -rooms,  where  sunlight  scarcely  ever  pene- 
trates. .  .  .  Even  when  American  works  find  their 
way  out  of  private  collections  before  the  public,  or, 


PRIVATE  COLLECTORS  AND  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  lOJ 

again,  are  purchased  by  local  institutions,  they 
are  hung  in  proximity  to  works  of  older  schools, 
inspired  by  different  sentiments  and  executed 
according  to  different  methods:  American  art 
thus  suffers  by  comparison.^^ 

Despite  his  sadness  over  the  eclipse  of  American  art, 
Durand  did  take  the  broader  view:  "In  thus  attribut- 
ing the  decline  of  the  American  school  of  art  to  the 
diversion  of  the  native  patronage  which  once  insured 
its  development,  I  do  not  deprecate  or  depreciate  the 
result.  On  the  contrary,  one  cannot  too  highly  esteem 
the  introduction  into  the  country  of  foreign  treasures 
of  art  of  incalculable  value  in  every  sense." 

There  was  one  indication,  however,  that  the  collec- 
tors who  earlier  had  been  the  main  support  of  Amer- 
ican artists  and  designers  continued  to  think  well  of 
their  work:  these  patrons  generously  donated  Ameri- 
can paintings,  sculptures,  and  other  objects  in  later 
years,  when  the  great  public  museums,  like  the  Metro- 
politan, began  the  formation  of  their  collections.  The 
ethos  of  civic  spirit  that  had  characterized  the  prewar 
art  world  carried  over  into  a  new  era,  as  the  establish- 
ment of  great  institutions— museums,  zoos,  colleges, 
and  hospitals— became  the  order  of  the  day.  And  New 
York  City,  thanks  in  no  small  part  to  its  art  collectors, 
was  in  the  forefront  of  the  movement. 


84.  Durand,  Life  and  Times  of 
A.  B.  Durand,  p.  191. 

85.  Ibid.,  p.  195. 


Selling  the  Sublime  md  the  Beautiful:  New  Tork 
Landseape  Fainting  md  Tourism 

KEVIN  /.  AVERT 


Cole  and  theA0e  of  American  Landscape  Fainting 

A  merica's  age  of  landscape  is  often  said  to  have 
begun  in  New  York  City  in  October  1825.  It 
JL  was  then,  according  to  the  well-known  story, 
that  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  the  painter  of  the  Amer- 
ican Revolution  and,  as  president  of  the  American 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  dictator  of  art  matters  in 
the  city,  discovered  Thomas  Cole,  the  father  of  the 
Hudson  River  School.  As  the  account  goes,  Trumbull 
spotted  three  paintings  of  Hudson  River  and  Catskill 
Mountain  subjects  in  a  local  bookstore  and  art  supply 
shop;  he  instantly  purchased  one,  prevailed  on  two 
artist  friends  to  buy  the  others,  sought  out  and 
extravagantly  praised  Cole,  the  young  painter  of  the 
pictures,  and  encouraged  connoisseurs  from  New 
York  and  elsewhere  to  patronize  him.^  Cole's  discov- 
ery took  place  within  days  of  the  celebration  marking 
the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal,  which  more  than  any 
other  single  factor  contributed  to  the  rise  of  New 
York  as  the  Empire  City,  America's  first  and  most 
important  metropolis.^  Cole  and  the  Empire  City 
began  their  ascent  at  the  same  moment. 

However,  no  group  of  artists  sprang  up  instantly 
around  Cole.  For  years  he  operated  as  a  landscape 
painter  in  New  York  virtually  without  company  or 
rivals.  The  fraternity  of  Cole's  followers  did  not  blos- 
som and  coalesce  much  earlier  than  about  1845.  Even 
Asher  B.  Durand,  Cole's  contemporary  and  successor 
as  the  leader  of  New  York  landscapists,  did  not  begin 
to  focus  on  painting  landscapes  until  about  1840.  To  be 
sure,  when  a  community  of  landscapists  did  develop, 
it  dominated  American  painting  for  at  least  a  quarter 
century;  some  of  its  finest  products  were  executed 
long  after  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War,  which 
defines  the  final  limit  of  this  exhibition's  purview.  But 
during  Cole's  lifetime,  American  landscape  painting 
was  only  in  its  formative  stages  as  a  movement. 

Moreover,  American  landscape  painting  was  not 
cultivated  by  Cole  alone,  or,  in  the  years  immediately 
preceding  his  death  in  1848,  by  Cole  and  Durand 
together.  Rather,  the  emergence  and  gradual  growth 
of  the  school,  as  well  as  the  meteoric  rise  of  Cole's 


own  career,  were  part  of  the  development  of  a  broad 
landscape  culture  that  took  shape  in  New  York  and  was 
lent  impetus  by  the  city.  Paradoxically,  it  was  precisely 
New  York's  preeminence  among  the  nation's  cities 
and  its  rapidly  accelerating  urbanization  that  gave  rise 
to  an  American  landscape  culture.  New  York's  com- 
mercial energy— empowered  by  a  great  natural  har- 
bor and  river,  which  made  the  canal  project  possible, 
and  primed  by  the  expanded  trade  with  the  interior 
of  the  United  States  that  the  canal  allowed— stimu- 
lated appreciation  of  the  natural  landscape.  At  the 
same  time,  restless  Gotham  was  the  foil  against  which 
America's  natural  places  played,  attracting  city  dwellers 
as  reftiges.  Not  least,  for  both  foreigners  and  natives, 
excepting  New  Englanders,  New  York  became  the 
principal  departure  point  in  America  for  the  most 
popular  natural  resorts  of  the  time. 

New  York's  landscape  culture  manifested  itself 
principally  in  literature,  tourism,  suburban  living, 
and  urban  parks,  as  well  as  in  painting.  To  deal  with 
all  of  those  categories  fairly  would  require  a  book- 
length  exploration.  This  essay  will,  therefore,  be  con- 
fined chiefly  to  two  areas,  literature  and,  especially, 
tourism,  concentrating  on  the  resorts  typically  por- 
trayed by  the  artists  of  the  Hudson  River  School. 
Witli  a  few  exceptions,  artists  chose  the  most  popular 
destinations,  and  their  pictures  reinforced  as  well  as 
reflected  that  popularity.  These  destinations— both  at 
home  and  abroad— included  the  Catskill  Mountains, 
Lake  George,  the  White  Mountains  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Newport,  and  Italy,  most  of  which  were  painted 
by  Cole,  beginning  in  the  early  years  of  his  career. 


The  author  gratefully  acknowledges 
the  generous  assistance  of  the  fol- 
lowing individuals  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  essay:  Joelle  Gottlieb, 
Vivian  Chill,  Claire  Conway. 

1.  Cole's  discovery  is  discussed 
and  documented  in  detail 

in  EUwood  C.  Parry  III,  The 
Art  of  Thomas  Cole:  Ambition 
and  Imagination  (Newark: 
University  of  Delaware  Press, 
1988),  pp.  24-27.  See  also 
"Mapping  the  Venues,"  by 
Carrie  Rebora  Barratt  in  this 
publication. 

2.  See  Parry,  Art  of  Cole,  p.  21,  for 
a  discussion  of  the  timeliness 
of  the  beginning  of  Cole's 
career  in  reference  to  the  open- 
ing of  the  Erie  Canal. 


The  Literary  Context  for  Cole 

Since  Cole's  appearance  in  New  York  in  1825  was  such 
an  important  moment  in  the  history  of  New  York's 
landscape  culture,  we  should  explore  the  immediate 
context  of  this  event.  He  had  spent  the  whole  of  1824 
trying  to  be  a  landscape  painter  in  Philadelphia, 
where  he  is  reported  to  have  compared  his  youthful 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  84 


no    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


3.  For  Cole's  life  before  he  moved 
to  New  York,  see  Ellwood  C. 
Parry  III,  Thomas  Cole's 
Early  Career:  1818-1829,"  in 
Views  and  Visions:  American 
Landscape  before  1830,  by  Ed- 
ward C.  Nygren  et  al.  (exh.  cat., 
Washington,  D.C.:  Corcoran 
Gallery  of  Art,  1986),  pp.  163- 
66.  His  envy  of  Doughty  and 
Birch  was  reported  by  his  earli- 
est biographer,  William  Dun- 
lap,  A  History  of  the  Rise  and 
Progress  of  the  Arts  of  Design  in 
the  United  States,  new  ed., 
edited  by  Frank  W.  Bayley  and 
Charles  E.  Goodspeed  (Bos- 
ton: C.  E.  Goodspeed  and  Co., 
1918),  vol.  3,  p.  148. 

4.  Parry,  "Cole's  Early  Career," 
pp.  163-66. 

5.  Parry,  Art  of  Cole,  p.  23; 
Parry,  "Cole's  Early  Career," 
pp.  167-69. 

6.  Bryant's  early  life  and  career  are 
described  in  Charles  H.  Brown, 
William  Cullen  Bryant  (New 
York:  Charles  Scribner's  Sons, 
1971),  pp.  77-172.  See  also  the 
detailed  chronology  of  Bryant's 
life  in  Henry  C.  Sturges  and 
Richard  Henry  Stoddard,  eds., 
The  Poetical  Works  of  William 
Cullen  Bryant  (New  York:  D. 
Appleton  and  Company,  1910), 
pp.  xxxiii-lxv,  esp.  pp.  xliv-xlix. 
The  standard  portrait  of  Knick- 
erbocker culture  in  New  York, 
including  discussion  of  Bryant, 
James  Fenimore  Cooper,  Wash- 
ington Irving,  and  other  writers 
and  their  relationship  to  such 
artists  as  Cole  and  Durand,  is 
James  T.  Callow,  Kindred 
Spirits:  Knickerbocker  Writers 
and  American  Artists,  1807-1855 
(Chapel  Hill:  University  of 
North  Carolina  Press,  1967), 
esp.  chap,  i,  "The  New  York 
Background,"  pp.  3-37. 

7.  A  detailed  chronology  of 
Cooper's  life  and  work  is  given 
in  James  Fenimore  Cooper, 
The  Leatherstockin^  Tales,  vol.  i 
(New  York:  Library  of  Amer- 
ica, 1985),  pp.  869-81,  with  his 
activities  in  New  York  City 
before  his  sojourn  in  Europe  of 
1826  to  1834  on  pp.  871-73. 

8.  Charles  Ingham  quoted  in 
Callow,  Kindred  Spirits,  p.  13: 
the  first  recorded  minutes  of 
the  Sketch  Club  were  kept  at 
the  house  of  John  L.  Morton, 
in  1829,  but  the  minutes  indi- 
cate that  the  club  had  met 
earlier.  See  also  Thos.  S. 
Cimmiings,  Historic  Annals 
of  the  National  Academy  of 
Design,  New-Tork  Drawing 
Association, .  .  .  from  182s  to 
the  Present  Time  (Philadelphia: 


efforts  unfavorably  with  the  mild,  picturesque,  park- 
like  scenes  fashioned  by  local  painters  Thomas  Birch 
and  Thomas  Doughty.^  When  he  went  to  New  York 
the  following  year,  it  was  chiefly  to  rejoin  his  parents 
and  sisters,  whom  he  had  lefi:  in  Steubenville,  Ohio, 
when  he  began  his  artistic  odyssey  in  1822.  Cole's 
family  too  had  felt  the  need  to  move  to  improve  its 
fortunes,  and  no  American  city  held  out  more  oppor- 
tunities than  New  York  in  1825,  particularly  in  view  of 
the  coming  opening  of  the  canal.'^ 

Soon  after  arriving  in  New  York,  Cole  traveled 
north  on  the  Hudson  River  to  make  sketches  upstate 
for  the  pictures  that  launched  his  reputation.^  Yet  in 
New  York  City  itself  he  could  also  find  inspiration,  for 
by  1825  a  literature  of  landscape,  if  not  yet  a  landscape 
painting  tradition,  was  blossoming  here.  The  Wbrds- 
worthian  poet  William  Cullen  Bryant,  with  whom 
Cole  is  portrayed  in  Durand's  Kindred  Spirits  (cat. 
no.  30),  was  born  and  raised  in  New  England  but  had 
setded  for  good  in  New  York  just  a  few  months 
before  the  painter  arrived.  Publication  of  his  nature 
poems  in  Boston  journals  as  early  as  1817  and  of  his 
first  collection  of  verse,  in  1821,  had  earned  Bryant  a 
name  in  New  England  but  not  a  livelihood  while 
he  labored  with  increasing  reluctance  as  a  lawyer  in 
Massachusetts.  Then  he  accepted  an  invitation  to 
coedit  a  new  publication  in  New  York,  the  New-Tork 
RevieWy  and  Atheneum  Magcizine^  and  this  position 
eventually  led  to  his  appointment  as  editor  of  the 
city's  principal  daily,  the  New-Tork  Evening  Post.^ 
That  reliable  job  remained  the  perch  from  which  Bry- 
ant presided  over  New  York's  landscape  culture  until 
his  death  in  1878,  when  the  Hudson  River  School  was 
falling  from  its  preeminent  place  in  American  art. 

The  novelist  James  Fenimore  Cooper  was  second 
only  to  Bryant  as  an  influential  literary  figure  in  the 
rising  landscape  culture  of  New  York  in  the  early 
nineteenth  century.  Like  Bryant  and  Cole,  Cooper 
was  not  a  native  of  the  city:  he  was  born  in  Bur- 
lington, New  Jersey,  and  was  raised  in  Cooperstown, 
an  upstate  New  York  setdement  that  his  father  had 
foimded.^  But  by  1820,  with  the  publication  of  his 
first  novel,  he  had  begun  to  socialize  with  the  poet 
Fitz- Greene  Halleck  and  the  artist  William  Dunlap, 
among  others  in  New  York.  In  1822  he  formed  the 
first  salon  in  the  city,  the  Bread  and  Cheese  Club, 
which  welcomed  both  writers  and  artists.  The  Bread 
and  Cheese  Club  was  short  lived,  dissolving  with 
Cooper's  departure  for  Europe  in  1826;  but  it  was 
succeeded  by  the  Sketch  Club,  composed  of  several 
members  of  the  Bread  and  Cheese  along  with  such 
newcomers  as  Cole,  who  reportedly  hosted  the  first 


"regular  meeting."^  Cooper's  early  Leatherstocking 
Tales  The  Pioneers  (1823)  and  The  Last  of  the  Mohieans 
(1826)  bear  the  impress,  respectively,  of  the  author's 
youth  in  upstate  New  York  and  the  "fashionable 
tour"^  he  took  of  the  Lake  George-Lake  Champlain 
area;  enormously  well  received  by  the  pubHc,  they 
played  an  important  part  in  popularizing  the  upstate 
regions  in  which  they  are  set.  And  by  the  time  Cooper 
left  New  York,  he  had  already  created  a  mythology 
of  the  state  as  both  a  frontier  and  a  theater  of  Ameri- 
can history.  Cole  rapidly  exploited  this  mythology: 
among  his  earliest  narrative  landscapes,  painted  in 
1826  and  1827,  are  four  pictures  with  scenes  from  The 
Last  of  the  Mohicans  (see  cat.  no.  24),  two  of  which 
are  set  in  the  wilderness  of  upstate  New  York. 

Also  important  among  the  city's  principal  literary 
exponents  of  landscape  culture  in  our  period  was 
Washington  Irving,  the  eldest  and  the  only  native 
New  Yorker  among  the  trio.  Although  he  had  left 
New  York  for  Europe  in  1815  and  did  not  return 
imtil  1832,  his  contribution  to  the  culture  was  signifi- 
cant. By  the  time  of  his  departure  he  had  published 
A  History  of  New-Tork  (1809;  cat.  no.  137),  under  the 
pseudonym  Diedrich  Knickerbocker,  and  The  Sketch 
Book  of  Geoffrey  Crayon,  Gent,  (1819-20),  as  Geoffrey 
Crayon.  The  first  made  the  author  famous  in  Amer- 
ica, the  second  brought  him  renown  both  at  home 
and  in  England,  where  he  was  living  when  it  was  pub- 
lished.^^ While  Irvingfs  voice  in  these  early  works  is 
essentially  that  of  a  fabulist,  the  volxmies  do  include 
delightful  scenic  sketches.  The  History  is  a  satirical 
account  of  the  formation  of  New  York  City,  but 
one  chapter  consists  of  a  broad  declamation  of  the 
glories  of  the  Hudson  River's  shores  up  to  the  high- 
lands, as  surveyed  by  Peter  Stuyvesant  during  a  cruise 
upriver  in  a  galley.  And  the  well-known  tale  "Rip 
Van  Winkle"  in  The  Sketch  Book  is  set  in  the  CatskiUs 
and  is  replete  with  evocative  descriptions  of  the  view 
into  the  Hudson  River  valley  from  the  moimtain 
ledges  (see  cat.  no.  23);  of  Kaaterskill  Clove  (see 
fig.  98),  in  sight  of  which  Rip  takes  his  legendary 
nap;  and  of  Kaaterskill  Falls.^^  All  became  subjects  for 
Cole  and  his  successors,  the  Hudson  River  School  of 
landscape  painters. 

The  Pictorial  Context  firr  Cole 

The  immediate  pictorial  context  for  Cole's  landscapes 
appeared  almost  contemporaneously  with  Bryant's 
Poems,  Cooper's  The  Pioneers,  and  Irving's  Sketch 
Book.  That  context  was  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio 
(see  cat.  no.  114;  figs.  79,  152),  the  work  of  the 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  III 


Fig.  79.  John  Hill,  after  William  Guy  Wall,  View  near  Hudson,  1822,  from  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio  (New  York:  Henry  J.  Megarey, 
1821-25),  pi.  15  (later  pi.  12).  Aquatint  with  hand  coloring.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection 
of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54,90.158 


aquatint  engraver  John  Hill  and  the  watercolorist 
William  Guy  Wall.  Both  artists  were  born  abroad, 
Hill  in  England,  Wall  in  Ireland.  In  1816  Hill  emi- 
grated from  London  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  pro- 
duced the  landmark  Picturesque  Views  of  American 
Scenery  between  1819  and  1821.  Based  on  the  draw- 
ings of  the  English-born  Philadelphia  landscape 
painter  Joshua  Shaw,  Picturesque  Views  included  a 
single  narrow  image  of  the  Hudson.  The  river  did, 
however,  become  a  major  subject  for  Hill's  burin 
when  he  was  engaged  to  engrave  the  plates  for  the 
aquatints  of  Wall's  watercolors  that  became  The 
Hudson  River  Portfolio M  The  series  had  been  pro- 
posed by  Wall,  who  had  departed  Ireland  for  New 
York  in  summer  1818  and  had  executed  his  water- 
colors  of  the  Hudson  River  "During  a  Tour  in  Sum- 
mer of  1820."  IS  The  New  York  artist  John  Rubens 
Smith  was  originally  hired  to  engrave  Wall's  images, 
but  by  August  1820  Hill  was  approached  by  the  pub- 
lishers to  replace  him.  Less  than  two  years  later, 
swayed  by  his  publisher  and  completely  preoccu- 
pied with  the  Portfolio  project.  Hill  moved  with  his 


family  to  New  York  and  the  rich  opportunities  Hud- 
son River  images  would  bring  him.^*^ 

The  Tourist  Context  for  Cole;  the  Catskills 

Like  Wall,  most  visitors  to  upstate  New  York  before 
1820  maintained  their  distance  from  the  Catskills. 
Horatio  SpafFord's  entry  on  the  Catskills  in  his  1813 
Gazetteer  of  the  State  of  New-Tork  discloses  only  that 
they  are  "the  largest  and  most  extensive  [mountains] 
in  the  state'— an  inaccurate  claim  (the  Adirondacks 
were  later  discovered  to  be  higher)— that  a  turnpike 
made  the  vicinity  of  the  range's  eastern  summits 
accessible,  and  that  from  their  heights  "the  view  is 
inexpressively  grand."^^  But  some  travelers  were  taking 
Spafford's  hint;  before  1817,  for  example,  former  Yale 
president  Timothy  Dwight  had  ascended  to  the  lofty 
ledge  called  Pine  Orchard,  site  of  the  future  Catskill 
Mountain  House  hotel,  admired  "the  distinct  and 
perfect  view"  of  the  hvmdred  miles  of  Hudson  River 
valley  below  him,  as  well  as  the  Kaaterskill  Clove  and 
its  spectacular  waterfalls.    By  the  time  Cole  arrived  in 


George  W.  Childs,  1865), 

pp.  IIO-II. 

9.  The  term  is  derived  from  the 
tide  of  the  guidebook  by  Gid- 
eon M.  Davison,  The  Fashion- 
a-ble  Tour  in  1825:  An  Excursion 
to  the  Sprin£rs,  Niagara,  Quebec, 
and  Boston  (Saratoga  Springs: 
G.  M.  Davison,  1825). 

ID.  For  an  excellent  discussion 
of  the  role  of  Cooper's  early 
novels  in  the  popularization  of 
the  Catskill  Mountains,  see 
Kenneth  Myers,  TTje  Catskills: 
Painters,  Writers,  and  Tourists 
in  the  Mountains,  1820-189$ 
(exh.  cat.,  Yonkers:  Hudson 
River  Museum  of  Westchester, 
1987),  pp.  34-36,  with  a  discus- 
sion of  Cole's  paintings  of  the 
CatskiUs  on  pp.  40-46. 

11.  A  chronology  of  Irving's  life 
and  work  appears  in  Washing- 
ton Irving,  History,  Tales,  and 
Sketches:  Letters  of  Jonathan 
Oldstyle,  Gent.,  Salmagundi; 

.  .  .  A  History  of  New  York;  .  .  . 
The  Sketch  Book  of  Geoffrey 
Crayon,  Gent,  edited  by 
James  W.  Tuttieton  (New  York: 
Library  of  America,  1983), 
pp.  1093-1102. 

12.  Ibid.,  pp.  622-25. 

13.  Ibid.,  pp.  773-77.  For  a  discus- 
sion of  Irving's  descriptions  of 
the  Hudson  River  and  the 
Catskills  in  relation  to  tourism, 
see  Myers,  Catskills,  pp.  33-34. 

14.  For  Picturesque  Views  of  Amer- 
ican Scenery,  see  Richard  J. 
Koke,  A  Checklist  of  the  Amer- 
ican En£[ravin£is  of  John  Hill 

( 1770-1850 )  .  .  .  (New  York: 
New-York  Historical  Society, 
1961),  pp.  16-26;  Nygren  et  al., 
Views  and  Visions,  pp.  46-54, 
268-69,  289-90;  Gloria  Gilda 
De^,  Picturing  America, 
1497-1899:  Prints,  Maps,  and 
Drawings  Bearing  on  the  New 
World  Discoveries  and  on  the 
Development  of  the  Territory 
That  Is  Now  the  United  States 
(Princeton:  Princeton  Univer- 
sity Press,  1988),  pp.  213-14. 
For  a  detailed  account  of  Hill's 
engagement  as  the  engraver  of 
The  Hudson  River  Portfolio, 
see  Richard  J.  Koke,  "John 
Hill,  Master  of  Aquatint,  1770- 
1850,"  New-Tork  Historical 
Society  Quarterly  43  (January 
1859),  p.  87.  For  ne  Hudson 
River  Portfolio  in  general,  see 
Donald  A.  Shelley,  "WiUiam 
Guy  Wall  and  His  Watercolors 
for  the  Historic  Hudson  River 
Portfolio,"  New-Tork  Historical 
Society  Quarterly  31  (January 
1947),  pp.  25-45;  Koke,  Check- 
list of  American  En^ravin^s  of 
Hill,  pp.  29-41;  Nygren  et  al.. 


112    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Views  and  Visions,  pp.  54-58, 
298-301;  and  Deak,  Picturing 
America,  pp.  217-18. 

15.  Prospectus  for  The  Hudson 
River  Portfolio,  quoted  in 
Deak,  Picturing  America, 
p.  217. 

16.  See  Koke,  "John  Hill,  Master 
of  Aquatint,"  pp.  84-86, 
92-94. 

17.  Horatio  Gates  SpafFord,  A 
Gazetteer  of  the  State  of  New- 
York  . . .  (Albany:  H.  C.  South- 
wick,  1813),  p.  9. 

18.  Timothy  Dwight,  Travels;  in 
New-England  and  New-Tork, 
4  vols.  (New  Haven:  Timothy 
Dwight,  1821-22),  vol.  4, 

pp.  122-25. 

19.  Horatio  Gates  SpafFord,  ^ 
Gazetteer  of  the  State  of  New- 
Tork  (Albany:  B.  D.  Packard, 
1824;  reprint,  Interlaken,  New 
York:  Heart  of  the  Lakes  Pub- 
lishing, 1981),  pp.  414-15;  see 
also  Ten  Days  in  the  Country," 
Commercial  Advertiser  (New 
York),  August  26, 1824,  p.  [2], 
September  25, 1824,  p.  [2]; 
Davison,  Fashionable  Tour  in 
182s,  pp.  41-43;  and  Theodore 
Dwight,  The  Northern  Trav- 
eller (New  York:  Wilder  and 
Campbell,  1825),  pp.  15-18. 
These  and  other  guides  direct- 
ing tourists  to  Pine  Orchard 
and  vicinity  are  discussed  in 
Myers,  Catskills,  pp.  50-63. 

20.  "Descriptive  Journal  of  a  Jaunt 
up  the  Grand  Canal;  Being  a 
Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in 
New-York,  to  a  Lady  in  Wash- 
ington, in  August,  1825," 
Atheneum  Magazine  i  (Octo- 
ber 1825),  pp.  381-82. 

21.  Ibid.,  p.  383. 

22.  Dwight,  Northern  Traveller, 
p.  iii. 

23.  An  Amateur  [James  Kirke 
Paulding],  The  New  Mirror  for 
Travellers;  and  Guide  to  the 
Springs  (New  York:  G.  and 

C.  Carvill,  1828),  p.  219. 

24.  [Thomas  Hamilton],  Men  and 
Manners  in  America  (Edin- 
burgh: William  Blackwood, 
1833),  vol.  2,  p.  381. 

25.  Parry,  Art  of  Cole,  pp.  38-49. 

26.  These  paintings  are  Landscape, 
with  Figures,  a  Scene  from  Last 
of  the  Mohicans,  1826  (Terra  Mu- 
seum of  American  Art,  Chicago) 
and  Gelyna  (View  near  Ticon- 
deroja),  1826  and  1829  (Military 
History  Museum,  Fort  Ticon- 
deroga.  New  York).  Another 
may  be  Landscape,  Scene  from 
"The  Last  of  the  Mohicans,  1827 
(Van  Pelt  Library,  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia). 
For  these  paintings,  see  Parry, 
Art  of  Cole,  pp.  47-51. 


New  York,  in  1825,  SpafFord's  GazemeVy  two  guide- 
books, and  the  local  newspapers  were  touting  the  new 
hotel  at  Pine  Orchard,  where  only  a  scattering  of 
intrepid  white  travelers  had  stood  before. 

The  Catskill  Mountain  House  was  no  doubt  estab- 
lished in  response  to  the  increase  in  Hudson  River 
traffic  brought  about  after  1810  by  the  advent  of  the 
steamboat;  and  its  builders  surely  anticipated  the 
surge  in  tourism  that  would  follow  the  completion  of 
the  Erie  Canal.  Thus  travel  to  Pine  Orchard  and  the 
surrounding  Catskill  areas  that  were  the  early  sub- 
jects of  Cole  and  his  successors  proliferated  as  a  direa 
consequence  of  New  York's  rising  enterprise  and  new 
economic  preeminence.  Dynamic  Gotham,  it  might 
be  said,  in  this  way  fostered  Cole's  predilection  for 
the  sublime,  the  aesthetic  of  the  dramatic  and  fear- 
some in  landscape. 

If  the  relationship  between  the  perception  of  natu- 
ral wonders  and  the  heroic  projects  of  civilization  was 
not  represented  by  the  members  of  the  Hudson  River 
School,  it  was  sometimes  addressed  by  xirban  tourists 
inspired  by  the  painters'  haunts.  One  such  was  a  ''gen- 
tleman in  New-York"  who  in  October  1825  wrote  an 
accoimt  of  "a  jaxmt  up  the  Grand  Canal"  to  Utica 
between  a  stop  at  Pine  Orchard  and  a  visit  to  the 
famed  Trenton  Falls  on  the  Mohawk  River  near  Utica. 
In  the  eyes  of  this  observer,  and  presumably  in  the 
view  of  others  of  his  time,  nature  was  an  artist.  From 
the  ledge  at  Pine  Orchard  he  conjured  up  the  heav- 
enly loom  on  which  nature  "weaves  her  clouds,"  and 
he  was  "awestruck"  by  "the  towering  vault  of  solid 
rock,  as  if  built  by  art"^^  that  is  the  cave  behind 
Kaaterskill  Falls.  The  "Grand  Canal"  the  gendeman 
traveler  saw  as  a  comparable  prodigy.  He  regarded 
as  "fairy-work"  the  engineering  miracle  that  made 
possible  the  novel  sensation  of  "floating  ...  in  a  large 
and  lofty  barge,  through  fields,  and  direcdy  in  front 
of  houses"  (see  cat.  no.  106)  or  upon  an  aqueduct 
spanning  the  eleven-hundred-foot  width  of  the  rush- 
ing Mohawk  River.  Theodore  Dwight,  nephew  of 
Timothy,  in  his  Northern  Traveller^  a  guidebook 
published  in  New  York  in  1825,  was  similarly  moved, 
observing  that  the  "magnificence  of  the  [canal]  itself," 
not  merely  the  novelty  of  riding  upon  its  gentie 
course,  had  already  "attracted  vast  numbers  of  trav- 
ellers."^^ Yet  few  artists  other  than  topographical 
specialists  such  as  Hill  portrayed  either  the  canal 
or  much  of  the  scenery  visible  from  it.  America  lacked 
its  John  Constable  to  glorify  the  man-made  water- 
way's utilitarian  function.  And  the  landscape  it  made 
accessible  to  New  Yorkers  tended  to  lose  its  pictur- 
esque qualities,  changing  irresistibly,  apace  with  the 


city  itself,  as  ever  more  towns  and  industry  rose  up 
along  its  banks. 

Saratoga  and  Lake  George 

Other  sites  rarely  painted  were  Saratoga  Springs  and 
nearby  Ballston.  Although  both  lacked  picturesque 
appeal,  they  were  highly  popular  stops  in  the  fashion- 
able tour  that  America's  first  affluent  classes  under- 
took through  New  York  State,  New  England,  and 
lower  Canada:  their  attraction  was  originally  based  on 
the  therapeutic  value  of  the  mineral  waters  of  their 
springs.  When  New  Yorker  James  Kirke  Paulding 
wrote  of  "the  singular  influence  of  beauty"  at  Sara- 
toga and  Ballston  in  his  1828  Mirror  for  Trav- 
ellerSy  he  was  referring  not  to  the  scenery,  which  he 
found  ordinary  at  best,  but  to  the  young  women 
who  congregated  there,  attracting  men  of  all  ages.^^ 
A  few  years  later,  however,  an  Englishman  visiting 
both  resorts  summarily  dismissed  even  their  social 
life  when  he  observed:  "If  Saratoga  was  dull,  Ballston 
was  stupid." 

It  could  scarcely  be  said  that  nearby  Lake  George 
was  not  beautiftil  or  a  favored  subject  for  artists.  Cole 
visited  Lake  George  as  early  as  spring  or  early  sum- 
mer 1826  and  painted  it  several  times  within  the  next 
year,^5  and  his  followers  among  the  second  genera- 
tion of  the  Hudson  River  School— John  F.  Kensett, 
David  Johnson,  and  Sanford  Robinson  Gifford— 
portrayed  the  area  frequendy  through  the  Civil  War 
period  and  after.  To  be  sure,  the  purely  picturesque 
character  of  Lake  George  appealed  to  the  painters, 
but  at  least  part  of  its  attraction  for  Cole  and  contem- 
porary tourists  derived  from  its  military  past. 

Two  old  forts  (or  their  ruins),  William  Henry  and 
George,  occupied  points  on  the  south  and  middle  of 
the  thirty-mile-long  lake,  and  Fort  Ticonderoga  was 
located  near  the  northern  tip  of  Lake  George  on  Lake 
Champlain.  Adding  notably  to  its  cachet  as  a  mili- 
tary theater.  Cooper  had  made  Lake  George  (which 
he  called  by  its  Native  American  name,  Horican)  the 
focal  setting  of  his  most  popular  novel,  The  Last  of 
the  MohicanSy  which  addressed  the  collision  of  Native 
American  and  European  cultures  inflamed  by  the 
French  and  Indian  Wars.  In  faa,  writings  about  the 
conflict  directiy  inspired  Cole:  one  of  his  paintings  of 
the  Lake  George-Lake  Champlain  region  illustrates 
in  the  foreground  a  scene  from  The  Last  of  the  Mohi- 
cans, another  a  legendary  episode  of  the  war  from  a 
different  source. 

Relative  to  Saratoga  Springs,  which  already  boasted 
several  large  hotels  by  the  second  decade  of  the 


SELLING  THE   SUBLIME  AND  THE   BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  II3 


Fig.  80.  Peter  Maverick,  Lake  Geor^e^  New  York.  Engraving, 
from  Theodore  Dwight,  The  Northern  Traveller  (New  York: 
Wilder  and  Campbell,  1825),  opp.  p.  120.  The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations 


nineteenth  century,  Lake  George  was  a  belated  discov- 
ery of  the  new  tourist  class.  The  earliest  accommoda- 
tion on  the  lake  may  have  been  what  Yale  naturalist 
Benjamin  Silliman  Jr.  reported  was  the  Fort  George 
barrack  until  shordy  before  his  visit  to  the  area  in  1819, 
about  the  time  a  public  house  opened  at  nearby  Cald- 
well. However,  the  numbers  of  visitors  to  upstate 
New  York  who  wished  to  see  beautiful  water,  not 
merely  drink  it  as  at  Saratoga,  gradually  increased, 
and  Lake  George  more  than  rewarded  them.  Writers 
were  paying  more  attention  too.  Indeed,  by  the  time 
Cole  stopped  there  Lake  George  had  been  extolled  at 
length  in  at  least  four  books,  two  published  in  the  year 
of  the  Canal  opening.  Moreover,  by  then  a  steam- 
boat had  been  launched  to  ferry  tourists  from  Fort 
George  north  to  the  isthmus  on  which  Fort  Ticon- 
deroga  on  Lake  Champlain  is  located.  The  authors 
of  all  of  the  guides  agreed  on  Lake  George's  prin- 
cipal virtues:  historical  resonance,  its  vast  extent  (best 
viewed  from  south  to  north);  its  innumerable  islands 
(several  are  conspicuous  in  a  number  of  Kensett's 
canvases  [see  fig.  81]),  one— Tea  Island— equipped 
with  a  summerhouse  offering  refreshments; its  sub- 
lime foil  of  mountains,  chiefly  on  the  eastern  shore  (a 
British  visitor  in  1833  compared  the  eastern  aspect  to 
Windermere,  in  the  English  Lake  District,  but  found 
the  features  of  Lake  George's  setting  "bolder  and 
more  decided" ^^),  and  its  pastoral  cultivated  land  on 
the  western  shore;  the  mirrorlike  waters  that  became 
a  window  allowing  the  angler  to  select  his  quarry  as 
much  as  thirty  feet  beneath  the  surface  from  the  abun- 
dant shoals  of  trout.  If  the  men  fished,  the  ladies 
could  collect  "the  beautiful  crystals  of  quartz,"  six- 
sided  prisms  that  studded  so-called  Diamond  Island 
and  other  locations. 


Among  contemporary  observers  it  was  Theodore 
Dwight,  in  his  Northern  Travellery  who  best  described 
Lake  George's  scenic  appeal— later  refieaed  so  conspic- 
uously in  the  paintings  of  Kensett  and  his  colleagues: 

This  beautiful  basin  with  its  pure  crystal  water  is 
bounded  by  two  ranges  of  mountains^  which  in 
some  places  rising  with  a  bold  and  hasty  ascent 
from  the  watery  and  in  others  descending  with  a 
graceful  sweep  from  a  great  height  to  a  broad  and 
level  margin,  furnish  it  with  a  charming  variety 
of  scenery,  which  every  change  of  weather,  as  well 
as  every  change  of  position  presents  in  new  and 
countless  beauties.  The  intermixture  of  cultivation 
with  the  wild  scenes  of  nature  is  extremely  agree- 
able; and  the  undulating  surface  of  the  well  tilled 
farm  is  often  contrasted  with  the  deep  shade  of 
the  native  forest,  and  the  naked,  weather  beaten 
cliffs,  where  no  vegetation  can  dwell.  .  .  .  To  a 
stranger  who  visits  Lake  George  under  a  clear  sky, 
and  sails  upon  its  surface  .  .  .  the  place  seems  one 
of  the  most  mild  and  beautiful  on  earth. 

It  was  the  mildness  of  Lake  George,  not  the  muta- 
bility of  its  weather  and  the  wild  aspects  of  its 
environment  described  by  Dwight,  that  became  a 
leitmotiv  of  visitors'  accounts  and  the  characteristic 
subject  of  Hudson  River  School  interpretations  of  the 
place,  in  particular  Kensett's  and  Johnson's  paintings. 
Even  when  tourists  abounded,  the  lake  in  this  mood 
offered  the  greatest  contrast  to  urban  hubbub  and  the 
calmest  refuge.  English  author  Harriet  Martineau 
evoked  the  placid  atmosphere  and  dolce-far-niente 
attitude  induced  by  the  lake  on  a  fine  day  when  she 
and  her  friends  from  New  York  sailed  out  to  Tea 
Island  one  morning  in  the  mid-i830s: 

[Tea  Island]  is  a  delicious  spot,  just  big  enough  for 
a  very  lazy  hermit  to  live  in.  There  is  a  teahouse  to 
look  out  from,  and,  far  better,  a  few  little  reposing 
places  on  the  margin;  recesses  of  rock  and  dry  roots  of 
trees,  made  to  hide  one's  self  in  for  thought  and  dream- 
ing. We  dispersed;  and  one  of  us  might  have  been 
seen,  by  anyone  who  rode  round  the  island,  perched 
in  every  nook.  The  breezy  side  was  cool  and  musical 
with  the  waves.  The  other  side  was  warm  as  July, 
and  the  waters  so  still  that  the  cypress  twigs  we  threw 
in  seemed  as  if  they  did  not  mean  to  float  away.^^ 

In  his  Northern  Traveller  Dwight  disparaged  the 
image  of  Lake  George  (fig.  80)  that  accompanied  his 
text  on  the  area,  insisting  that  "no  exertion  of  art  can 
produce  anything  fit  to  be  called  a  resemblance  of 
such  a  noble  exhibition  of  the  grand  and  beautiful 


27.  Benjamin  Silliman,  A  Tour  to 
Quebec  in  the  Autumn  of  1819 
(London:  Sir  Richard  Phillips 
and  Co.,  1822),  p.  viii. 

28.  Ibid.,  pp.  48-65;  Davison, 
Fashionable  Tour  in  1825, 

pp.  92-97;  Dwight,  Northern 
Traveller,  pp.  92-97;  SpafFord, 
Gazetteer  of  State  of  New-Tork 
(1981),  pp.  55,  73,  272. 

29.  Davison,  Fashionable  Tour  in 
182s,  p.  95- 

30.  Ibid.,  p.  93. 

31.  [H2imi\ton\,  Men  and  Man- 
ners in  America,  vol.  2,  p.  368. 

32.  Silliman,  Tour  to  Quebec, 
pp.  51-52. 

33.  Dwight,  Northern  Traveller, 
pp.  119-20. 

34.  Harriet  Martineau,  Retrospect 
of  Western  Travel  (London: 
Saunders  and  Otley;  New 
York:  Harper  and  Brothers, 
1838),  vol.  2,  pp.  226-27. 


114    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  8i.  John  R  Kensett,  Lake  Geor^e^  1856.  Oil  on  canvas.  Adirondack  Museum,  Blue  Mountain  Lake,  New  York  65.079.01 


35.  Dwight,  Northern  Traveller^ 
p.  120. 

36.  Parry,  "Cole's  Early  Career" 
p.  178;  see  also  Parry,  Art  of 
Cole,  pp.  54-55.  For  modem 
perspectives  on  nineteenth- 
century  artists  in  the  White 
Mountains,  see  Donald  D. 
Kcyes,  "Perceptions  of  the 
White  Mountains:  A  General 
Survey,"  in  The  White  Moun- 
tains: Place  and  Perceptions 
(cxh.  cat.,  Durham:  University 
Art  Galleries,  University  of 
New  Hampshire,  1980), 

pp.  41-49. 

37.  Pany,  Art  of  Cole,  pp.  81-82, 
218-19;  Parry,  "Cole's  Early 
Career,"  pp.  178-83. 


features  of  creation."  The  remark  is  surely  appro- 
priate in  reference  to  Cole's  few  paintings  of  Lake 
George  and  vicinity,  the  first  pictorial  accounts  of 
the  area,  which  were,  in  fact,  rather  limited  scenically. 
Not  until  the  1850s  would  Cole's  followers  take  up 
the  subject  again.  Only  then,  with  pictures  by  Ken- 
sett,  Johnson,  and  Gifford,  would  painters'  visions 
of  the  leisure  charms  of  the  lake  equal  their  celebra- 
tions by  writers. 

The  White  Mountains 

In  July  1827,  on  the  heels  of  his  visits  to  the  Catskills 
and  Lake  George,  Cole  made  a  brief  but  signal  excur- 
sion to  the  White  Mountains  of  New  Hampshire.  As 
Ellwood  Parry  has  observed,  the  White  Mountains 
"became  Cole's  new  passion,  overwhelming  his  earlier 
fondness  for  the  Catskills  and  Lake  George."  After  a 
sojourn  in  the  state  of  barely  a  week.  Cole  painted 
several  pictures  with  New  Hampshire  scenery,  some 
of  which  included  views  of  Mount  Chocorua  as  a 
prominent  feature.  Among  these  are  some  of  his  ear- 
liest historical  landscapes  (see  cat.  no.  24).  He  visited 


the  region  again,  with  the  Boston  landscape  painter 
Henry  Cheever  Pratt,  in  the  following  year,  and  once 
more,  with  Durand,  in  the  summer  of  1839,  when  he 
produced  another  White  Mountain  picture. 

Cole's  first  visit  might  not  have  occurred  when  it 
did  had  it  not  been  urged  on  him  by  his  patron 
Daniel  Wadsworth  of  Hartford,  who  had  been  to  the 
White  Mountains  the  year  before.  Yet  even  without 
Wadsworth's  intervention,  Cole  doubdess  would  have 
gone  there  before  long.  The  establishment  of  accom- 
modations in  the  White  Mountains  in  the  early  nine- 
teenth century,  a  great  natural  calamity  that  took  place 
there,  and  the  attention  the  region  drew  in  publica- 
tions that  appeared  in  New  York  and  elsewhere  after 
the  Erie  Canal  opened  lured  ever  increasing  numbers 
of  tourists  through  the  second  quarter  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Like  Lake  George,  however,  the  area 
did  not  become  a  subject  for  Cole's  followers  until 
the  185 OS,  when  New  Hampshire  attracted  second- 
generation  Hudson  River  School  painters  led  by 
Durand.  Small  wonder,  for  by  midcentury  the  White 
Mountains  had  evolved  into  one  of  the  required  tour- 
ist destinations  in  the  eastern  states. 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE   BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  II5 


Once  discovered  by  travelers,  the  White  Moxm- 
tains  were  dubbed  "the  Switzerland  of  the  United 
States,"  including  as  they  do  the  Northeast's  tallest 
mountain,  Mount  Washington  (at  6,288  feet),  and 
several  neighboring  high  peaks  christened  with  the 
names  of  other  early  presidents.  But  America's  first 
Alps  (tourists  would  not  discover  the  grandeur  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains  for  many  years)  were  an  inhospi- 
table, indeed  potentially  lethal,  wilderness  during  the 
early  days  of  the  Republic,  and  visitors  needed  at  least 
one  place  of  shelter.  That  refuge  was  supplied  by  the 
setdements  established  about  the  time  of  the  Revolu- 
tion by  the  Rosebrook  and  Crawford  families  in  the 
region  of  the  Notch,  located  between  the  Presidential 
and  Franconia  Ranges  of  the  White  Mountains. 
Later,  Abel  Crawford  and  his  son,  Ethan  Allen  Craw- 
ford, became  the  sole— and  eventually  the  principal— 
hoteliers  in  that  breathtaking  chain  of  summits.  The 
father  established  an  inn  in  1803,  and  by  1819  he  and 
his  son  had  already  cleared  a  path  to  the  top  of  Mount 
Washington;  seven  miles  from  the  inn  they  built  a 
camp  where  travelers  hiking  to  the  peak  could  rest  for 
the  night  before  continuing  the  ascent. 

In  his  Northern  Traveller  Theodore  Dwight  wrote 
at  length  of  the  journey  from  Boston  to  Concord, 
thence  to  Center  Harbor,  Red  Mountain,  Squam 
Lake,  Lake  Winnipesaukee,  and  up  along  the  Saco 
River  through  the  Notch  to  the  Crawford  farm,  from 
which  he  ascended  Mount  Washington  with  Ethan 
Crawford,  calling  the  view  "sublime  and  almost 
boundless.'"^*^  Although  he  described  in  some  detail 
the  wonders  of  the  region  for  "the  man  of  taste,"  he 
was  rather  apologetic  about  what  he  considered  to  be 
the  summary  nature  of  the  descriptions  of  the  land- 
scape he  provided  and  promised  to  improve  on  them 
in  future  editions. He  quickly  did,  but  less  to  keep 
his  word  than  to  report  on  an  event  in  the  Notch  that 
would  decisively  affect  tourism  in  the  White  Moun- 
tains for  years  to  come.  In  summer  1826  the  Switzer- 
land of  the  United  States  suffered,  in  Dwight's  words, 
avalanches  de  terre^^'^^  terrific  landslides  induced  by 
the  swelling  and  raging  course  of  the  Saco  through 
the  Notch  during  a  storm.  The  slides  buried  the  Wil- 
leys,  an  isolated  family  living  in  the  Notch,  but  spared 
their  house,  which  they  had  fled.  Alert  to  the  com- 
mercial potential  of  the  news,  in  1827  Dwight  and  his 
publisher  produced  an  insert  describing  the  catas- 
trophe and  tipped  it  into  the  second  "improved  and 
extended"  edition  of  his  guide,  published  in  1826. 
Thanks  to  the  natural  disaster,  noted  the  author  in  this 
insert,  "the  route  [through  the  Notch]  will  offer  many 
new  objects  interesting  to  an  intelligent  traveller.  .  .  . 


Scarcely  any  natural  occurrence  can  be  imagined  more 
sublime  ."'•■^  Dwight  guaranteed  that  the  traces  of  the 
event  'Svill  always  furnish  the  traveller  with  a  melan- 
choly subject  of  reflection.""^ 

Through  human  tragedy,  then,  a  region  that  by 
dint  of  its  high,  steep  mountains  had  called  forth 
the  sublime  became  an  even  more  powerful  vehicle 
for  expressing  exalted  and  terrifying  emotions.  What 
Timothy  Dwight  had  perceived  as  a  titanic  natural 
boulevard  and  amphitheater  dwarfing  the  monu- 
ments of  antiquity^s  became  for  his  nephew  Theo- 
dore brooding  ruins  created  by  nature's  assault  on  its 
own  splendors.  In  his  Sketches  of  Scenery  and  Manners 
in  the  United  States  of  1829,  Theodore  Dwight  wrote 
repeatedly  of  the  contrast  between  his  recollections  of 
the  pastoral  Saco  River  valley  before  the  avalanches 
and  the  present  reality  of  the  wasteland  of  much  of  the 
site,  between  the  devastated  parts  of  the  Notch,  which 
made  nature  seem  "the  enemy  of  civilization  and 
humanity,"  and  the  mild  sections  of  the  valley  that 
were  left  unscathed:  "From  the  spot  whence  the  trav- 
eller looked  back,  to  admire  the  green  meadow  below, 
and  the  crowds  of  forest  trees  which  invested  the 
mountains,  unbroken  except  here  and  there  by  a  few 
gray  rocks,  the  avalanches  I  have  mentioned  are  all 
visible,  each  of  them  a  course  which  no  human  power 
could  have  resisted,  and  before  which  the  pyramids  of 
Egypt  might  have  been  shaken  if  not  swept  away.""^^ 

Signs  of  the  disaster  persisted  for  years,  with  only 
spots  of  what  Harriet  Martineau  called  "rank  new 
vegetation"  gradually  spreading  and  covering  the 
natural  wreckage.^^  The  Willey  house  continued  to 
stand  amid  the  blasted  landscape,  a  vestige  of  pio- 
neer life  in  America,  in  much  the  same  way  that  the 


38.  Dwight,  Northern  Traveller, 
p.  173. 

39.  The  history  of  the  Rosebrook 
and  Crawford  settlements  in 
the  White  Mountains  is  sum- 
marized in  Arthur  W.  Vose, 
The  White  Mountains  (Barre, 
Massachusetts:  Barre  Publish- 
ers, 1968),  pp.  76-80.  See  also 
R.  Stuart  Wallace,  Social 
History  of  the  White  Moun- 
tains," in  White  Mountains: 
Place  and  Perceptions,  p.  26. 

40.  Dwight,  Northern  Traveller, 
p.  183. 

41.  Ibid.,  p.  173. 

42.  Theodore  Dwight,  The  North- 
ern Traveller,  id  ed.  (New 
York:  A.  T.  Goodrich,  1826), 
p.  312. 

43.  Ibid.,  pp.  311-12. 
44-  Ibid.,  pp.  311,  313. 

45.  Dwight,  Travels;  in  New 
England  and  New  York, 
vol.  2,  p.  152. 

46.  [Theodore  Dwight],  Sketches 
of  Scenery  and  Manners  in 
the  United  States  (New  York: 
A.  T.  Goodrich,  1829), 

pp.  69,  77. 

47.  Martineau,  Retrospect  of  West- 
ern Travel,  vol.  2,  p.  112. 


Fig.  82.  Daniel  Wadsworth,  Avalanches  in  the  White  Mountains. 
Engraving,  from  [Theodore  Dwight],  Sketches  of  Scenery  and 
Manners  in  the  United  States  (New  York:  A.  T.  Goodrich, 
1829),  opp.  p.  59-  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations 


Il6    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  83.  Thomas  Cole,  View  of  the  White  Mountains,  1827,  Oil  on  canvas.  Wadsworth  Atheneum,  Hartford,  Connecticut, 
Bequest  of  Daniel  Wadsworth  1848.17 


48.  Quoted  in  J.  Bard  McNulty, 
ed.,  Ute  Correspondence  of 
Thomas  Cole  and  Daniel  Wads- 
worth: Letters  in  the  Watkinson 
Library,  Trinity  College,  Hart- 
ford, and  in  the  New  York  State 
Library,  Albany,  New  York 
(Hartford:  Connecticut  His- 
torical Society,  1983),  p.  26. 

49.  Cole  quoted  in  Louis  Legrand 
Noble,  Tlje  Course  of  Empire, 
Voyage  of  Life,  and  Other  Pic- 
tures of  Thomas  Cole,  N.A.  .  .  . 
(New  York:  Lamport,  Blake- 
man  and  Law,  1853;  reprint, 
edited  by  Elliot  S.  Vesell,  Hen- 
sonville,  New  York:  Black 
Dome  Press,  1997),  p.  67. 

50.  Benjamin  G.  WiUey,  Incidents 
in  White  Mountain  History  .  .  . 
[3d]  ed.  (Boston:  Nathaniel 
Noyes,  1856). 


rediscovered  dwellings  of  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum 
preserve  traces  of  ancient  Roman  domestic  life. 

The  landslides  and  their  aftermath  not  only  attracted 
tourists  but  also  inspired  artists.  Wadsworth's  1826 
visit  to  the  White  Mountains  could  well  have  been 
motivated  by  the  catastrophe,  for  he  made  a  drawing 
of  the  avalanche  paths  in  the  Notch  for  Dwight's 
Sketches  of  Scenery  and  Manners  in  the  United  States 
(fig.  82).  Although  Cole  never  painted  the  scene  of  the 
Willey  deaths,  he  drew  the  fatal  slides  for  reproduc- 
tion as  a  print  (fig.  150)  and  represented  avalanche 
paths  on  the  shoulders  of  Mount  Washington  in  a 
painting  of  the  peak  he  made  for  Wadsworth  in  late 
1827  (fig.  83),  and  he  referred  to  the  large  numbers  of 
scorings  he  observed  "about  nine  miles  from  Craw- 
ford's [inn]"  in  a  letter  of  December  8  of  that  year  to 
Wadsworth. His  painting  A  View  of  the  Mountain 
Pass  Called  the  Notch  of  the  White  Mountains,  1839 
(fig.  84),  seems  more  directly  to  evoke  the  catastro- 
phe and  acknowledges  the  tourist  traffic  in  the  Notch. 
In  the  foregroimd  a  lone  horseman  approaches  the 


Crawford  house,  while  in  the  background  a  stage- 
coach departs  from  the  dwelling,  moving  in  the 
direction  of  the  Notch's  narrow  defile.  The  house  is 
portrayed  as  a  refuge  amid  looming  mountains 
cloaked  by  storm  clouds  and  rain  at  left  and  lashed 
raw  in  places  by  landslides.  These  details  and  the 
boulder  perched  precariously  on  a  rocky  knob  over- 
looking the  house  are  of  a  piece  with  both  Dwight's 
vision  and  Cole's  own  characterization  of  the  Notch 
as  a  place  that  nature  had  chosen  as  a  "batdeground" 
of  the  elements."^^ 

Fascination  with  the  Willey  site  was  waning  by 
1856  despite  efforts  to  perpetuate  it.  That  year  Ben- 
jamin Willey,  brother  of  the  elder  Willey  killed  in  the 
slide,  published  a  history  of  the  White  Mountains  in 
which  the  tragedy  figures  prominendy.^^  By  then  also 
a  i2i-cent  admission  was  being  charged  for  a  guided 
tour  of  the  Willey  house,  but  Samuel  Eastman,  author 
of  the  1858  travel  book  that  cited  this  attraction,  main- 
tained that  "there  was  nothing  within  the  ruinous  edi- 
fice of  sufficient  interest  to  warrant  even  this  trifling 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  llj 


expense ."^1  Clearly,  the  visitors  who  were  flocking  to 
the  White  Mountains  were  coming  for  other  kinds  of 
attractions.  Their  change  of  focus  was  at  least  partly 
a  consequence  of  the  passage  of  time:  interest  in  the 
calamity  understandably  faded  over  the  years,  and 
tourists,  no  longer  keenly  interested  in  old  news,  were 
able  to  perceive  the  natural  beauties  of  the  Notch  and 
take  pleasure  in  the  benign  aspects  of  the  region. 

In  great  measure,  the  change  in  taste  was  due  to 
prohferating  accommodations  and  improved  trans- 
portation. By  1855  guide  writer  John  H.  Spaulding 
identified  four  "mammoth  hotels"  in  the  White 
Moiantain  area  as  well  as  many  smaller  inns.  One  of 
these  was  built  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Washington, 
on  whose  flank,  he  reported,  a  "macadamized"  path 
was  being  constructed  to  allow  a  convenient  ascent. 
A  key  improvement  was  made  in  the  early  1850s, 
when  the  Adantic  and  St.  Lawrence  Railroad  was  cut 
through  to  Gorham,  bringing  visitors  to  the  very 
base  of  the  White  Mountains.  For  that  matter,  rail- 
roads now  connected  any  number  of  points  in  New 


England.  Eastman's  book  contains  fourteen  pages  of 
advertisements  for  railroads  as  well  as  accommoda- 
tions, and  provides  thirteen  different  routes,  using 
many  combinations  of  boats,  trains,  and  stagecoaches, 
to  the  White  Mountains.  Seven  of  those  routes, 
moreover,  originated  at  New  York  City,  "the  point  of 
immediate  departure,"  Eastman  indicated,  "for  South- 
ern, Western,  and  we  may  add,  a  large  portion  of 
European  travel  into  New  England."  Whereas  the 
area  had  earlier  been  considered  the  preserve  of  landed 
gentiemen  such  as  Daniel  Wadsworth,  who  hoped  to 
be  awed  by  overwhelming  sights,  now  it  was  pre- 
sumed that  the  typical  traveler  was  a  resident  of  a 
large  city  who  wished  simply  to  escape,  in  Spaulding's 
words,  "[to]  free  circulation  of  fresh  mountain  air, 
and  pure  water  ...  a  pleasant  and  healthful  contrast 
to  the  sickly,  pent-up  city  street,  where  floats  a  hot 
atmosphere  of  pestilence  and  death." 

Thus,  the  White  Mountains  came  to  be  embraced 
by  city  dwellers,  who  sought  them  as  a  refuge;  and 
they  were  being  tamed— so  much  so  that  by  the  eve  of 


51.  Samuel  Coffin  Eastman,  The 
White  Mountain  Guide  Book 
(Concord,  New  Hampshire: 
Edson  C.  Eastman,  1858), 
pp.  50-52. 

52.  John  H.  Spaulding,  Historical 
Relics  of  the  White  Mountains. 
Also,  a  Concise  White  Moun- 
tain Guide  (Mt.  Washington: 
J.  R.  Hitchcock,  1855),  pp.  71, 
74,  76. 

53.  Willey,  Incidents  in  White 
Mountain  History,  p.  262. 

54.  Eastman,  White  Mountain 
Guide  Book,  pp.  153-67;  for  the 
routes  to  the  White  Mountains, 
see  ibid.,  pp.  89-108,  132. 

55.  Ibid.,  p.  1. 

56.  Spaulding,  Historical  Relics, 
p.  71. 


Il8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  85.  James  Smillie,  after  John  R  Kensett,  Mount  Washin^on  from  the  Valley  of  Conway,  1851. 
Steel  engraving.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


57.  Thomas  Starr  King,  The  White 
Hills;  Their  Legends,  Landscape 
and  Poetry  (Boston:  Isaac  N. 
Andrews,  1859). 

58.  For  Ruskin's  influence  on 
American  artists,  see  Roger 
Stein,  John  Ruskin  and  Aesthetic 
Thou£fht  in  America^  1840 -1900 
(Cambridge,  Massachusetts: 
Harvard  University  Press,  1967); 
and  Linda  S.  Ferber  and 


the  Civil  War  Boston  cleric  and  guide  writer  Thomas 
Starr  King  could  call  them  the  '*White  Hills."  ^7 
in  this  light  that  the  next  generation  of  landscape 
artists  arriving  from  New  York  and  Boston  with  the 
rest  of  the  tourists  tended  to  picture  them.  The  new 
pastoral  vision  was  shaped  not  only  by  vacationers' 
growing  preference  for  the  beautiful  over  the  sublime 
but  also  by  the  new  aesthetics  the  artists  brought  with 


Fig.  86.  David  Johnson,  Study,  North  Conway,  New  Hampshire,  North  Conway,  1851.  Oil  on  canvas. 
The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  H.  Marlatt  Fund  1967.125 


them.  These  aesthetics  were  profoundly  influenced  by 
the  ideas  of  the  English  critic  John  Ruskin,  who  in  his 
Modern  Painters  (1843-60)  championed  an  art  based 
on  the  exacting  representation  of  the  details  of  nature 
rather  than  the  artisfs  emotional  interpretation  of 
scenery,  The  new  values  were  articulated  by  Durand 
in  The  Crayon^  the  short-lived  New  York  periodical  that 
became  the  voice  of  Ruskinian  aesthetics  in  America. 
In  The  Crayon  Durand  published  his  now-famous 
"Letters  on  Landscape  Painting"  promoting  plein-air 
painting  and  accurate  rendering  of  detail,  particularly 
in  foreground  elements,  as  the  basis  of  a  naturalistic 
landscape  art.^^  Durand  and  his  colleagues  turned  to 
this  new  naturalism  exacdy  at  the  moment  in  the  1850s 
when  they  began  frequenting  the  White  Moimtains, 
so  that  the  region  virtually  became  the  laboratory  of 
New  York  landscape  painting  aesthetics  in  the  period. 

In  describing  the  White  Moimtain  environment  in 
a  letter  to  The  Crayon^  Durand  elucidated  his  aes- 
thetic bias  by  explicidy  rejecting  the  aspects  of  the 
landscape  that  called  forth  associations  with  the  sub- 
lime, aspects  preferred  by  his  predecessor  Cole  (and 
many  of  Cole's  patrons):  "For  those  who  have  the 
physical  strength  and  mental  energy  to  confront  the 
[sublime]  among  the  deep  chasms  and  frowning 
precipices,  I  doubt  not  it  would  be  difficult  to  exag- 
gerate ...  the  full  idea  of 'boundless  power  and  inac- 
cessible majesty*  represented  by  such  scenes.  But  to 
one  like  myself,  imqualified  to  penetrate  the  'untrod- 
den ways'  of  the  latter,  the  beautiful  aspea  of  White 
Moimtain  scenery  is  by  far  the  predominant  feature." 
In  the  same  letter  he  touted  the  many  opportunities 
to  enjoy  beautiful  scenery  on  excursions  from  his 
headquarters  in  North  Conway  but  happily  admitted 
that  he  had  not  yet  made  many  such  trips  and  felt 
no  need  to: 

There  is  enough  immediately  before  me  for  present 
attention.  Mount  Washington^  the  leading  feature 
of  the  scene  when  the  weather  is  fine  .  .  .  rises  in  all 
his  majesty,  and  with  his  contemporary  patriots, 
Adams,  Jefferson,  Munroe  [sic],  &'c.,  bounds  the 
view  at  the  North,  On  either  hand,  subordinate 
mountains  and  ledges  slope,  or  abruptly  descend  to 
the  fertile  plain  that  borders  the  Saco,  stretching 
many  miles  southward,  rich  in  varying  tints  of  green 
fields  and  meadows,  and  beautifully  interspersed 
with  groves  and  scattered  trees  of  graceful  form  and 
deepest  verdure:  rocks  glitter  in  the  sunshine  among 
the  dark  forests  that  clothe  the  greater  portion  of 
the  surrounding  elevations;  farmhouses  peep  out 
amidst  the  rich  foliage  below,  and  winding  roads. 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  II9 


with  their  warm-colored  linesy  aided  by  patches  of 
richly  tinted  earth  break  up  the  monotony,  if 
monotony  it  can  be  called,  where  every  possible 
shade  of  green  is  harmoniously  mingled,^^ 

The  passage  can  stand  as  a  fair  description  of  Kensetfs 
renowned  painting  The  White  Mountains — Mount 
Washington,  1851  (Davis  Museum  and  Cultural  Cen- 
ter, Wellesley  College,  Massachusetts),  which  was 
engraved  (fig.  85)  for  the  American  Art-Union's  thir- 
teen thousand  subscribers  the  year  it  was  painted. 
As  in  Durand's  text,  the  sublime  element  of  the 
scene— snow-draped  Mount  Washington— abides  in 
the  background,  a  mere  foil  for  the  beautifully 
detailed  farm  valley  spread  before  it.  The  artists'  pen- 
chant for  sacred  particulars  is  revealed  more  conspic- 
uously in  oil  sketches  and  studies  by  Durand,  Kensett, 
Johnson  (see  fig.  86),  Samuel  Colman,  Aaron  Shat- 
tuck,  and  other  New  York  artists  featuring  the  "deli- 
cious ' bits'" ''^^  Durand  spied  along  the  streams  near 
North  Conway: 

now  the  luxurious  fern  and  wild  flowery  plants 
choke  up  the  passage  of  the  waters,  and  now  masses 
of  mossy  rock  and  tangled  roots  diversify  the  banks, 
and  miniature  falls  and  sparkling  rapids  refresh 
the  Art-student,  and  nourish  the  dainty  trout. 
Along  these  streams  at  all  reasonable  times,  you  are 
sure  to  see  the  white  umbrella  staring  amidst  the 
foliage.  I  meet  these  signals  of  the  toiling  artist 
every  day.^^ 

The  vision  of  the  painters  who  frequented  the 
White  Mountains  was  quite  literally  expressed  by 
Thomas  Starr  King  in  1859  in  The  White  Hills;  Their 
Legends,  Landscape  and  Poetry,  one  of  the  most  pop- 
ular tour  guides  of  the  time.  In  his  preface  King 
explained  that  he  had  planned  to  organize  the  book 
"artistically,"  imder  such  headings  as  rivers,  passes, 
ridges,  and  peaks  but  had  been  persuaded  to  make 
it  a  more  conventional  guide  to  White  Mountain 
localities  that  would  be  "a  stimulant  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  them."^^  It  was  with  the  last  aim  in  mind 
that  King  not  only  quoted  liberally  from  poetry  by 
Bryant,  Emerson,  Longfellow,  and  Whittier,  as  well 
as  British  and  Continental  Romantics  but  also  in- 
voked New  York,  Boston,  and  old  master  painters 
to  enhance  his  verbal  portraits  of  the  scenery.  In  his 
most  memorable  use  of  this  conceit  he  transformed 
the  White  Mountains,  as  seen  from  North  Conway  in 
changing  light  and  weather  conditions,  into  a  salon  of 
landscape  paintings: 


But  what  if  you  could  go  into  a  gallery  .  .  .  where  a 
Claude  or  a  Turner  was  present  and  changed  the 
sunsets  on  his  canvas,  shifted  the  draperies  of  mist 
and  shadow,  combined  clouds  and  meadows  and 
ridges  in  ever-varying  beauty,  and  wiped  them  all 
out  at  night'^  Or  where  Kensett,  Coleman  [sicj^ 
Champney,  Gay,  Church,  Durand,  Wheelock,  were 
continually  busy  in  copying  from  new  conceptions 
the  freshness  of  the  morning  and  the  pomp  of  eve- 
ning light  upon  the  hills,  the  countless  passages  and 
combinations  of  the  clouds,  the  laughs  and  glooms 
of  the  brooks,  the  innumerable  expressions  that  flit 
over  the  meadows,  the  various  vestures  of  shadow, 
light,  and  hue,  in  which  they  have  seen  the  stalwart 
hills  enrobed?  Would  one  visit  then  enable  a  man 
to  say  that  he  had  seen  the  gallery? 

Newport 

The  bias  toward  pastoral  experience  that  character- 
ized pictorial  and  literary  responses  to  the  White 
Mountains  beginning  in  the  1850s  had  its  counterpart 
in  contemporary  interpretations  of  Newport,  Rhode 
Island,  the  preeminent  shore  resort  in  America  dur- 
ing most  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Kensett  became 
especially  well  known  for  his  depictions  of  the  coast- 
line at  Newport.  His  first  visits  to  the  town,  pre- 
sumably in  1852  or  a  littie  earlier,  correspond  almost 
exactiy  with  its  emergence  as  a  fashionable  resort,  fre- 
quented in  particular  by  wealthy  New  Yorkers.  These 
initial  forays  may  have  been  inspired  by  encounters 
with  the  coastal  paintings  of  Cole  or  Church.  How- 
ever, the  character  of  his  Newport  pictures  contrasts 
with  the  tempestuous,  ominous  marines  of  such 
models:  serene  and  pellucid,  they  create  the  standard 
for  his  own  views  of  other  shore  locations,  in  Massa- 
chusetts and  Long  Island,  and  for  coastal  scenes  by 
several  other  painters,  including  Sanford  Robinson 
GifFord,  Worthington  Whittredge,  William  Stanley 
Haseltine,  and  William  Trost  Richards. 

Whatever  encouraged  his  early  visits,  Kensett  was 
undoubtedly  the  first  artist  to  exploit  Newport's  quite 
sudden  popularity— or  rather  its  revival  as  a  resort  in 
the  mid-nineteenth  century.  Since  the  early  1700s  the 
town  had  attracted  southern  planters  seeking  escape 
from  the  subtropical  heat  of  summer  in  the  lower 
American  colonies.  Simultaneously,  thanks  to  its 
excellent  harbor  Newport  became  a  serious  commer- 
cial rival  of  Boston,  Philadelphia,  and  (then)  lowly 
New  York,  and  one  that  could  boast  its  own  culture: 
beginning  with  Bishop  George  Berkeley,  who  lived  in 
Newport  for  three  years,  starting  in  1728,  the  city 


William  H.  Gerdts,  The  New 
Path:  Ruskin  and  the  Ameri- 
can Pre-Raphaeiites  (exh.  cat., 
Brooklyn:  Brooklyn  Museum, 
1985). 

59-  A.  B.  Durand,  "Letters  on 
Landscape  Painting,"  The 
Crayon  i  (January-June  1855), 
pp.  1-2, 34-35,  66-67,  97-98, 
145-46,  209-11,  273-75,  354-55- 

60.  A.  B.  Durand,  North  Conway, 
August  20, 1855,  "Correspon- 
dence," letter  to  the  Editors, 
The  Crayon  2  (August  1855), 

p.  133- 

61.  Ibid. 

62.  Carol  Troyen,  "The  White 
Mountains— Mt.  Washington, 
1851,"  in  American  Paradise: 
The  World  of  the  Hudson  River 
School,  edited  by  John  K. 
Howat  (exh.  cat.,  New  York: 
The  Metropolitan  Museimi  of 
Art,  1987),  pp.  149-51. 

63.  Durand,  Letter  to  Editors, 
p.  133- 

64.  Ibid. 

65.  King,  White  Hillsy  p.  vii. 

66.  Ibid.,  pp.  176-77. 

67.  For  discussion  of  the  coastal 
pictures  of  Cole  and  Church, 
see  Parry,  Art  of  Cole,  pp.  300- 
301,  307-8;  see  also  Franklin 
Kelly  et  al.,  Frederic  Edwin 
Church  (exh.  cat.,  Washington, 
D.C.:  National  Gallery  of  Art, 
1989),  pp.  43-46, 159-62;  and 
John  Wilmerding,  The  Artistes 
Mount  Desert:  American 
Painters  on  the  Maine  Coast 
(Princeton:  Princeton  Univer- 
sity Press,  1994),  pp.  27-43, 
69-103. 


I20    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


68.  The  summary  of  Newport's 
history  is  drawn  from  the  fol- 
lowing sources:  John  Collins, 
The  City  and  Scenery  of  New- 
port, Rhode  Island  (Burling- 
ton, New  Jersey:  Privately 
printed,  1857),  p.  3;  James  G. 
Edward,  The  Newport  Story 
(Newport:  Remington  Ward, 
1952),  pp.  7-11;  and  C.  P.  B. 
JejfFerys,  Newport:  A  Short  His- 
tory (Newport:  Newport  His- 
torical Society,  1992),  pp.  9-42. 

69.  Tyrone  Power,  Impressions  of 
America;  during  the  Tears 
1833, 1834,  and  183s,  2d  ed., 

2  vols.  (Philadelphia:  Carey, 
Lea  and  Blanchard,  1836), 
vol.  2,  pp.  16-17. 

70.  JefFerys,  Newport,  pp.  47-49- 

71.  Ibid.,  p.  43;  [John  Ross  Dix], 
A  Hand-book  of  Newport,  and 
Rhode  Island  (Newport:  C.  E. 
Hammett  Jr.,  1852),  p.  159. 

72.  [Dix],  Hand-book  of  Newport, 
pp.  V,  vii. 

73.  Ibid.,  p.  69. 

74.  George  William  Curtis,  Lotus- 
Eating:  A  Summer  Book  (New 
York:  Harper  and  Brothers, 
1852),  p.  165. 

75.  George  C.  Mason,  Newport 
Illustrated  in  a  Series  of  Pen 
and  Pencil  Sketches  (Newport: 
C.  E.  Hammett  Jr.,  1854),  p.  50. 

76.  Quoted  in  ibid.,  pp.  50-51. 


became  the  center  of  a  varied  community  of  scientists, 
artists,  architects,  editors,  theologians,  and  furniture 
makers.  The  American  Revolution,  however,  turned 
the  budding  metropolis  into  a  virtual  ghost  town.  The 
British  occupied  Newport  for  three  years,  destroying 
its  wharves  and  many  of  its  buildings,  even  bearing 
off  its  church  bells  and  municipal  records  to  New 
York,  which  would  surpass  her  sisters  as  an  Adantic 
port  early  in  the  succeeding  century. 

Newport  would  never  recover  as  a  commercial 
power,  but  it  struggled  through  the  early  i8oos  to 
reassert  its  identity  as  a  resort.  As  late  as  1833  an 
English  visitor  described  Newport  as  "^'relatively  de- 
serted"; however,  he  could  not  help  admiring  its  sea- 
side ambience,  mild  climate,  and  handsome  streets 
—all  of  which  put  him  in  mind  of  the  Isle  of  Wight 
on  England's  west  coast— and  he  recommended  that 
Newport  follow  the  English  model  of  the  "cottage 
resort"  to  enhance  its  attractiveness  to  summer  vaca- 
tioners.^^ A  few  scattered  private  summerhouses  were 
built  in  the  1830s,  and  the  middle  of  the  next  dec- 
ade saw  serious  real  estate  speculation  led  by  Alfred 
Smith,  a  Newport  native  who  had  made  his  first 
fortune  as  a  tailor  in  New  York  and  then  doubled  it 
by  buying  and  selling  property  for  cottage  develop- 
ment in  his  hometown.^**  By  this  time  there  were 
already  one  or  two  steamers  a  day  traveling  between 
New  York  and  New  England  ports  that  stopped  at 
Newport;  but,  with  the  introduction  of  overnight 
service  to  Newport  in  1847,  by  1852  the  number  of 
daily  trips  there  from  Gotham  had  increased  to  five.^^ 
Thus,  the  pieces  were  in  place  for  Newport's  renais- 
sance, which,  to  be  sure,  reached  its  zenith  during  the 
Gilded  Age  but  was  well  under  way  by  midcentury,  if 
art  and  literature  are  any  measure. 

The  commercial  and  cultural  past  of  Newport 
determined  the  town's  evolution  into  a  resort  with 
a  character  different  from  that  of  others,  except 
perhaps  Saratoga  Springs,  which  it  surpassed  as  a 
summer  mecca  for  wealthy  urban  society.  Unlike 
most  of  those  who  frequented  the  Catskills,  Lake 
George,  or  the  White  Mountains,  many  visitors  to 
Newport,  as  to  Saratoga,  had  no  particular  interest 
in  picturesque  landscape  or  affection  for  the  out- 
doors; rather,  it  is  safe  to  say,  they  came  primarily 
to  socialize  with  the  fashionable  crowd  with  which 
they  mixed  in  the  city.  On  the  other  hand,  unlike 
Saratoga,  Newport  had  beautiful  scenery.  Therein 
lay  a  conflict  for  the  writers  who  promoted  Newport 
and,  in  some  measure  perhaps,  for  its  landscape  por- 
traitists: which  of  its  various  attractions  should  they 
commend  or  describe? 


That  Newport  was  promoted  as  a  retreat  from  the 
infernal  city  is  plain  from  the  tourist  literature  that 
began  sprouting  up  along  with  the  rows  of  splendid 
"cottages"  in  the  1850s.  John  Ross  Dix,  in  the  dedica- 
tion of  his  Hand-book  of  Newport,  and  Rhode  Island 
of  1852,  waxed  poetic  on  how  ''unto  Newport's  sands 
repair /the  town-tired  gentiemen  and  ladies,"  adding 
in  his  preface  that  he  himself,  "glad  to  escape  for  a  sea- 
son from  the  Babel  of  a  great  city,  chose  Newport  as 
a  sometime  residence."  In  connection  with  New- 
porf  s  four  beaches,  he  emphasized  that  "to  people 
who,  month  after  month,  are  pent  in  populous  cit- 
ies, there  is  a  positive  coolness  in  the  sound  of  [the 
word  "Newport"].  On  bright,  summer  days,  when 
the  stifling  heat  causes  one  to  pant  and  perspire, 
how  welcome  the  mere  idea  of  a  watering  place, 
such  as  Newport! "^2  In  his  Lotus-Eating:  A  Summer 
Book  of  1852,  George  William  Curtis  referred  to  New- 
port as  "a  synonyme  of  repose."  And  in  Newport 
Illustrated  of  1854  George  C.  Mason  invoked  the 
reminiscences  of  the  Unitarian  divine  William  EUery 
Channing  and  the  verse  of  the  aesthete  Henry  T 
Tuckerman  in  touting  the  spiritual  and  psychic  bene- 
fits of  wandering  Newport's  beaches.  Intoned  Tuck- 
erman in  his  poem  "Newport  Beach": 

Then  here,  enfranchised  by  the  voice  of  God, 
O,  ponder  not,  with  microscopic  eye. 
What  is  adjacent,  limited  and  fixed; 
But  with  high  faith  gaze  forth,  and  let  thy  thought 
With  the  illimitable  scene  expand. 
Until  the  bond  of  circumstance  is  rent. 
And  personal  griefs  are  lost  in  visions  wide 
Of  an  eternal  futurel .  .  . 

Such  elevated  rhetoric  was  perhaps  a  bit  misplaced, 
since  the  beaches  in  question  were  the  scenes  of 


Fig.  87.  The  Bathe  at  Newport,  Wood  engraving,  from 
Harper^s  Weekly,  September  4, 1858,  p.  568.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume 
Reference  Library 


SELLING  THE   SUBLIME  AND  THE   BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  121 


Fig.  88.  John  William  Orr(>),  after  John  F.  Kensett,  The  Cliff' 
Walk,  Newport.  Wood  engraving,  from  George  William  Curtis, 
Lotus-Eating:  A  Summer  Book  (New  York:  Harper  and  Brothers, 
1852),  p.  192.  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and 
Tilden  Foundations 


frivolities  and  improprieties-that  most  writers  observed 
with  some  degree  of  scorn.  Dix,  for  example,  per- 
ceived ideal  female  beauty  to  be  profaned  during 
the  morning  bathing  hours  at  Easton's  Beach  (see 
fig.  87),  where  he  winced  at  more  than  one  baggily 
attired  "marine  monster"  who  emerged  from  the 
bathing  house  that  a  "charming,  lovable  sort  of  crea- 
ture" had  entered.  He  was  relieved  that,  once  the 


young  women  had  finished  "splashing  and  paddling 
in  the  water  with  all  their  might,  as  unlike  mermaids 
as  possible,"  they  compensated  for  their  "moist  des- 
habille by  their  rosy,  refreshed  and  beaming  looks, 
when  they  once  more  came  forth,  like  rosy  Christians, 
from  their  sea-side  toilets ."^^ 

But  the  phenomenon  of  social  bathing  that  seemed 
to  threaten  the  aesthetic  and  moral  chastity  of  New- 
port was  merely  a  single,  visible  symbol  of  a  more  per- 
vasive pollution  affecting  many  resorts— Newport 
the  most  egregious  among  them— according  to  Cur- 
tis. In  Lotus-Eatin£[j  which  Kensett  illustrated,  he 
devoted  two  chapters  to  Newport,  but  the  first  was 
almost  wholly  a  peroration  decrying  "Fashion  upon 
the  sea-shore."  It  was  not  so  bad,  said  the  author, 
that  city  people  had  discovered  havens  such  as  New- 
port; it  was  what  of  the  city  they  brought  along  with 
them  that  was  to  be  despised: 

we  Americans  are  workers  by  the  nature  of  the  case, 
or  sons  of  laborers,  who  spend  foolishly  what  they 
wisely  won.  And,  therefore.  New  Tork,  as  the  social 
representative  of  the  country,  has  more  than  the 
task  of  Sisyphus.  It  aims,  and  hopes,  and  struggles, 
and  despairs,  to  make  wealth  stand  for  wit,  wisdom 
and  beauty.  In  vain  it  seeks  to  create  society  by 


77.  [Dix],  Hand-book  of  Newport, 
pp.  72,  74.  For  similar  com- 
mentary on  the  bathing  scene 
at  Easton's  Beach,  see  Mason, 
Newport  Illustrated,  p.  51. 

78.  Curtis,  Lotus-Eatin£f,  p.  165. 


Fig.  89.  John  F.  Kensett,  Forty  Steps,  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  i860.  Oil  on  canvas.  Collection  of  Jo  Ann  and  Julian  Ganz,  Jr. 


122    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  90.  John  E  Kensett,  Berkeley  Rock,  Newport^  1856.  Oil  on  canvas.  Frances  Lehman  Loeb  Art  Center,  Vassar  College, 
Poughkeepsie,  New  York,  Gift  of  Matthew  Vassar  1864.0001.0049,000 


79.  Ibid.,  pp.  173-74, 176. 

80.  Ibid.,  p.  184. 

81.  [Dix],  Hand-book  of  Newport, 
p.  57. 

82.  Curtis,  Lotus-Eating,  p.  183. 

83.  Mason,  Newport  Illustrated, 
pp.  70-71;  [Dix],  Hand-book 
of  Newport,  p.  140. 


dancin£fy  dressin£fy  and  dining^  by  building fine 
houses  and  avoiding  the  Bowery.  .  .  .  Wealth  will 
socially  befriend  a  man  at  Newport  or  Saratoga^ 
better  than  at  any  similar  spot  in  the  worlds  and 
that  is  the  severest  censure  that  could  be  passed 
upon  those  places7^ 

When  Curtis  called  Newport  "a  synonyme  of  repose," 
he  was  remembering  it  in  earlier  times  or  referring 
not  to  the  clamorous  high  season  but  to  "the  serene 
beauty  of  September''  Then,  he  noted  (perhaps 
alluding  to  those  mermaids  on  Easton's  Beach), 
"Fashion,  the  Diana  of  the  Summer  Solstice,  is 
dethroned;  that  golden  statue  is  shivered,  and  its 
fragments  cast  back  into  the  furnace  of  the  city,  to 
be  again  fused  and  moulded." 

Most  notably  among  the  major  Hudson  River 
School  painters,  Kensett  acknowledged  the  urban 
leisure  class  in  his  landscapes.  Nowhere  are  these 
wealthy  travelers  more  in  evidence  than  in  his  paint- 
ings of  Newport,  and  in  few  of  them  more  than  in  the 
Forty  Steps,  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  i860  (fig.  89),  a 
portrait  of  a  popular  spot  along  the  scenic  cMs  on  the 
town's  ocean  side.  Yet  stafFage  is  never  a  prominent 
feature  of  Kensett's  landscapes,  and  even  here  the 
human  presence  is  inconspicuous.  The  forty  steps 
themselves,  a  wooden  stairway  down  to  the  beach 
constructed  by  a  'Svealthy  and  considerate  gende- 
man,"^^  are  not  visible;  and  only  close  inspection 


reveals  a  generous  sprinkling  of  fashionably  attired 
figures,  mostly  women,  atop  the  cliff  in  the  distance, 
verifying  Curtis's  declaration  that  "it  is  thus  the  finest 
ocean-walk,  for  it  is  elevated  sufficiently  for  the  eye  to 
command  the  water,  and  [with  its  grass  extending 
to  the  precipice]  is  soft  and  grateful  to  the  feet,  like 
inland  pastures"  (see  fig.  88).^^ 

Such  works  notwithstanding,  Kensett's  Newport 
pictures  are  as  often  deserted  as  not,  except  for  the 
occasional  fisherman  and  the  immaculate  sail  accent- 
ing the  horizon.  The  gende  forms  of  his  many  Beacon 
Rock  paintings  (see  cat.  no.  37)  offer  no  hint  that 
Fort  Adams,  represented  by  the  terraced  movmds  on 
the  left  of  each  image,  was  the  site  of  a  weekly  military 
band  concert  as  well  as  drills  and  artillery  exercises. 
These  events  attracted  flotillas  of  civilians  fi-om  New- 
port harbor,^^  but  Kensett  could  not  have  seen  the 
bustling  crowds  from  the  distant  viewpoint  he  delib- 
erately chose. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  Kensett  sanitized  his  Newport, 
emphasizing  the  beauties  of  its  sea,  land,  and  sky  and 
minimizing  the  presence  of  the  urban  society  Curtis 
disparaged.  Given  his  collaboration  with  Curtis  on 
Lotus-Bating  and  his  association  with  enlightened, 
nature-loving  patrons  such  as  Jonathan  Sturges  of 
New  York— who  bought  one  of  the  artist's  earliest 
pictures  of  Beacon  Rock  (cat.  no.  37)— his  choice  was 
inevitable;  it  was  assured  as  well,  of  course,  by  the 
tradition  of  reverence  for  nature  that  formed  him. 


SELLING  THE   SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  123 


Inevitable  also  was  his  interest  in  the  theological  and 
philosophical  tradition  that  the  natural  environment 
of  Newport  seems  to  have  encouraged.  This  was  a  tra- 
dition he  addressed  quite  literally  in  one  of  his  earliest 
Newport  paintings,  Berkeley  Rocky  Newport  (fig.  90); 
here  he  posed  the  lone  figure  of  Bishop  Berkeley, 
looking  out  to  sea,  on  the  rock  named  for  him,  the 
site  at  which  he  was  said  to  have  composed  his  Alci- 
phron;  or  the  Minute  Philosopher  of  1732. 

Kensett  also  addressed  the  resemblance  of  New- 
port's atmosphere  to  that  of  Venice,  a  theme  pursued 
by  Curtis  and  other  writers.  Most  effectively  among 
his  American  contemporaries,  he  approximated  the 
warmth  and  transparency  of  Canaletto's  Venetian 
views,  evoking,  for  example,  Curtis's  description: 
"[Newport's  climate]  is  an  Italian  air.  These  are  Medi- 
terranean days.  They  have  the  luxurious  languor  of 
the  South."  Luxurious  they  may  have  been,  but  they 
were  not  immodest,  for  Kensett's  vision  is  appro- 
priate to  the  moralizing  strain  in  Curtis's  summary 
characterization  of  Newport's  climate  as  "bland  and 
beautiful.  It  is  called  bracing,  but  it  is  only  pure."^^ 
Kensett's  Newport  pictures  and  the  paintings  of 
Massachusetts  and  New  Jersey  beaches  that  he,  Gif- 
ford,  Haseltine,  and  Alfred  Bricher  produced  supply 
evidence,  which  Curtis  could  not  find  in  New  York's 
winter  society  itself,  "that  the  city  has  summered 
upon  the  seaside." 

Italy 

When  Dix  stood  on  Easton's  Beach  enjoying  the  balm 
of  Newport's  scenery  and  climate,  he  spied  offshore 
"one  of  the  great  Adantic  ferry-boats— a  floating 
bridge  between  the  old  world  and  the  new"  noting 
that  "frequently  are  the  ships  of  the  Collins's  line  seen 
from  here,  as  they  speed  their  way  to  or  from  New 
York."^^  To  be  sure,  by  the  1850s  fashionable  travelers 
found  Europe  to  be  nearly  as  accessible  as  any  of  the 
American  resorts  discussed  here.  The  adaptation  of 
steam  power  to  ocean  vessels  accompUshed  by  mid- 
century  had  reduced  the  time  it  took  to  cross  the 
Adantic  from  as  many  as  three  to  four  weeks  under 
sail  to  as  few  as  ten  days  with  steam  power.  Moreover, 
once  Europe's  shores  were  reached,  travel  was  rela- 
tively cheap.  To  tour  economically  in  the  Old  World 
one  need  not  have  been  as  hearty  as  the  young  Bayard 
Taylor,  who  boasted  in  his  Views  A-Foot  of  1846  that 
his  trek,  mosdy  on  foot,  across  England  and  the  Con- 
tinent cost  him  a  mere  $492.^^  As  early  as  1838,  in  The 
Tourist  in  Europe,  the  New  York  publisher  George  P. 
Putnam  had  been  telling  Americans  expressly  how  to 


save  money  and,  that  equally  precious  metropolitan 
commodity,  time  when  traveling  abroad. 

Nowhere  in  Europe  could  the  traveler  better  econ- 
omize than  in  Italy,  where  our  necessarily  brief 
remarks  on  Old  World  travel  and  American  land- 
scape art  are  focused.  The  Grand  Tour,  that  extended 
sojourn  on  the  Continent  that  was  part  of  the  edu- 
cation of  northern  Europeans,  especially  the  Ger- 
mans and  the  British,  had  attracted  Americans  from 
the  colonial  period  until  the  Civil  War  and  beyond. 
Among  the  notable  Americans  who  took  the  Grand 
Tour  were  the  expatriate  artists  Benjamin  West  and 
John  Singleton  Copley  in  the  early  era  and  Cole  dur- 
ing the  time  of  our  study. 

For  Americans— and  especially  for  citizens  of  New 
York,  the  fastest-growing  city  in  the  United  States— 
Europe  above  all  served  as  a  point  of  comparison 
with  their  own  country.  As  descendants  of  the  immi- 
grants who  had  founded  American  civilization,  they 
felt  obliged  to  explore  their  cultural  roots.  These 
included  their  roots  in  antiquity,  which,  in  the  Age  of 
Enlightenment,  became  a  powerful  focus  of  interest 
for  northern  Europeans.  Yet  Americans  brought  with 
them  to  Europe  the  seasoning  of  a  young  civilization 
struggling  with  great  but  brutalizing  success  to  extend 
its  empire  over  a  vast,  obdurate  natural  domain  with 
the  modern  equivalent  of  aqueducts,  engineering  mar- 
vels such  as  the  Erie  Canal.  Italy  in  particular  wore 
conspicuously  the  imposing  monuments  of  the  West- 
ern world's  greatest  early  empire,  perceived  as  a  model 
of  republican  government  for  at  least  part  of  its  history. 
But  the  monuments  were  only  vestiges,  ruins  return- 
ing to  nature  and  betokening  the  impermanence  of 
lofiy  ideals  and  enterprise.  The  parent  Europe,  then, 
was  both  model  and  cautionary  example  to  the  child 
America,  depending  on  the  point  of  view. 

For  early-nineteenth-century  American  tourists,  as 
for  their  British  counterparts,  travel  to  the  Continent 
became  safe  only  after  the  end  of  the  Napoleonic 
Wars,  in  1815.  Among  the  Americans  to  visit  Italy  fol- 
lowing the  wars  was  Theodore  Dwight,  who  wrote  of 
the  Grand  Tour  in  his  earliest  published  book.  Jour- 
nal of  a  Tour  in  Italy y  in  the  TeariSzi^  which  appeared 
in  1824.  His  commentaries  in  this  volume  offer  some 
of  the  first  notes  of  skepticism  sounded  in  regard  to 
the  experience  of  Italy:  staring  in  the  face  of  divided 
and,  to  his  mind,  "degraded"  modern  Italy,  still  attired 
in  the  tattered  finery  of  her  ancient  past,  he  was  deeply 
pessimistic.^^  He  seems  to  have  most  enjoyed  his  visit 
to  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii,  where  'Sve  mix  with  the 
subjects  of  Rome"  in  exploring  their  dwellings  pre- 
served beneath  the  ash.^^  But  the  uncanny  perfection 


84.  Curtis,  Lotus-Eating,  p.  179. 

85.  Ibid.,  p.  180. 

86.  Ibid.,  p.  187. 

87.  [Dix],  Hand-book  of  Newport^ 
P-  43- 

88.  J.  Bayard  Taylor,  Views  A- Foot; 
or,  Europe  Seen  with  Knapsack 
and  Staff"  (New  York:  Wiley 
and  Putnam,  1846),  p.  393-  Two 
recent  indispensable  sources  for 
bibliography  on  nineteenth- 
century  Americans  in  Italy  are 
William  J.  Vance,  Americans 
Rome,  vol.  i.  Classical  Rome 
(New  Haven:  Yale  University 
Press,  1989);  and  Theodore  E. 
Stebbins  Jr.  et  al,  Lure  of  Italy: 
American  Artists  and  the  Ital- 
ian Experience,  1760-1914  (exh. 
cat.,  Boston;  Museum  of  Fine 
Arts,  1992). 

89.  [George  P.  Putnam],  The 
Tourist  in  Europe:  or,  A  Con- 
cise Summary  of  the  Various 
Routes,  Objects  of  Interest,  &c. 
in  Great  Britain,  France, 
Switzerland,  Italy,  Germany, 
Bel£fium,  and  Holland;  with 
Hints  on  Time,  Expenses, 
Hotels,  Conveyances,  Passports, 
Coins,  &c.;  Memoranda  dur- 
ing a  Tour  of  Ei^ht  Months  in 
Great  Britain  and  on  the  Con- 
tinent (New  York:  Wiley  and 
Putnam,  1838),  p.  5. 

90.  An  American  [Theodore 
Dwight],  A  Journal  of  a  Tour 
in  Italy,  in  the  Tear  1821 
(New  York:  Printed  by  Abra- 
ham Paul,  1824),  p.  118. 

91.  Ibid.,  p.  110. 


124    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig,  91.  Thomas  GdIc,  The  Course  of  Empire:  The  Sava^fe  State,  1834.  Oil  on  canvas.  Collection  of 
The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858. i 


Fig.  93.  Thomas  Cole,  The  Course  of  Empire:  The 
Consummation  ofEmpire,  1835-36,  Oil  on  canvas. 
Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858.3 


Fig,  92.  Thomas  Cole,  The  Course  of  Empire:  The  Pastoral  or  Arcadian  State,  1834.  Oil  on  canvas. 
Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858.2 


92.  Ibid.,  pp.  H2-13. 

93.  Ibid.,  p.  211. 

94.  Ibid.,  p.  210. 


of  these  remains  merely  accentuated  the  contrast  with 
the  present:  "And  seen  from  this  place,  how  does  the 
present  world  appear.^*  A  mass  of  bones  and  ashes  of 
men;  a  melancholy  shore,  which  the  waves  of  time 
have  strewed  with  the  wrecks  of  nations,  and  heaps  of 
broken  sceptres."  His  ruminations  only  darkened 
as  he  entered  Rome  from  the  "dreary  desert*' of 
the  Campagna: 

How  unlike  is  such  a  scene  as  this,  to  the  first  view 
of  one  of  our  American  cities;  .  .  .  Instead  of  the 
cheerful  and  exhilarating  si£fht  of  a  savage  wilder- 
ness retreating  before  the  progress  of  a  free  and 


enlightened  society ,  and  a  new  continent  assuming 
the  aspect  of  fertility  and  beauty,  under  the  infiu- 
ence  of  an  enterprising  population,  and  a  generous 
form  of  government;  .  .  .  here  we  have  the  poor 
remains  of  that  mighty  city — the  cradle  and  the 
grave  of  an  empire  so  long  triumphant  on  earth — 
now  dwindling  away  before  the  wide-spread  desola- 
tion which  surrounds  it,  and  shrinking  back  upon 
itself,  as  if  for  dread  of  an  invisible  destroyer.^^ 

Still,  Dwight  conceded  the  beauty  of  such  natural 
sites  as  the  Bay  of  Naples  and  Vesuvius  and  the  view 
from  Tivoli  over  the  Campagna  toward  Rome,  "one 


SELLING  THE   SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  125 


Fig.  94.  Thomas  Cole,  The  Course  of  Empire:  Destruction,  1836.  Oil  on  canvas.  Collection  of 
The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858.4 


Fig.  95.  Thomas  Cole,  The  Course  of  Empire:  Desolation,  1836.  Oil  on  canvas.  Collection  of 
The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858.5 


of  the  most  precious  morsels  of  composition  in  the 
world,"  which  Cole,  Gifford,  and  many  other  Amer- 
ican artists  interpreted  on  canvas.  Moreover,  the  splen- 
dors of  painting  and  sculpture  at  the  Vatican  galleries 
and  the  magnificence  of  Roman  architecture,  which 
Dwight  found  unsetding,  challenged  his  American, 
inherendy  democratic  distrust  of  imperial  show  and 
prompted  at  least  a  hint  of  envy:  ''I  wished  that  Amer- 
ica might  possess  such  specimens  of  the  arts.  .  .  .  The 
cultivation  of  painting  and  sculpture  in  our  country 
should  be  promoted  by  every  one  who  has  the  power; 
though  architecture  must  have  its  limit  among  a  people 
where  there  are  no  kings  nor  nobles,  and  where  there 


ought  to  be  no  aristocracy.  Beyond  that  limit,  it  would 
not  be  patriotic  not  to  wish  architecture  extended." 

Although  James  Fenimore  Cooper,  like  Dwight, 
suffered  few  illusions  about  modern  Italy,  his  Yankee 
origins  did  not  dampen  his  enthusiasm  for  it  or 
for  the  remnants  of  ancient  Rome.  Unlike  Dwight, 
Cooper  went  to  Europe  with  an  entree,  for  his  novels 
were  already  known  and  popular  in  England  and 
France,  making  him  welcome  in  foreign  society  upon 
his  arrival  which  may  account  for  his  more  posi- 
tive attitude.  Moreover,  he  had  had  enough  experi- 
ence of  both  the  physical  environment  and  the  culture 
of  New  York  (a  culture  he  had,  after  all,  stimulated)  to 


95.  Ibid.,  p.  279. 

96.  Ibid.,  p.  414. 

97.  Cooper,  Leatherstocking  Tales, 
p.  873  (chronology):  Of  his 
reception  in  Paris,  Cooper 
remarked  in  a  letter  to  a  friend, 
"The  people  seem  to  think  it 
marvelous  that  an  American 


126    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig,  96.  Thomas  Cole,  Aqueduct  near  RomCy  Florence,  1832.  Oil  on  canvas.  Washington  University  Gallery  of  Art,  St.  Louis,  purchase,  Bixby  Fund,  by  exchange,  1987 


98.  James  Fenimore  Cooper, 
Excursions  in  Italy,  2  vols. 
(London:  Richard  Bendey, 
1838),  vol.  I,  pp.  202-3. 

99.  Ibid.,  p.  203. 

100.  Ibid.,  p.  294. 

101.  Ibid.,  vol.  2,  pp.  201,  202-3. 

102.  For  Cole's  travels  in  Europe, 
see  Parry,  Art  of  Cole, 

pp.  95-130,  263-72. 

103.  Ibid.,  pp.  116-18.  Cole  dubbed 
the  series  "The  Cycle  of  Muta- 
tion" or  "The  Epitome  of  Man" 
when  he  first  conceived  it. 


compare  Gotham  with  Italian  cities  and  find  it  pathet- 
ically wanting.  In  his  Excursions  in  Italy  of  1838,  he 
sniffed  at  the  turbid  green  waters  of  New  York's  har- 
bor and  the  backdrop  of  her  puny  Palisades  in  con- 
trast to  the  azure  Bay  of  Naples  lying  in  the  shadow 
of  Vesuvius  and  the  Apennines.  Both  in  Naples  and 
at  Rome,  his  worshipful  admiration  of  ancient  and 
modern  architecture,  weighed  against  his  recollections 
of  the  occasional  "Grecian  monstrosities  and  Gothic 
absurdities"  scattered  about  New  York,^^  caused  him 
to  predict  that  centuries  hence  Gotham  would  leave 

no  trace  "beyond  imperishable  fragments  of  stone  

Something  [of  the  durability  of  Roman  architecture] 
may  be  ascribed  to  climate,  certainly;  but  more  is 
owing  to  the  grand  and  just  ideas  of  these  ancients, 
who  built  for  posterity  as  well  as  for  themselves." 
Cooper  concluded:  "Rome  is  a  city  of  palaces,  monu- 
ments, and  churches,  that  have  already  resisted  cen- 
turies; New  York,  one  of  architectural  expedients, 
that  die  off  in  their  generations  like  men.  ...  I  would 
a  thousand  times  rather  that  my  own  lot  had  been  cast 


in  Rome,  than  in  New  York,  or  in  any  other  mere 
trading  town  that  ever  existed.  As  for  the  city  of  New 
York,  I  would  'rather  be  a  dog  and  bay  the  moon, 
than  such  a  Roman.' "^^^^ 

Sharply  contrasting  responses  to  Italy  such  as  those 
of  Dwight  and  Cooper  were  encompassed  by  Cole  in 
pictures  he  conceived  and  sometimes  painted  during 
his  own  Grand  Tours.  These  journeys  Cole  undertook 
after  his  northern  tours  of  the  Catskills,  Lake  George, 
and  the  White  Mountains  and  after  he  started  to 
produce  heroic  landscapes  based  on  biblical  history. 
The  first  trip,  begun  in  1829,  included  a  sojourn  in 
Italy  from  June  1831  to  October  1832;  the  second, 
in  1841-42,  was  spent  mosdy  in  mainland  Italy  and 
also  in  Sicily.  In  The  Course  of  Empire  series, 
1834-36  (figs.  91-95),  conceived  during  his  first  visits 
to  Florence,  Cole  in  effect  illustrated  Dwight's  moral 
view  of  Italy.  Here  he  conjured  up  an  unnamed 
classical  city  in  five  pictures  representing  the  civiliza- 
tion's rise  (The  Savage  State  and  The  Pastoral  or  Arca- 
dian State),  apogee  (The  Consummation  of  Empire), 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  127 


and  decline  (Destruction  and  Desolation).  Cole  clearly 
meant  the  series  as  "the  grand  moral  epic"  a  contem- 
porary critic  declared  it  to  be.^^"*-  Destruction  and 
Desolation  dramatize  to  striking  effect,  respectively, 
the  sacking  of  the  empire  by  invaders  and  its  skeletal 
remains;  and  even  Consummation^  with  the  alabaster 
splendor  of  its  colonnades  and  temple  piles,  hints  at 
the  hubris  and  corruption  that  will  bring  the  society 
down.  Yet  at  the  same  time,  Cole's  aim  was  surely  to 
communicate,  even  exaggerate,  the  splendor  of  that 
empire  and  of  the  ancient  Italy  suggested  and  ideal- 
ized in  the  middle  picture.  He  said  so  himself  in  his 
program  for  the  series  published  in  a  contemporary 
magazine:  "In  this  scene  is  depicted  the  summit  of 
human  glory.  The  architecture,  the  ornamental  embel- 
lishments, &c.,  show  that  wealth,  power,  knowledge, 
and  taste  have  worked  together,  and  accomplished  the 
highest  meed  of  human  achievement  and  empire." 
Indeed,  he  endowed  his  empire  with  a  verticality  that 
Rome  never  owned  (and  that  New  York  would  assume 
only  in  the  twentieth  century). 

Cole  seems  also  to  have  expressed  American  ambiv- 
alence toward  Italy  in  his  view  of  the  Campagna, 
Aqueduct  near  Rome  of  1832  (fig.  96).  The  skull  at  the 
base  of  the  composition  reminds  the  viewer  of  the 
many  Roman  tombs  scattered  across  the  Campagna. 
But  more  importandy,  it  functions  as  a  conventional 
memento  mori,  alluding  to  the  vanity  of  the  human 
enterprise  that  built  the  aqueduct.  Yet  Cole  showed 
this  monument— the  spine  to  the  skeleton  of  Rome," 
in  Taylor's  words  1^^— bathed  in  the  mild  yellow  light 
of  evening,  eloquently  and  poetically  ameliorating  the 
moral  embodied  in  the  skull.  Conveyed  above  all  is 
awe  in  confronting  a  grandeur  that  has  persisted 
through  the  ages  and  has  even  been  enhanced  by  the 
passage  of  time.  Taylor  wrote  of  the  Coliseum,  "A 
majesty  like  that  of  nature  clothes  this  wonderful  edi- 
fice," but  his  observation  is  eminendy  applicable  to 
the  aqueduct  as  Cole  has  presented  it  here. 

Although  Cole  conjured  up  an  ancient  classical  city, 
portrayed  Roman  ruins,  and  even  painted  a  view  of 
modern  Florence,  View  of  Florence  from  San  Miniato, 
1837  (The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art),  he  never 
essayed  a  picture  of  New  York,  the  city  in  which  he 
attained  success.  In  fact,  views  of  New  York  City 
by  his  successors  are  exceedingly  rare  as  well.^*^^  The 
painters  by  and  large  left  portrayal  of  the  city  to 
the  topographical  watercolorists  and  printmakers,  no 
doubt  because  of  New  York's  deficiencies  as  a  poten- 
tial landscape  subject:  it  lacked  heroic  or  even  pic- 
turesque, that  is,  irregular,  terrain;  it  had,  as  Cooper 


suggested,  few  impressive  public  buildings  (most  were 
wood  structures);  and  nothing  about  it  suggested 
permanence,  let  alone  monumentality.  Gotham  was 
an  ideal  place  in  which  to  produce  landscape  paint- 
ings but  not  a  good  subject  for  them.  Thus  it  may  be 
said  that  Cole  and  his  followers  expressed  Cooper's 
attitudes  not  only  in  what  they  painted  but  also  in 
what  they  did  not  paint. 

In  our  period  American  apprehensions  of  Italy 
evolved,  imtil  tourists  were  more  often  charmed  by 
the  contrast  between  grandeur  and  ruination  than 
struck  by  its  moral  implications.  It  would  seem  that 
the  softening  of  attitude  was  impelled  by  literature 
and,  less  often,  by  the  example  of  painting.  Most 
important  in  this  respect  was  Byron's  Childe  Harold^s 
Pil^rima^e.  With  increasing  frequency  through  the 
second  quarter  of  the  century,  travel  accounts  and 
tour  guides  that  appeared  in  New  York  invoke  the 
poem  with  reference  to  European  scenery,  particularly 
its  descriptions  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps  in  canto  3 
and  Italy  in  canto  4.^^^  Indeed,  in  the  third  edition 
of  his  Italian  Sketchbook  of  1848  Tuckerman  referred 
to  Byron  as  "an  inteUectual  and  ideal  cicerone^^^^ 
Byron's  pessimistic  message  in  Childe  Harold,  a  rumi- 
native tour  of  the  Continent,  is  litde  different  from 
those  offered  in  the  prose  of  historians  Edward  Gib- 
bon and  the  Comte  de  Volney— but  it  was  poetry.  It 
sang  of  human  vanity,  clothing  it  in  rhyming  verse 
that  proved  irresistible  to  tourists— who  undoubtedly 
recited  appropriate  passages  in  the  course  of  their 
travels— and  imposed  its  romance  and  lyricism  on 
sites  that  Americans  might  otherwise  have  regarded 
dismissively,  fearfiilly,  neutrally,  or  perhaps  not  at  all. 

Cole's  pictures  of  Roman  scenery  are  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  the  British  Romantics,  above  all  Byron. 
Not  only  Childe  Harold  but  also  other  works  by 
Byron  inspired  Cole:  he  painted  a  scene  from  Man- 
fredy  set  in  the  Swiss  Alps,  which  he,  in  fact,  never 
visited.  It  therefore  is  fitting  that  the  young  Knick- 
erbocker writer  Nathaniel  Parker  Willis,  in  Pencillin^s 
by  the  Way,  his  published  journal  of  his  European 
tour  of  1836,  often  enlisted  Byron  or  Cole,  and  occa- 
sionally both,  to  help  him  describe  particular  locales. 
Like  other  authors  Willis  was  inspired  to  invoke  Byron 
by  his  encounter  with  the  tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella  on 
the  Campagna,  on  which  occasion  he  recalled  that 
"Nothing  could  exceed  the  delicacy  and  fancy  with 
which  Childe  Harold  muses  on  this  spot."  And,  then, 
as  he  peered  out  from  one  of  the  tomb's  "lofiy  turrets" 
over  the  dusty  plain  "to  the  long  aqueducts  stretching 
past  at  a  short  distance,  and  forming  a  chain  of  noble 


104.  American  Monthly  Magazine, 
n.s.,  2  (November  1836),  p.  513, 
quoted  in  Parry,  Art  of  Coky 

p.  186. 

105.  Cole,  in  American  Monthly 
Magazine,  p.  514,  quoted  in 
Parry,  Art  of  Cole,  p.  168. 

106.  Taylor,  Views  A-Foot,  p.  337. 

107.  Ibid.,  p.  328. 

108.  At  the  very  end  of  our  period 
the  Boston  landscape  painter 
George  Loring  Brown  pro- 
duced The  Bay  and  City  of 
New  York,  i860  (Sandringham 
House,  Norfolk,  England), 

a  view  of  the  city  from  Wee- 
hawken.  New  Jersey.  Measur- 
ing ten  feet  wide,  it  was  surely 
the  most  ambitious  portrait  in 
oils  of  New  York  painted  to 
that  time.  Among  the  very 
few  New  York  landscapists  to 
represent  the  city  in  oils  by 
1861  were  Robert  Havell  Jr.,  an 
English  immigrant,  in  a  work 
of  1840;  Jasper  E  Cropsey,  in 
pictures  of  1856  and  later;  and 
Charles  Herbert  Moore,  in  a 
canvas  of  186 1.  All  adopted  the 
point  of  view  from  Weehawken, 
originated  by  Wall  in  a  water- 
color  of  1824  (Metropolitan 
Museum).  I  am  grateful  to 
Gerald  L.  Carr  for  information 
on  Brown's  paintings.  For 
Havell's  and  Cropse/s  paint- 
ings, see  William  S.  Talbot, 
Jasper  F.  Cropsey,  i82$-ipoo 
(Ph.D.  dissertation.  New  York 
University,  1972;  reprint.  New 
York:  Garland  Publishing, 
1977),  pp.  389-90;  for  Moore's 
painting,  see  Ella  M.  Foshay 
and  Sally  Mills,  All  Seasons 
and  Every  Li^ht:  Nineteenth 
Century  American  Landscapes 
from  the  Collection  of  Elias 
Lyman  Maroon  (exh.  cat., 
Poughkeepsie,  New  York: 
Vassar  College  Art  Gallery, 
1983),  pp.  77-78. 

109.  For  Byron's  impact  on  Victo- 
rian travelers,  see  Maxine 
Feifer,  Goin^  Places:  The  Ways 
of  the  Tourist  from  Imperial 
Rome  to  the  Present  Day  (Lon- 
don: Macmillan,  1985),  p.  161. 

no.  Henry  T.  Tuckerman,  The  Ital- 
ian Sketchbook,  3d  ed.  (New 
York:  J.  C.  Riker,  1848),  p.  210. 
Tuckerman  gave  the  tide 
"Byronia"  to  a  chapter  of  his 
book,  pp.  209-13. 


128    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


•it- 


Fig.  97.  Sanford  Robinson  GifFord,  On  the  Roman  Campa^naj  a  Study^  1859.  Oil  on  canvas. 
Frances  Lehman  Loeb  Art  Center,  Vassar  College,  Poughkeepsie,  New  York,  Gift  of  Matthew 
Vassar  1864.0001.0034.000 


111.  N.  P.  Willis,  Pencillin^s  by  the 
Way  (1836;  "First  Complete 
Edition,"  New  York:  Morris 
and  Willis,  1844),  p.  82. 

112.  See  also  The  Roman  Cam- 
pa^na  (private  collection), 
illustrated  in  Ila  Weiss,  Poetic 
Landscape:  The  Art  and  Expe- 
rience of  Sanford  R.  G^ord 
(Newark:  University  of  Dela- 
ware Press,  1987),  p.  204- 

113.  Ibid.,  p.  70. 

114.  James  Jackson  Jarves,  Italian 
Sights  and  Papal  Principles, 
Seen  throu£[h  American  Spec- 
tacles (New  York:  Harper  and 
Brothers,  1856),  p.  350. 

115.  Ibid. 

116.  [Dwight],  Journal  of  a  Tour  in 
Italy,  p.  210. 

117.  Willis,  Pencillin^s  by  the  Way, 
p.  76. 

118.  Sanford  R.  GifFord,  "European 
Letters,"  vol.  2,  March  1856- 
August  1857,  p.  122,  Archives  of 
American  Art,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  quoted  in  Weiss, 
Poetic  Landscape,  p.  195. 


arches  from  Rome  to  the  movintains  of  Albano,"  he 
turned  to  "Cole's  picture  of  the  Roman  Campagna 
[fig.  96]  . . .  one  of  the  finest  landscapes  ever  painted" 
to  perfea  the  impression  he  recorded. 

Several  second-generation  Hudson  River  School 
artists  made  pilgrimages  to  the  aqueduct  on  the  Cam- 
pagna and  painted  it  from  the  point  of  view  adopted 
by  Cole.  The  subde  differences  between  Cole's  picture 
and  the  interpretations  of  his  disciples  testify  to  the 
shifting  perceptions  of  American  visitors  to  Italy.  It  is 
hardly  surprising  that  Gifford  eliminated  from  his 
two  small  views  (see  fig.  97)^^^  the  moralizing  detail 
of  the  skull  seen  in  Cole's  picture,  and  it  is  even  more 
significant  that  he  ignored  the  imposing  signs  of  the 
passage  of  time,  such  as  the  medieval  tower  rising 
from  the  aqueduct's  foundations.  The  aqueduct  in 
Gifford's  On  the  Roman  Campa£fna,  d  Study,  1859 
(fig.  97),  no  taller  than  the  mountains  of  Albano  in 
the  background,  whose  slopes  echo  the  monument's 
contours,  seems  a  natural  eminence,  in  contrast  to  the 
majestic  presence  in  Cole's  canvas.  With  its  prosaic 
afternoon  light  and  shepherd  and  flock  in  the  fore- 
ground, Gifford's  picture  is  like  a  veduta,  comparable 
to  Kensett's  views  of  Newport,  while  Cole's  poetically 
lit  composition,  by  comparison,  has  the  flavor  of  a 
capriccio,  a  picturesque  or  classical  fantasy. 

Certainly  the  turn  toward  relatively  realistic  inter- 
pretations on  the  part  of  Gifford  and  other  young 
New  York  landscape  painters  was  influenced  by  the 
Ruskinian  aesthetic  of  truth  to  nature  (while  he  was 
in  England  in  1855,  Gifford  had  visited  Ruskin  at 
Oxford). But  they  were  moved  as  well  by  the  diffi- 
cult emergence  of  a  united  modern  Italy  through  a 
struggle  that  began  in  1848  and  ended  in  1870,  when 


Rome  was  absorbed  into  the  new  nation.  The  effects 
of  the  revolution  in  Italy  were  impossible  to  overlook 
for  any  American  traveling  in  that  country.  American 
views  of  the  pofitical  changes  occurring  there  ranged 
from  benignly  hopefuil  to  rabidly  condemnatory, 
depending  upon  the  events  of  the  moment.  In  1848, 
for  example,  Tuckerman  published  Pope  Pius  DCs 
portrait  as  the  frontispiece  to  his  Italian  Sketchbook, 
in  the  expectation,  shared  by  many,  that  the  new  and 
progressive  pontiff  would  support  the  revolutionary 
movement.  But  eight  years  later,  after  Pius  had  fled 
riots  in  Rome  and  returned,  as  a  reactionary,  under 
the  protection  of  France's  Napoleon  III,  James  Jack- 
son Jarves  savaged  the  city  of  the  Caesars  in  his  jere- 
miad of  1856,  Italian  Sights  and  Papal  Principles,  Seen 
through  American  Spectacles.  For  him  it  was  "an  iso- 
lated wreck  amid  the  sea  of  the  Campagna,  clinging 
convulsively  to  the  rock  on  which  she  foimdered^'^^"^ 
with  the  Roman  Catholic  leadership  grasping  in  vain 
at  the  extinct  authority  of  empire.  He,  like  Cooper, 
contrasted  Rome  with  New  York,  but  through  the 
other  end  of  the  telescope:  he  saw  "New  York  [as]  .  . . 
a  focus  of  enterprise  and  riches,  giving  birth  yearly 
to  rival  cities.''^^^ 

As  a  modern  American  landscape  painter,  Gifford, 
who  was  patriotic  but  did  not  express  strong  pofitical 
opinions,  adopted  the  sympathetic  view  of  Italy.  For 
him  and  many  of  his  contemporaries,  the  percep- 
tion of  a  modern  nation  rising  from  the  ashes  of  a 
long-dead  empire  cast  the  fight  of  the  present— of 
ordinary  day— over  the  land  and  the  vestiges  of  its 
antique  civilization.  It  was  a  perception  that  lifted  the 
elegiac  twifight  from  the  landscape,  transforming  it 
from  what  Theodore  Dwight  considered  "the  grave 
of  an  empire"  ^1*^  into  a  new  frontier,  the  semblance 
of  an  American  prairie.  When  GifFord  produced  his 
first  major  painting  of  an  Italian  scene,  his  Lake 
Nemiy  1856-57  (cat.  no.  36),  he  preferred  the  natural 
landscape,  distilled  through  its  atmosphere,  to  ruins. 
Surely  he  was  attracted  by  the  beauty  of  the  volcanic 
lake  itself,  which  Wilfis  had  cafied  "one  of  the  sweet- 
est gems  of  natural  scenery  in  the  world."  Although 
Gifford's  emphasis  on  the  reflective  disklike  surface  of 
the  water  may  weU  aUude  to  the  Latin  designation  of 
the  lake  as  Speculimi  Dianae,  or  the  mirror  of  Diana, 
the  Roman  goddess,  the  painter's  main  purpose  was 
not  to  evoke  such  associations  but  to  glorify  natural 
phenomena.  As  his  letters  from  Europe  reveal,  he  was 
inspired  by  the  pure  visual  effect  of  the  lake  contem- 
plated under  the  fight  of  the  moon,^^^  which  he  trans- 
lated into  the  sun  and  radiant  dayfight  in  his  picture. 
In  fact.  Lake  Nemi  reminded  Hudson  River  School 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE   BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  129 


Fig.  98.  Sanford  Robinson  GifFord,  Kmterskill  Clove,  1862.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of  Maria  DeWitt  Jesup,  from  the 
collection  of  her  husband,  Morris  K.  Jesup,  1914  15.30.62 


I30    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  99.  Julius  Schrader,  Baron  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  Berlin,  1859.  Oil  on  canvas.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  H.  O.  Havemeyer,  1889  89.20 


119.  At  GifFord's  memorial  service 
in  1880,  Whittredge  recalled  of 
Lake  Nemi,  "It  was  treated  in 
such  a  way  that  an  American 
familiar  with  some  of  the  small 
lakes  among  our  hills  could 
easily  as  he  stood  before  it 
im^ine  himself  at  home."  Gif- 
ford  Memorial  Meetinjf  ofThe 
Century .  .  .  November  19th, 
1880  (New  York:  Century 
Rooms,  1880),  p.  37. 

120.  The  exhibition  of  The  Heart  of 
the  Andes  is  described  at  length 
in  Kevin  J.  Avery,  Churches 
Great  Picture:  The  Heart  of  the 
Andes  (exh.  cat..  New  York: 
The  Metrof)olitan  Museum  of 
Art,  1993),  pp-  9,  33-44. 


painter  Worthington  Whittredge  of  an  American  lake 
scene,  while  GifFord's  later  KaaterskiU  Clove  pic- 
tures (see  fig.  98),  bathed  in  the  same  light,  have  an 
Italian  quality.  The  dreamy,  picturesque  glow  in  all 
of  them  is  unspecific,  burning  away  details  of  place 
and  time,  and  expressing  a  nostalgic  longing  for  an 
indefinable  not-here  and  not-now. 


Vicarious  Tourism  md  ^Tfe  Hean  oftheAndes^^ 

Neither  the  American  taste  for  the  Grand  Tour  nor 
merely  vacationing  in  the  northeastern  United  States 
accounts  for  the  phenomenal  popularity  of  Fred- 
eric E.  Church's  Heart  of  the  Andes  of  1859  (cat. 
no.  41;  fig.  loi)  and  the  artistic  progeny  it  inspired  in 
succeeding  decades.  At  the  end  of  our  period,  the 


painting  assured  the  status  of  Church,  whose  techni- 
cal dexterity  and  commercial  success  made  him  Cole's 
most  important  follower.  like  the  tale  of  Cole's  discov- 
ery, the  story  of  the  most  acclaimed  American  land- 
scape painting  of  the  nineteenth  century  has  been 
told  often.  1^**  Just  after  the  painting  was  put  on 
view  in  April  1859,  Church  contracted  for  its  sale  to 
a  New  York  collector  for  $10,000,  an  enormous  sum 
in  its  time;  dviring  its  three-week  debut  on  Tenth 
Street,  twelve  thousand  people  paid  25  cents  each  to 
see  the  picture;  it  went  to  London  for  exhibition  in 
the  summer;  returned  for  a  showing  of  three  months 
in  New  York;  and  then  toured  seven  more  American 
cities  until  March  1861.  To  be  sure.  The  Heart  of 
the  Andes  offered  myriad  attractions,  and  the  artist 
exercised  entrepreneurial  genius  in  promoting  it  in  a 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  I3I 


spectacularly  theatrical  display.  However,  unlike  the 
views  of  Cole  and  of  Church's  colleagues,  The  Heart 
of  the  Andes  did  not  represent  a  tourist  destination 
known  and  loved  by  Americans,  for  only  the  rarest  of 
the  painting's  original  viewers  had  been  to  the  Andes. 

Still,  it  is  fair  to  say  that  the  culture  and  industry  of 
travel  helped  make  The  Heart  of  the  Andes  a  prized 
commodity.  For  if  few  members  of  Church's  audience 
had  seen  South  America,  let  alone  wished  to  visit  that 
largely  undeveloped  continent,  many  of  them  had 
read  the  eloquent,  rapturous  descriptions  of  it  written 
by  Alexander  von  Humboldt  (fig.  99).  Perhaps  the 
nineteenth-century's  most  adventurous  traveler  and 
its  first  great  natural  scientist,  Humboldt  was  a  native 
of  Prussia.  He  made  a  five-year  expedition  at  the  turn 
of  the  eighteenth  century  that  ranged  through  the 
northern  part  of  South  America,  Mexico,  and  Cuba 
and  concluded  with  a  visit  to  the  United  States,  and 
he  later  explored  southwestern  Asia.^^^  In  an  age 
before  the  first  intrepid  tourists  attempted  the  ascent 
of  Mont  Blanc  in  the  Alps  or  the  relatively  low  Mount 
Washington  in  New  Hampshire,  Humboldt  had 
climbed  almost  to  the  top  of  Chimborazo  in  Ecua- 
dor, at  the  time  of  his  feat  believed  to  be  the  tallest 
mountain  in  the  world  and  the  snov^  peak  that 
Church  later  portrayed  in  The  Heart  of  the  Andes. 


Fig.  100.  Frederic  E.  Church,  The  Icebergs,  1861.  Oil  on  canvas.  Dallas  Museum  of  Art,  Anonymous  Gift  1979.28 


More  important  in  our  context,  over  the  five  decades 
after  his  first  expedition  Humboldt  published  a  suc- 
cession of  books  describing  his  journey.  In  these  he 
proposed  the  equatorial  New  World,  with  its  unsur- 
passed geological,  climatic,  botanical,  and  zoological 
range,  as  a  microcosm  of  global  nature. 

Most  of  Humboldt's  writings  were  published  in 
cheap  English  editions  that  had  a  vast  audience. 
In  Personal  Narrative  of  Travels  to  the  Equinoctial 
Regions  of  America,  which  appeared  in  English  trans- 
lation in  1852-53,  Humboldt  sought  to  recapture  for 
the  reader  his  initial  impressions  of  South  America's 
tropical  rain  forests  in  a  passage  that  the  foreground 
of  The  Heart  of  the  Andes  closely  evokes: 

[The  traveler]  feels  at  every  step,  that  he  is  not  on 
the  confines  but  in  the  centre  of  the  torrid  zone; .  .  . 
on  a  vast  continent  where  everything  is  gigantic, — 
mountains,  rivers,  and  the  mass  of  vegetation. 
If  he  feel  strongly  the  beauty  of  picturesque  scenery 
he  can  scarcely  d^ne  the  various  emotions  which 
crowd  upon  his  mind;  he  can  scarcely  distinguish 
what  most  excites  his  admiration,  the  deep  silence 
of  those  solitudes,  the  individual  beauty  and  contrast 
of  forms,  or  that  vigour  and  freshness  of  vegetable 
life  which  characterize  the  climate  of  the  tropics. 


121.  Humboldt's  career  is  summa- 
rized and  documented  in  ibid., 
pp.  12-13. 

122.  The  most  important  of  these 
are  Alexander  von  Humboldt 
and  Aime  Bonpland,  Personal 
Narrative  of  Travels  to  the 
Equinoctial  Regions  of  Amer- 
ica, durirtg  the  Tears  1799-1S04, 
3  vols.,  translated  and  edited 
by  Thomasina  Ross  (London: 
H.  G.  Bohn,  1852-53)  and  espe- 
cially Humboldt's  last,  culmi- 
nating work,  Cosmos:  A  Sketch 
of  a  Physical  Description  of  the 
Universe,  5  vols.,  translated  by 
E.  C.  Ovc€  (London:  H.  G. 
Bohn,  1849-58).  See  Avery, 
Churches  Great  Picture,  p.  57 

n.  8.  Church's  personal  library 
included  both  of  the  English 
editions  cited, 

123.  Humboldt  and  Bonpland,  Per- 
sonal Narrative,  vol.  i,  p.  216. 

124.  Louis  L.  Noble,  Church's 
Painting:  The  Heart  of  the 
Andes  (New  York:  D.  Apple- 
ton,  1859);  Theodore  Win- 
throp,  A  Companion  to  The 
Heart  of  the  Andes  (New  York: 
D.  Appleton,  1859). 


132    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  loi.  Photographer  unknown,  possibly  J.  Gumey  and  Son,  Hje  Heart 
of  the  Andes^  in  Its  Original  Frame,  on  Exhibition  at  the  Metropolitan 
Fair  in  Aid  of  the  Sanitary  Commission,  New  Tork,  April  1864^  Stereograph 
(one  panel  shown).  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


Fig.  102.  Oak  Sideboard  by  Rochefort  and  Skarren.  Wood  engraving  by  John  William 
Orr,  from  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C.  R.  Goodrich,  eds..  The  World  of  Science,  Art,  and 
Industry  Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the  NewTork  Exhibition,  i8s3-S4  (New  York: 
G.  P.  Putnam  and  Company,  1854),  p.  iii.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


125.  Church's  exhibition  strategies 
are  detailed  in  Avery,  Church's 
Great  Picture,  pp.  33-36;  and 
especially  in  Kevin  J.  Avery, 

"  The  Heart  of  the  Andes  Exhib- 
ited: Frederic  E.  Church's  Win- 
dow on  the  Equatorial  World," 
American  Art  Journal  18 
(winter  1986),  pp.  52-60. 

126.  Parry  used  the  term  "landscape 
theater*'  to  describe  panoramic 
exhibitions  and  the  panoramic 
piaorial  strategies  adopted  by 
Thomas  Cole  in  his  landscapes; 
see  Ellwood  C.  Parry  III, 
"Landscape  Theater  in  America,'' 
Art  in  America  59  (December 
1971),  PP-  52-56. 

127.  Humboldt,  Cosmos,  vol.  2, 

pp.  456-57.  Humboldt's  recom- 
mendations for  subject  matter 
are  discussed  in  Avery,  "'Heart 
of  the  Andes  Exhibited,"  p.  61. 

128.  The  history  of  panoramas 
is  summarized  in  Kevin  J. 
Avery,  "Movies  for  Manifest 
Destiny:  The  Moving  Pano- 
rama Phenomenon  in  America," 
in  The  Grand  Moving  Pano- 
rama ofPilsrim^s  Progress 
(exh.  cat.,  Montclair,  New  Jer- 
sey: Montclair  Art  Museum, 
1999),  pp.        A  thorough 
study  of  the  panorama  phe- 
nomenon is  Stephan  Oetter- 
mann.  The  Panorama:  History 


It  might  he  smA  that  the  earthy  overloaded  with 
plants,  does  not  allow  them  space  enough  to  unfold 
themselves.  The  trunks  of  the  trees  are  everywhere 
concealed  under  a  thick  carpet  of  verdure;  .  .  . 
By  this  singular  assemblage,  the  forests,  as  well  as 
the  flanks  of  the  rocks  and  mountains,  enlarge 
the  domains  of  organic  nature.  The  same  lianas 
which  creep  on  the  ground,  reach  the  tops  of  the 
trees,  and  pass  from  one  to  another  at  the  height  of 
more  than  a  hundred  feet.  Thus,  by  the  continual 
interlacing  of  parasite  plants,  the  botanist  is  often 
led  to  confound  one  with  another,  the  flowers,  the 
fruits,  and  leaves  which  belong  to  different  species. 

We  walked  for  some  hours  under  the  shade  of 
these  arcades,  which  scarcely  admit  a  glimpse  of 
the  sky.^^^ 

Humboldt's  descriptions  of  this  kind  unquestion- 
ably had  enormous  appeal  for  New  Yorkers  and  cer- 
tainly contributed  to  their  appreciation  of  The  Heart 
of  the  Andes.  That  this  was  recognized  is  indicated  by 
the  faa  that  texts  reflecting  Humboldt's  views  and  even 
his  discursive  style  were  included  in  two  programs 
sold  at  the  New  York  exhibitions  of  the  picture.  ^^"^ 

As  advertisements  for  the  exhibition  advised,  view- 
ers could  enhance  the  sense  of  vicarious  expedition 


encouraged  by  the  texts  with  opera  glasses,  which 
allowed  them  to  isolate  and  magnify  sections  of  the 
picture  and  eliminate  their  awareness  of  the  artifice  of 
the  frame.  Church  tailored  that  frame  to  foster  the 
illusion  that  a  real  landscape  was  displayed.  By  design- 
ing it  with  a  paneled  embrasure  and  adorning  it  with 
curtains  and  a  sill,  he  made  the  frame  look  like  a  win- 
dow on  the  scene,  yet  he  suppressed  its  imposing 
presence  by  staining  it  dark  and  keeping  the  gallery 
dark,  concentrating  all  the  available  light  on  the  image 
of  the  landscape.  Thanks  to  these  spectacular  strate- 
gies and  the  grand,  panoramic  scale  of  the  picture,  the 
exhibition  became  "landscape  theater." 

Church's  use  of  panoramic  pictorial  strategies,  or 
landscape  theater,  can  be  attributed  in  part  to  the 
direct  influence  of  Himiboldt,  who  in  Cosmos,  his 
culminating  work,  promoted  circular  panoramas  as 
"improvements  in  landscape  painting  on  a  large  scale" 
and  recommended  the  tropics,  specifically  the  equa- 
torial New  World,  as  subjects  for  them.^^^  However, 
the  artist  was  also  exploiting  a  broader,  more  popular 
current  in  the  urban  culture  that  was  connected  to 
travel:  the  taste  for  moving  panoramas,  which  blos- 
somed in  the  1840s  and  1850s. 

The  huge  moving  panoramas  were  for  the  most 
part  a  kind  of  folk  art,  the  primary  purpose  of  which 


SELLING  THE  SUBLIME  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL:   LANDSCAPE  AND  TOURISM  133 


was  not  to  offer  an  aesthetic  experience  but  to  provide 
a  vicarious  travel  experience  for  the  eastern,  urban 
middle-class  viewers  who  paid  a  quarter  or  50  cents 
each  to  see  them.  Although  these  panoramas  came 
to  depict  all  manner  of  subjects,  they  most  typically 
showed  landscapes,  both  native  and  foreign,  as  was 
appropriate  to  their  scale  and  format.  The  destina- 
tions they  offered  imaginary  tourists  were  neither 
urban  nor  fashionable:  their  usual  subject  was  the 
frontier,  regions  visited  by  explorers  or  the  occasional 
merely  curious  traveler,  or  regions  setded  by  immi- 
grants. Among  the  moving  panoramas  of  the  mid- 
1840S,  the  most  renowned  was  John  Banvard's  "three 
mile  painting"  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  viewed 
as  if  floating  down  the  river.  Hugely  popular,  Ban- 
vard's panorama  was  seen  by  175,000  people  in  New 
York  in  1848  and  subsequendy  by  millions  in  Great 
Britain.  The  Mississippi  panorama  was  followed 
by  panoramas  of  the  Far  West— among  them  several 
Gold  Rush  subjects— and  of  the  Arctic,  Mexico,  and 
areas  as  far  south  as  Costa  Rica. 

The  source  for  these  themes  was  frequendy  the 
expeditionary  literature  that  had  become  popular 
about  midcentury.  Humboldt's  writings,  of  course, 
were  central  examples  of  the  genre,  but  there  were 
many  others  as  well.  One  of  the  most  famous  (and 
still  one  of  the  most  readable)  was  Captain  Elisha 
Kent  Kane's  Arctic  Explorations  of  1856.^^^  Kane's 
thrilling  account  of  his  nearly  disastrous  journey  to 
the  Arctic  and  his  miraculous  escape  not  only  pro- 
vided the  subject  matter  for  two  moving  panoramas 
but  also  fueled  Church's  determination  to  sail  to 
Newfoundland  in  1859  and,  on  his  return  to  New 
York,  to  paint  The  Iceber0s,  1861  (fig.  100).^^^ 

The  popularity  of  The  Heart  of  the  Andes  was 
not  based  entirely  on  the  appeal  of  panoramas  and 


tourist  culture;  it  rested  as  well  on  the  strong  taste 
that  emerged  in  the  1850s  for  the  display  of  large, 
ambitious  easel  paintings,  most  of  which  were  Euro- 
pean. Examples  were  Rosa  Bonheur's  The  Horse  Fair^ 
1853-55  (cat.  no.  51),  and  John  Martin's  Judgment  Pic- 
tures, 1853  (Tate  Gallery,  London;  see  cat.  no.  159), 
the  latter  the  closest  precedent  for  Church's  paint- 
ing in  terms  of  size,  landscape  subject  matter,  and 
date.i^^  Yet  Church's  picture  went  beyond  the  other 
grand-scale  easel  paintings  in  an  important  respect: 
it  commodified  the  tourist  impulse  and  in  so  doing 
responded  to  the  consumerism  that  increasingly  char- 
acterized affluent  urban  culture  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury. Perhaps  even  more  significandy  it  symbolized  in 
the  terms  of  landscape  painting  the  growing  global 
access  and  exchange  seized  by  New  Yorkers,  Follow- 
ing Humboldt's  literary  lead,  Church  figuratively  put 
the  entire  earth  on  canvas,  describing  tirelessly  in  its 
foreground  the  New  World's  botanical  wealth  and 
conveying  the  continental  extent  of  that  wealth  in 
the  infinite  distances  he  suggested.  This  bounty  of 
botany  Church  served  up  in  a  frame  (fig.  loi)  that  was 
likened  to  both  a  window  and  a  theatrical  prosce- 
nium. ^^"^  However,  the  frame  is  also  readily  compara- 
ble to  the  highly  embellished  sideboards  (see  fig.  102) 
included  in  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  of 
1853,  which  offered  wares  of  all  kinds  to  the  public. 
Thus  it  is  not  merely  a  frame  but  what  a  contempo- 
rary critic  called  "a  piece  of  furniture  ...  in  very  good 
taste,"  and  as  such  it  presented  the  innumerable 
blossoms,  fruits,  leaves,  grasses,  birds,  and  butterflies 
of  the  picture  as  items  to  be  consumed  concep- 
tually. Victorian  New  Yorkers  apprehended  the  land- 
scape portrayed  in  The  Heart  of  the  Andes  in  the 
same  acquisitive  spirit  in  which  they  approached  the 
world  it  idealized. 


of  a  Mass  Medium  (New  York: 
Zone  Books,  1997). 

129.  Several  frontier  moving  pano- 
ramas are  briefly  described  in 
Avery,  "Movies  for  Manifest 
Destiny,"  pp.  6-8;  and  more 
thoroughly  in  Oettermann, 
Panorama,  pp.  323-42;  and 
Kevin  J.  Avery,  "The  Panorama 
and  Its  Manifestation  in  Amer- 
ican Landscape  Painting,  1795- 
1870"  (Ph.D.  dissertation, 
Columbia  University,  New 
York,  1995),  vol.  I,  pp.  108-203. 

130.  Joseph  Earl  Arrington,  "John 
Banvard's  Moving  Panorama  of 
the  Mississippi,  Missouri,  and 
Ohio  Rivers,"  Filson  Club  His- 
tory Quarterly  32  (July  1958), 
pp.  224-27. 

131.  Elisha  Kent  Kane,  Arctic  Ex- 
plorations: The  Second  Grinnett 
Expedition  in  Search  of  Sir 
John  Frankliny  i8s^,  's4y  ^SS,  2 
vols.  (1856;  reprint,  London; 
T.  Nelson  and  Sons,  1861). 

132.  For  the  Kane  panoramas 

of  the  Arctic  regions,  see  Avery, 
"Panorama  and  Its  Manifesta- 
tion," vol.  I,  pp.  143-51.  For 
others  that  anticipate  Church's 
Icebergs,  see  Gerald  L.  Carr, 
Frederic  Edwin  Church — The 
Icebergs  (Dallas:  Dallas  Mu- 
seum of  Fine  Arts,  1980), 
pp.  34-41- 

133.  Ibid.,  pp.  27-28. 

134.  A  description  of  the  original 
frame  and  a  consideration  of 
its  stylistic  sources  are  given  in 
Avery,  Heart  of  the  Andes 
Exhibited,"  pp.  55-60. 

135.  "An  Innovation,"  The  Albion, 
April  30,  1859,  p.  213,  quoted 
in  Avery,  "77?^  Heart  of  the 
./Iw/sff  J  Exhibited,"  p.  60. 


Modeling  a  Reputation:  TheAmericm  Sculptor 
md  New  Tork  City 

THATER  TOLLES 


Between  1825  and  1861  American  sculptors  had 
an  equivocal  relationship  with  New  York  City. 
Henry  Kirke  Brown  held  high  aspirations  for 
the  Empire  City,  writing  from  abroad  in  1844:  "For  to 
tell  the  truth,  for  me,  as  a  sculptor,  I  would  prefer 
being  in  New  York  to  Florence,  on  all  accoimts."  Yet 
just  over  two  years  later  the  disillusioned  artist  wrote 
from  his  Broadway  studio:  "You  don't  know  how 
changed  a  man  I  am  since  I  came  to  this  bedlam  of  a 
city.  I  have  lost  my  quick  way  of  doing  things,  and 
have  become  . . .  drawn  into  the  vortex  and  confusion 
of  business.  .  .  .  The  sound  of  B'way  is  like  a  distant 
thunder,  it  is  the  most  unartistlike  city  on  the  face  of 
the  globe  in  my  opinion."  ^  Brown  was  hardly  alone  in 
his  view,  for  many  other  antebellum  sculptors  arrived 
at  similar  conclusions  and  setded  in  locales  (often- 
times foreign)  more  conducive  to  the  making  of  art. 
Still,  these  men  were  entrepreneurs  as  well  as  artists, 
tied  by  necessity  to  New  York.  There  was  no  better 
place  to  exhibit,  publicize,  and  market  sculpture— and 
indeed  goods  of  nearly  every  type— in  the  United 
States  during  this  period,  when  American  sculptors 
were  achieving  professional  status,  their  work  was  be- 
coming a  salable  commodity,  and  the  city  was  matur- 
ing as  the  national  hub  of  commercial  enterprise  and 
material  consumption.  A  subtext  throughout  these 
turbulent  years  is  New  York's  quest  to  commission 
and  install  a  public  sculpture  of  national  significance, 
one  that  would  symbolically  and  physically  proclaim 
the  city  as  the  leading  cosmopolitan  tastemaker  in 
matters  aesthetic  and  civic. 

Before  the  1820s  sculpture  in  New  York,  and 
throughout  America,  was  in  an  embryonic  state  of 
development;  an  article  of  1827  on  the  condition  of 
the  arts  righdy  summarized  the  situation:  "in  sculp- 
ture there  has  been  litde  more  than  an  attempt."^  The 
city's  first  public  monuments  were  ordered  by  the 
assembly  of  the  State  of  New  York  from  London 
sculptor  Joseph  Wilton  in  1768  and  dedicated  in  1770: 
a  marble  fiill-length  portrait  of  William  Pitt,  earl  of 
Chatham,  located  at  Wall  and  William  Streets,  and  a 
lifesize  gilded  lead  equestrian  of  King  George  III  that 


stood  on  a  fifteen-foot  marble  pedestal  in  Bowling 
Green.  These  statues  did  not  survive  for  long,  how- 
ever. Kin£f  George  was  destroyed  by  ardent  patriots 
after  the  reading  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
on  July  9,  1776,  and  melted  down  for  bullets  for 
the  Continental  Army;  in  retaliation  British  troops 
mutilated  Pitt  in  November  1777  (fragments  of  both 
Kin^  George  and  Pitt  are  at  the  New-York  Historical 
Society).  Even  after  independence,  Americans  contin- 
ued to  award  sculpture  commissions  to  Europeans. 
More  highly  skilled  than  native  artists  and  craftsmen, 
these  Europeans  brought  from  abroad  the  Neoclas- 
sical aesthetic  and  high  standards  for  portrait  statuary 
that  young  American  sculptors  would  emulate  as 
wood  yielded  to  marble  as  the  medium  of  choice. 

In  the  early  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century  for- 
eign sculptors  began  to  settle  in  New  York,  integrat- 
ing themselves  with  moderate  impact  into  its  artistic 
fabric.  Irish-born  John  Dixey  emigrated  in  1801  and 
for  more  than  two  decades  carved  architectural  deco- 
ration. His  best-known  effort,  the  figure  of  Justice  of 
about  1 8 18  erected  atop  the  new  City  Hall  designed 


For  research  assistance  for  this  essay, 
the  author  is  grateful  to  Alexis  L. 
Boylan,  )ulie  Mirabito  Douglass, 
and  Karen  Lemmey. 

Dates  given  for  sculpture  in  this 
text  indicate  when  the  piece  was 
modeled. 

1.  Henry  Kirke  Brown  to  Ezra  P. 
Prentice,  March  8, 1844,  and 
Brown  to  his  wife  Lydia  L. 
Brown,  November  4, 1846, 
Henry  Kirke  Bush-Brown 
Papers,  vol.  2,  pp.  422, 548/28, 
Manuscript  Division,  Library 
of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C. 

2.  "Literature,  Fine  Arts,  Amuse- 
ments," New -Tork  Mirror, 
and  Ladies'  Literary  Gazette, 
July  28, 1827,  p.  20. 


Fig,  103.  John  Hill,  after  William  Guy  Wall,  City  Hall,  1826.  Aquatint  with  hand  coloring. 

The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach 

Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photographs,  The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print  Collection 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  125 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  104.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  City  Hall  Parky  1826.  Watercolor,  pen,  and  black  ink  heightened  with  white.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  s4.90.172 


.  William  Coffee  to  Thomas 
Jefferson,  September  8, 1820, 
Thomas  Jefferson  Papers,  Man- 
uscript Division,  Library  of 
Congress,  Washington,  D.C., 
quoted  in  Anna  Wells  Rut- 
ledge,  "William  John  Coflfee  as 
a  Portrait  Sculptor,"  Gazette 
des  Beaux-Arts,  sen  6,  28 
(November  1945),  p.  300. 

.  Quoted  in  H.  W  French,  Art 
and  Artists  in  Connecticut 
(Boston:  Lee  and  Shepard, 
1879;  reprint.  New  York:  Ken- 
nedy Graphics,  Da  Capo  Press, 
1970),  p.  49.  The  busts  entered 
the  sculpture  collection  of  the 
American  Academy  of  the 
Fine  Arts. 

,  "Statue  of  Washington,"  New- 
Tork  American,  December  10, 
1822,  p.  2. 


by  John  McComb  Jr.  and  Joseph-Francois  Mangin 
(fig.  103),  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1858  (a  lightweight 
copper  copy  replaced  it  in  1887).  By  18 16  William  Cof- 
fee arrived  from  England,  having  worked  as  a  terra- 
cotta modeler  in  London  and  Derby.  In  New  York 
he  completed  and  exhibited  animal  paintings  as  well 
as  small  terracottas  and  plasters  of  various  subjeas. 
Although  New  York  served  as  his  base,  Coffee  roved 
the  East  Coast  for  portrait  commissions,  and  he  had 
no  affection  for  the  town.  Thus,  when  yellow  fever 
scourged  New  York  in  1820,  he  wrote  his  patron 
Thomas  Jefferson  of  his  dislike  for  "this  stinking  Pes- 
tilential City."^  In  1827  the  peripatetic  Coffee  finally 
setded  in  Albany.  Thomas  Coffee,  also  British,  was 
resident  in  New  York  between  1830  and  1869.  He 
churned  out  portraits  and  ideal  groups,  exhibiting 
them  at  venues  ranging  from  the  National  Academy 
of  Design  to  the  Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City  of 
New  York.  And  then  there  was  the  Florentine-bom 
Giorgio  (Pietro)  Cardelli,  whose  example  reveals 
how  a  sculptor's  success  in  New  York  was  subject 
to  the  approbation  of  its  cultural  establishment.  In 
1817  Cardelli  received  a  conunission  from  Colonel 
John  Trumbull,  history  painter,  portraitist,  and  newly 
elected  president  of  the  American  Academy  of  the 


Fine  Arts,  for  busts  of  himself  and  his  wife.  Trumbull 
found  the  casts  unacceptable  and  admonished  Car- 
delli: 'Tou  cannot  be  a  popular  sculptor  in  New  York 
if  I  refuse  to  indorse  you.""^  The  chastised  artist  soon 
gave  up  on  sculpting— and  New  York— in  favor  of 
itinerant  portrait  painting. 

It  was  to  an  immigrant  sculptor  that  the  city's  cul- 
tural leaders  turned  in  their  ongoing  concern,  if 
not  embarrassment,  that  New  York,  imlike  several 
urban  rivals,  had  no  public  statue  of  George  Wash- 
ington. Regarding  monumental  sculpture  as  a  barom- 
eter of  taste  and  refinement,  self-made  businessman 
Philip  Hone,  physician  and  Columbia  professor  Da- 
vid Hosack,  and  Trumbull  banded  together  in  1822 
and  formed  a  short-lived  committee  to  commission  a 
bronze  "Statue  .  .  .  worthy  of  the  dignity  and  fame  of 
the  Hero,  and  of  the  munificence  and  public  spirit 
of  this  city."  5  By  the  following  year  Enrico  Causici,  a 
native  of  Verona,  Italy,  was  laboring  on  an  equestrian 
statue  of  Washington  in  his  Warren  Street  studio.  In 
1824  his  thirteen-foot  model,  on  a  twenty-foot  ped- 
estal, was  displayed  first  at  the  Arsenal  at  the  comer  of 
Elm  and  Leonard  streets  for  a  25-cent  admission  fee 
and  subsequendy  at  the  American  Academy's  exhibi- 
tion gallery.  Although  Causici  had  not  officially  earned 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  I37 


the  commission,  the  committee  fanned  out  into  the 
city's  wards  soliciting  funds  from  private  citizens  to 
have  his  work  cast  in  bronze.  One  newspaper  cut  to 
the  heart  of  the  matter,  observing  that  "it  concerns 
our  honor  that  it  should  be  [erected]."^  Despite  high 
praise  for  the  sculpture's  quality,  the  effort  fell  short, 
suggesting  that  reluaance  to  devote  funds— public  or 
private— to  the  arts  rather  than  the  character  of  the 
design  thwarted  the  imdertaking.  (This  scenario  would 
be  replayed  several  times  over  the  next  decades.)  When 
the  model  was  erected  in  City  Hall  Park  (fig.  104)  for 
the  Fourth  of  July  festivities  of  1826,  calls  were 
renewed  for  "the  first  city  in  America  ...  to  dedicate 
a  statue  to  America's  first  man."  ^  Again,  attempts  to 
finance  the  casting  failed,  and  the  plaster  model, 
which  had  remained  on  view  for  several  months,  fell 
into  disrepair.^ 

If  New  Yorkers  were  hesitant  to  underwrite  a  statue 
of  a  national  hero,  even  if  produced  by  an  Italian,  they 
eagerly  embraced  European-made  sculpture  by  estab- 
lished masters.  The  American  Academy  of  the  Fine 
Arts  could  boast  of  a  collection  of  plaster  casts  that 
were  for  the  most  part  copies  after  the  most  esteemed 
ancient  examples.  Assembled  beginning  in  1802 
through  the  efforts  of  Robert  Livingston  when  he  was 
in  Paris  as  United  States  minister  to  France,  the  col- 
lection had  grown  to  impressive  proportions  within  a 
short  period,  although  by  the  early  1820s  the  omnipo- 
tent Trumbull  allowed  aspiring  young  artists  only 
extremely  restricted  access  to  it  for  study.  ^  Repre- 
sented in  these  holdings  were  works  by  a  few  contem- 
porary Europeans,  such  as  Jean-Antoine  Houdon  (see 
cat.  no.  53)  and  the  venerated  Neoclassicist  Antonio 
Canova,  whose  CreugaSy  1795-1801,  Damoxenes,  1795- 
1806,  The  GmceSj  1812-16,  and  Aerial  Hebe,  1796, 
went  on  view  in  the  cast  gallery  in  May  1824  for 
admiration  and,  ultimately,  emulation.  In  his  seminal 
opening  address  for  the  Academy's  1824  annual  exhi- 
bition, Gulian  Crommelin  Verplanck  remarked  on 
the  institution's  moral  obligation  to  enlighten  New 
Yorkers  in  aesthetic  and  intellectual  matters  by  means 
of  such  casts:  "The  possession  of  these  fine  casts  we 
consider  of  great  importance  to  our  improvement  in 
the  arts.  Who  knows  but  that  the  inspection  of  these 
admirable  models  may  arouse  the  dormant  genius  of 
some  American  Canova ."^^  Also  in  1824  the  Academy 
elected  as  honorary  members  the  Italian  Raimondo 
Trentanove,  a  favored  pupil  of  Canova  (who  had  been 
so  elevated  in  1817),  and  Danish  Neoclassicist  Bertel 
Thorvaldsen,  an  act  calculated  to  emphasize  the  insti- 
tution's connections  to  Europe  and  to  counter  criti- 
cisms of  American  cultural  provincialism. 


While  foreign  artists  earned  coveted  commissions 
for  the  adornment  of  American  public  spaces,  native 
carvers  filled  an  unending  need  for  more  utilitarian 
goods,  such  as  grave  markers  and  mantelpieces.  Stone- 
cutters flourished  in  New  York,  among  them  Morris 
and  Kain,  a  firm  that  served  a  clientele  that  extended 
as  far  as  South  Carolina,  and  similar  establishments 
operated  by  the  Frazee  brothers  and  Fisher  and  Bird 
(see  "The  Products  of  Empire"  by  Amelia  Peck  in  this 
publication,  pp.  263-64).  The  wood-carving  trade 
also  thrived  in  the  city  through  midcentury,  in  tan- 
dem with  the  construction  of  wood-hulled  sailing 
vessels  and  steamships— an  enterprise  vital  to  the 
economy  of  the  city,  whose  East  River  was,  in  turn,  at 
the  epicenter  of  the  American  shipbuilding  industry. 
Wood- carvers,  epitomized  by  father  and  son  Jeremiah 
and  Charles  Dodge,  supplied  enormous  numbers  of 
lifesize  figures  and  other  decorative  elements  for  not 
only  the  prows  of  ships  but  also  the  shop  fronts  of 
merchants,  notably  tobacconists.  New  Yorkers  em- 
braced these  vernacular  traditions  tied  to  practical  use 
and  the  city's  commercial  livelihood  while  only  mini- 
mally patronizing  sculptors  who  produced  marble 
portraits  and  ideal  figures  in  the  Neoclassical  style. 

The  leading  local  sculptor  of  promise  during  the 
1820S  was  John  Frazee,  who  initially  made  a  name  as 
a  stonecutter  and  designer  of  mantels  and  tomb- 
stones. From  1818  until  1829  he  and  his  brother  Wil- 
liam operated  a  successful  marble-cutting  shop;  so 
successful  was  it,  in  fact,  that  the  brothers  purchased 
their  own  marble  quarry  in  Eastchester,  New  York, 
in  1826  to  supply  material  for  the  steady  stream  of 
commissions  that  came  to  them.  In  the  early  1820s 
Frazee  began  to  make  the  coveted  transition  from 
artisan  to  artist:  in  1824,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  he  modeled  a 
bust  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  (unlocated),  the 
"Nation's  Guest,"  who  was  then  on  a  triumphant 
American  tour.  From  a  life  mask  he  took  of  the  liv- 
ing icon  Lafayette,  Frazee  hoped  to  replicate  plaster 
busts  for  the  public.  He  was  not  able  to  carry  out 
his  plan,  but  the  competency  of  the  portrait  led  the 
New  York  Bar  to  commission  him  to  produce  the 
John  Wells  Memorial  for  the  interior  of  Grace  Church. 
(Executed  in  1824-25,  it  was  transferred  in  the  mid- 
1840S  to  Saint  Paul's  Chapel.)  This  posthumous  bust, 
the  first  documented  likeness  cut  in  marble  by  an 
American,  surmounts  an  ornamental  tablet  with  a 
dedicatory  epitaph,  thus  uniting  Frazee's  artisanal  and 
sculptural  talents. 


6.  '^Statue  of  Washington,"  New- 
Tork  American,  November  23, 
1824,  p.  2.  For  further  discus- 
sion of  these  fund-raising 
efforts,  see  Dorothy  C.  Barck, 
"Proposed  Memorials  to  Wash- 
ington in  New  York  City" 
New-Tork  Historical  Society 
Quarterly  Bulletin  15  (October 
1931),  pp.  80-81. 

7.  "Statue  of  Washington,"  New- 
Tork  American,  June  24,  1826, 
p.  2. 

8.  Not  only  did  the  city  fail  to 
pay  for  the  casting  but  in  1831 
its  Common  Council  also  re- 
fused to  compensate  Causici 
for  $6,000  in  claimed  expenses. 
Furthermore,  Baltimore  joined 
the  growing  number  of  Ameri- 
can cities  that  had  erected  pub- 
lic monuments  to  Washington 
when  in  November  1829  it 
dedicated  a  sbcteen-foot  marble 
statue  of  the  president  by 
Causici  himself 

9.  Evidence  of  Trumbull's  ill  will 
toward  young  artists  is  cap- 
mred  in  his  caustic  comment: 
"these  young  men  should 
remember  that  the  gentlemen 
have  gone  to  a  great  expense  in 
importing  casts,  and  that  they 
(the  students)  have  no  prop- 
erty in  them.  .  .  .  They  must  re- 
member that  beggars  are  not  to 
be  choosers."  Quoted  in  Wil- 
liam Dunlap,  History  of  the 
Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Arts 
of  Desi£fn  in  the  United  States^ 

2  vols.  (New  York:  George  P. 
Scott,  1834),  vol.  2,  p.  280, 
ID.  Reprinted  in  "The  Fine  Arts," 
Atlantic  Magazine  i  (June 
1824),  p.  155.  A  transcript  of  the 
address  is  in  the  Gulian  Crom- 
melin Verplanck  Papers,  Manu- 
script Department,  New-York 
Historical  Society.  For  the 
1824  annual  exhibition,  see 
Carrie  Rebora,  "The  American 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts, 
New  York,  1802-1842"  (Ph.D. 
dissertation.  City  University  of 
New  York  Graduate  Center, 
1990),  pp.  368-71.  For  a  listing 
of  casts  in  the  Academy's  col- 
lection, see  ibid.,  pp.  537-45. 


138    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


11.  John  Frazee  to  Academy  sec- 
retary Archibald  Robertson, 
June  10, 1824,  American  Acad- 
emy of  the  Fine  Arts  Papers 
(bv),  vol.  I,  item  71,  Manu- 
script Department,  The  New- 
York  Historical  Society. 

12.  "The  Autobiography  of  Frazee, 
the  Sculptor,"  part  2,  North 
American  Quarterly  Magazine 
6  (July  1835),  pp.  17-18. 

13.  Frederick  S.  Voss,  with  Dennis 
Montagna  and  Jean  Henry, 
John  Frazee,  1790-1852,  Sculptor 
(exh.  cat.,  Washington,  D.C.: 
National  Portrait  Gallery, 
Smithsonian  Institution; 
Boston:  Boston  Athenaeum, 
1986),  pp.  74-75. 

14.  The  Exhibition  of  the  Na- 
tional Academy  of  Design, 
1827.  The  Second,"  United 
States  Review  and  Literary 
Gazette  2  (July  1827),  p.  261. 

15.  "Browere  the  Sculptor,"  New- 
Tork  American,  November  19, 
1825,  p.  2. 

16.  For  Jefferson's  versions  of  the 
incident,  see  Thomas  Jefferson 
to  James  Madison,  October  18, 

1825,  James  Madison  Papers, 
Manuscript  Division,  Library 
of  Congress,  Washington, 
D.C.;  and  Thomas  JeflFerson 
to  John  H.  I.  Browere,  June  6, 

1826,  Jefferson  Papers,  Library 
of  Congress,  quoted  in  David 
Meschutt,  A  Bold  Experiment: 
John  Henri  Isaac  Browere's 
Life  Masks  of  Prominent  Amer- 
icans (Cooperstown:  New 
York  State  Historical  Associa- 
tion, 1988),  p.  20.  See  also 
David  Meschutt,  "'A  Perfect 
Likeness':  John  H.  I.  Browere's 
Life  Mask  of  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son," American  Art  Journal  21, 
no.  4  (1989),  pp.  n-13. 

17.  L  N.  Phelps  Stokes,  The 
Iconography  of  Manhattan 
Island,  I49S-I909}  Compiled 
jrom  Original  Sources  and 
Illustrated  by  Photo-inta£flio 
Reproductions  of  Important 
Maps,  Flans,  Views,  and  Docu- 
ments in  Public  and  Private 
Collections,  6  vols.  (New  York: 
Robert  H.  Dodd,  1915-28), 
vol.  5  (1926),  p.  1658  (May  22). 


As  New  York's  most  proficient  marble  sculptor, 
Frazee  was  soon  welcomed  into  the  city's  inner  circle 
of  artists.  The  American  Academy  named  him  a  full 
academician  in  June  1824,  in  tacit  recognition  of  his 
new  standing  as  a  professional  artist.  In  his  acceptance 
letter  Frazee  wrote  of  his  ambition  to  be  an  "Ameri- 
can Canova"  and  of  his  elevated  artistic  calling,  declar- 
ing: "I  have  done  nothing,  save  to  grasp  the  chissel 
[sic\  and  approach  the  block;  and  thus  I  stand  waiting 
the  will  of  Heaven  and  the  voice  of  my  Country  to 
direct  the  stroke.  If  it  be  true  that  I  am  the  first  Amer- 
ican that  has  lifted  the  tool,  then  it  is  not  less  true  that 
I  have  before  me  an  arduous  task— Nevertheless,  I  am 
not  disheartened— nor  shall  I  shrink  from  the  imder- 
taking."ii  The  formidable  challenge  he  faced  was  made 
all  the  more  difficult  by  Trumbull's  xinwillingness  to 
advocate  younger  artists,  an  unwillingness  underscored 
by  the  irascible  colonel's  "sincere"  opinion  that  "there 
would  be  litde  or  nothing  wanted  in  [sculpture],  and 
no  encouragement  given  to  it  in  this  comtry,  for  yet  a 
himdred  years!" It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  Fra- 
zee changed  his  institutional  allegiance  to  become  the 
only  sculptor  among  the  founding  members  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design,  organized  in  1825  by 
and  for  artists  in  opposition  to  the  patron-dominated 
American  Academy. 

Frazee's  vivid  self-portrait  of  1827  (fig.  105)  con- 
veys in  three  dimensions  his  vision  of  himself  as  a 
pioneering  American  sculptor.  The  inscription  on  the 
front  of  the  herm  base  translates  as  "he  himself  made 
it  in  the  fifty-second  year  of  American  Liberty,"  an- 
nouncing his  status  as  a  self-assured  independent  art- 
ist and  suggesting  that  he  is  no  less  than  a  founding 
father  of  American  sculpture  by  linking  his  work  to 
the  birth  of  American  liberty.  When  Frazee  displayed 
Self-Portrait  (as  "Bust  of  Himself")  in  the  second 
annual  exhibition  of  the  new  academy  in  1827,  it  was 
deemed  "well  finished  .  .  .  showing  the  judicious  se- 
lection of  parts  and  precise  marking,  which  are  indica- 
tive of  the  real  sculptor.  The  likeness  is,  in  some 
degree,  sacrificed  to  general  effect."  The  equivocal  na- 
ture of  these  remarks  mirrors  contemporary  attitudes 
toward  the  dualities  and  conflicts  of  Frazee's  career 
during  the  1820s  and  1830s.  At  once  an  artisan  with  a 
thriving  practice  in  decorative  sculpture  as  well  as  an 
ambitious  fine  artist,  Frazee  was  not  entirely  satisfied: 
although  he  produced  commanding  and  sought-after 
portraits  in  the  Neoclassical  mode  in  his  role  as  sculp- 
tor, he  longed  to  create  imaginative  figural  com- 
positions "in  the  higher  departments  of  sculpture." 
Moreover,  paradoxically,  his  very  success  as  an  arti- 
san was  a  disadvantage,  for  the  rigorous  labors  of 


carving  stigmatized  in  an  era  that  held  that  the  crea- 
tive process  resided  in  the  act  of  modeling  in  clay 
rather  than  working  in  stone. 

John  Henri  Isaac  Browere  was  also  an  accomplished 
portrait  sculptor  in  New  York  during  this  period,  but 
one  whose  acceptance  as  a  fine  artist  remained  mar- 
ginal at  most.  A  New  York  native  of  Dutch  descent, 
he  began  to  experiment  with  taking  life  masks  in  the 
city  before  setting  off  in  1817  for  a  two-year  tour  of 
Europe.  When  he  returned  to  New  York,  he  refined 
the  process  and  materials  of  mold  making,  creating  a 
lighter-than-usual  plaster  that  hardened  rapidly,  the 
exact  composition  of  which  he  closely  guarded.  In  1825 
he  twice  made  masks  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  at 
first  unsuccessfiilly  in  New  York  and  later  with  better 
results  in  Philadelphia.  This  effort  gained  Browere 
renown,  and  he  subsequendy  traveled  the  East  Coast 
taking  life  masks  of  prominent  Americans,  including 
New  Yorkers  Hosack,  Hone,  De  Witt  Clinton,  and 
the  popular  aaor  Edwin  Forrest.  From  each  life  mask 
the  artist  made  a  plaster  positive,  which  he  secured  to 
an  armature  supporting  a  chest  and  shoulders  swathed 
in  a  classicizing  drape;  the  result  was  a  highly  objec- 
tive portrait  bust  marked  by  a  stylistic  hybrid  of  natu- 
ralism and  Neoclassicism  that  particularly  appealed  to 
Americans  over  the  next  several  decades. 

Browere  was  never  able  to  infiltrate  the  artistic  estab- 
lishment, mainly  because  that  establishment  believed 
his  replicative  technique  of  taking  life  masks  produced 
mere  physiognomic  facsimiles  of  his  subjects  rather 
than  true  sculpture.  He  was  dogged  by  a  judgment 
that  labeled  him  an  "eccentric  genius  .  ,  .  eccentric  in 
his  manners,  and  coarse  in  his  taste  of  composition." 
And  despite  imdeniable  proficiency  and  the  testimoni- 
als of  satisfied  sitters,  he  was  often  the  victim  of  nega- 
tive press.  Most  persistent  among  the  stories  published 
in  East  Coast  papers  was  one  asserting  that  he  had 
badly  injured  and  nearly  suffocated  the  elderly  Thomas 
Jefferson  during  the  process  of  taking  facial  molds, 
although  the  alleged  victim  denied  the  charge. 

Whatever  his  disappointments,  Browere  managed 
to  show  his  busts  with  some  frequency.  On  Indepen- 
dence Day  1826,  the  very  date  of  Jefferson's  death, 
Browere  exhibited  a  full-length  polychromed  plaster 
portrait  of  the  former  president  in  City  Hall,  a  display 
he  had  proposed  to  the  city's  Common  Coimcil  in 
May  1825.^^  The  statue  was  flanked  with  Browere's 
busts  of  John  Adams,  1825  (fig.  106),  and  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  1826  (both  New  York  State  His- 
torical Association,  Cooperstown),  fellow  signers  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  (the  three  forming 
an  appropriate  ensemble  with  Causici's  equestrian 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  I39 


Fig.  105.  John  Frazee,  Self-Portraity  1827.  Plaster.  National  Academy  of  Design,  New  York 


I40    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


.  [A.  T.  Goodrich],  The  Picture 
ofNejp-Tork,  and  Stranger's 
Guide  to  the  Commercial 
Metropolis  of  the  United  States 
(New  York:  A.  T.  Goodrich, 
1828),  p.  375. 

,  John  H.  I.  Browere  to  John 
Trumbull,  July  12, 1826,  John 
Henri  Isaac  Browere  letters, 
microfilm  reel  2787,  frame  600, 
Archives  of  American  Art, 
Smithsonian  Institution, 
Washington,  D.C. 

.  The  Diary  of  Philip  Hone, 
1828-iSsi,  2  vols.,  edited  by 
Allan  Kevins  (New  York: 
Dodd,  Mead  and  Company, 
1927),  vol.  I,  p.  33,  entry  for 
December  24, 1830. 

.  "Statue  of  Hamilton,"  NfBJ-TiHfe 
Evening  Post,  November  24, 
1829,  p.  2;  ibid.,  December  12, 
1829,  p.  2;  "Arts  and  Sciences: 
Statue  of  Clinton,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  February  13, 1830,  p.  251; 
and  "Works  of  Art,"  New~Tork 
Evening  Post,  November  4> 
1831,  p.  2. 


Fig.  106.  John  Henri  Isaac  Browere,  John  Adams,  Qirincy, 
Massachusetts,  1825.  Plaster.  New  York  State  Historical 
Association,  Cooperstown 


Wdshifigton  installed  in  City  Hall  Park).  In  addition, 
Browere  displayed  his  busts  for  an  admission  fee  in 
order  to  "hand  down  to  posterity,  the  features  and 
forms  of  distinguished  American  personages,  as  they 
actually  were  at  the  period  of  the  execution  of  their 
likenesses."  1^  These  he  showed  in  the  Gallery  of  Busts 
and  Statues  he  operated  in  his  studio,  the  location 
of  which  frequendy  changed  and  which  perhaps  was 
inspired  by  the  popular  example  of  John  Scudder's 
American  Museum  on  Broadway. 

Under  the  pseudonym  Middle-Tint  the  Second, 
Browere  also  wrote  art  criticism,  often  vituperative  in 
tone,  that  may  have  alienated  both  William  Dunlap  of 
the  National  Academy  and  Trumbull  of  the  American 
Academy.  Testifying  to  this  possibility  is  an  acrimo- 
nious letter  of  1826  to  Trumbull  in  which  Browere 
wrote:  "the  very  illiberal  and  ungendemanlike  man- 
ner in  which  Col.  Trumbull  treated  the  execution  .  .  . 
of  my  portrait  Busts  [of  Jefferson,  Adams,  and  Carroll 
when  shown  in  New  York]  .  .  .  has  evidenced  a  per- 
sonal ill-will  and  hostility  to  me.''^^  Browere  hoped  the 
federal  government  would  commission  bronze  casts 
of  his  plasters  of  eminent  personages  for  exhibition  in 
Washington,  but  fimding  was  not  forthcoming;  nor 


were  any  of  the  honors  a  gifted  sculptor  in  New  York 
would  have  expected.  He  remained  an  outsider,  never 
elected  to  membership  in  the  National  Academy  of 
Design  or  the  American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts.  In 
September  1834  he  succumbed  to  cholera,  and  his 
reputation  soon  faded  into  obscurity. 

The  reception  of  Robert  Ball  Hughes  was  very  dif- 
ferent. This  talented  artist  arrived  in  New  York  from 
England  in  1829  and  earned  instant  cachet  with  the 
city's  cultural  elite,  for  he  had  studied  at  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Arts  and  worked  in  the  studio  of  Neo- 
classical sculptor  Edward  Hodges  Baily,  a  follower  of 
John  Flaxman,  the  leading  Neoclassical  sculptor  and 
draftsman  of  his  time  in  England.  The  credentials  and 
technical  proficiency  of  this  ambitious  foreigner  im- 
mediately raised  the  standards  for  sculptors  in  New 
York.  Hughes  served  as  a  lecturer  in  sculpture  at  the 
National  Academy  of  Design  in  1829  and  1830,  and 
in  18  31  he  was  named  an  honorary  member  of  both 
the  National  Academy  and  the  American  Academy, 
evidence  that  each  institution  was  eager  to  lay  claim 
to  him.  He  was  soon  awarded  three  coveted  monu- 
mental commissions,  ones  that  Frazee  no  doubt  had 
hoped  to  earn.  In  late  1829  Hughes  produced  a  model 
for  the  first,  a  marble  statue  of  Alexander  Hamilton 
for  the  Merchants'  Exchange,  the  heart  of  commercial 
New  York,  to  be  funded  through  the  subscriptions  of 
city  businessmen.  When  the  preliminary  model  was 
accepted  in  December  1830,  committee  member 
Hone  offered  it  high  praise:  "I  have  no  doubt  that  if 
the  artist  finishes  the  statue  agreeably  to  the  promise 
given  by  the  model,  it  will  be  the  best  piece  of  statu- 
ary in  the  United  States."^**  He  designed  but  never 
executed  the  second,  a  full-length  portrait  of  De  Witt 
Clinton  requested  in  early  1830  by  the  Clinton  Hall 
Association  for  the  area  in  front  of  Clinton  Hall. 
Finally,  in  1831  Hughes  completed  his  plaster  alto- 
relief  model  for  the  third,  the  Bishop  John  Henry 
Hoburt  Memorial^  a  reclining  portrait  of  the  dying 
bishop  attended  by  an  allegorical  figure  of  Religion 
in  the  tradition  of  Flaxman's  funerary  monuments. 
Translated  into  marble,  it  was  dedicated  in  Trinity 
Church  in  1835.^^ 

Hughes's  accomplishments  must  have  made  a  con- 
siderable impression  on  Trumbull,  for  he  ardendy 
supported  the  sculptor.  Trumbull,  who  himself  had 
studied  in  London,  v^th  Benjamin  West,  clearly  felt  a 
kinship  with  the  London-trained  Hughes.  As  the  most 
important  figure  in  the  New  York  art  world,  Trumbull 
welcomed  the  Englishman  into  the  inner  circle  of 
the  American  Academy,  in  1830  allowing  him  use  of 
its  sculpture  gallery  to  produce  his  full-size  working 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  I4I 


model  for  the  statue  of  Hamilton.  By  making  Hughes 
a  sort  of  artist  in  residence,  Trumbull  all  but  guaran- 
teed the  sculptor's  loyalty  and  linked  the  American 
Academy  with  the  Hamilton  project,  the  most  pres- 
tigious monumental  sculpture  commission  begun  in 
New  York  to  date.^^  He  further  aided  Hughes  by  en- 
couraging prominent  New  Yorkers  to  come  to  him 
with  orders  for  portraits  in  lifesize  plasters  and  marbles 
as  well  as  in  smaller  waxes,  and  by  procuring  restora- 
tion projects  for  him.^^  About  1833  Hughes  com- 
menced a  bust  of  Trumbull;  the  result  (cat.  no.  57)  is 
arguably  his  finest  sculpture.  The  dramatic  portrait, 
which  reflects  the  sitter's  forceful  and  acerbic  person- 
ality, represents  Trumbull  less  as  an  artist  than  as  an 
American  colonel  and  patriot,  with  the  badge  of 
the  Order  of  the  Cincinnati  prominendy  visible. 
Any  friendship  that  developed  between  Trumbull  and 
Hughes  seems  to  have  cooled  over  the  years  after  the 
bust  was  made,  as  the  sculptor  repeatedly  badgered 
the  painter  for  payment  so  that  his  model  could  be 
translated  into  marble  (the  marble  was  not  completed 
until  at  least  1840).^^ 

The  1830s,  like  the  1820s,  saw  sculptors  establishing 
themselves  in  New  York;  in  the  new  decade,  how- 
ever, the  emerging  artists  made  use  of  a  new  phe- 
nomenon, the  single-sculpture  exhibition,  a  vehicle  for 
publicity  and  a  means  of  attracting  patronage  and 
generating  profit.  The  first  such  event  of  the  decade, 
the  presentation  of  Boston-born  Horatio  Greenough's 
ideal  group  Chcinting  Cherubs^  1829-30  (unlocated; 
see  fig.  108),  was  a  harbinger  of  a  new  generation 
of  rising  native  talent,  which  looked  to  New  York 
more  as  a  center  for  marketing  art  than  as  a  place  in 
which  to  make  sculpture.  Educated  in  the  classics  at 
Harvard  College,  Greenough  brought  a  nonartisanal, 
intellectual  background  to  the  practice  of  sculpture,  a 
background  with  which  moneyed  patrons  clearly  felt 
a  kinship.  In  1825  he  traveled  to  Rome,  where  he  met 
Thorvaldsen  and  encovmtered  the  riches  of  antiquity. 
Greenough  returned  to  Boston  for  a  year  in  1827  and 
modeled  portraits  of  prominent  sitters.  At  this  time 
he  gained  entree  with  New  York's  leading  cultural  fig- 
ures, meeting  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse  and  Dunlap,  as  well 
as  William  Cullen  Bryant  and  Thomas  Cole.  In  May 
1828,  just  before  Greenough  returned  to  Italy  to  setde 
in  Florence  for  two  decades,  he  was  eleaed  an  honor- 
ary member  of  the  National  Academy  of  Design.  A  year 
later  the  Academy  named  him  a  lecturer  in  sculpture, 
although  his  residence  abroad  made  this  tide,  and  that 
of  professor,  granted  later,  purely  honorific.  However, 


the  bestowing  of  these  positions  indicated  acceptance 
not  only  of  the  medium  of  sculpture  but  also  of  the 
highly  educated  and  socially  elevated  Greenough  as 
its  most  favored  native  practitioner.  Indeed,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Academy's  leaders,  he  quickly  superseded 
Frazee  in  the  role  of  American  genius  sculptor. 

In  Florence,  in  winter  1828-29,  Greenough  mod- 
eled a  bust  of  American  novelist  James  Fenimore 
Cooper  (fig.  107),  who  would  become  a  lifelong 
friend  as  weU  as  an  instrumental  patron  and  advo- 
cate. Cooper,  pleased  with  the  result,  commissioned 
Chanting  Cherubsy  which  was  based  on  Raphael's 
painting  Madonna  of  the  Baldachino  in  the  Palazzo 
Pitti,  Florence.  Greenough's  marble  was  first  exhib- 
ited in  spring  1831  in  Boston,  where  the  response  was 
decidedly  mixed,  engendering  debates  about  propri- 
ety and  prudery.  In  fact,  the  two  nude  angels  were 
"napkinned"  with  dimity  aprons  tied  around  their 
waists.  When  the  group  went  on  view  in  November 
1831  at  the  American  Academy  in  New  York,  where 
the  Boston  events  had  been  followed  eagerly  by  the 
press,^^  reactions  varied  as  well:  the  general  public 
was  lukewarm,  while  more  enlightened  connoisseurs 
saluted  Cooper  for  his  liberal  and  patriotic  patronage 
of  a  kindred  artist.  Despite  positive  press  coverage 
and  an  alluring  advertisement  touting  the  piece  as  "an 
object  of  considerable  curiosity"  and  "the  first  [multi- 
figure  group]  ever  executed  by  an  American  Sculp- 
tor^'''^'^  the  exhibition  drew  fewer  visitors  in  New  York 
than  in  Boston.  According  to  Greenough's  friend 
New  York  attorney  Peter  Augustus  Jay,  some  literal- 
minded  residents  of  the  city  failed  to  appreciate  the 
group's  sentiment  and  felt  duped  because  the  figures 
did  not  actually  sing;  embarrassed  by  their  ignorance, 
he  lamented:  "I  wish  the  scene  of  this  story  lay  any- 
where but  in  New  York,  but  it  cannot  be  helped,  and 
I  must  continue  to  consider  my  townsmen  as  a  race  of 
cheating,  lying  money  getting  blockheads  ."^^  Still 
others  criticized  the  derivative  nature  of  Chanting 
Cherubs^  complaining  that  it  lacked  the  spark  of  artis- 
tic genius  since  it  was  copied  after  another  work.  Such 
discontent  notwithstanding,  Cooper  left  the  marble 
in  New  York  for  public  display  at  the  National  Acad- 
emy in  1832  and  at  the  American  Academy  in  1833. 
Chanting  Cherubs  remained  at  the  American  Acad- 
emy until  1837,  when  it  was  removed  to  safety  to  a 
private  home  during  a  ruinous  fire. 

Like  Greenough,  Hezekiah  Augur  was  a  native 
New  Englander  who  lived  outside  New  York  when 
he  showed  his  work  in  the  Empire  City.  An  auto- 
didact  wood- carver  resident  in  New  Haven,  in  1823 
he  attempted  to  develop  a  machine  for  carving  stone 


22.  Minutes  of  the  American  Acad- 
emy of  the  Fine  Arts,  Decem- 
ber II,  1829,  and  January  2, 
1830,  American  Academy  of  the 
Fine  Arts  Papers,  Manuscript 
Department,  New-York  His- 
torical Society;  and  Rebora, 
"American  Academy,"  p.  78. 

23.  Trumbull  asked  Hughes  to  con- 
serve Wilton's  damaged  statue 
William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham 
(fragments  at  the  New-York 
Historical  Society),  then  lan- 
guishing on  City  Hall  grounds 
but  in  the  Academy's  care  since 
1811.  In  1831-32  he  secured  for 
him  a  second  restoration  proj- 
ect, that  of  Canova's  badly 
burned  statue  of  Washington, 
1820,  for  the  State  House 

in  Raleigh,  North  Carolina 
(fragments  at  North  Carolina 
Museum  of  History,  Raleigh). 
Although  Hughes  reportedly 
accepted  payment,  he  never 
carried  out  the  work.  See 
Philipp  Fehl,  "John  Trumbull 
and  Robert  Ball  Hughes's 
Restoration  of  the  Statue  of 
Pitt  die  Elder,"  New-Tork  His- 
torical Society  Quarterly  56 
(January  1972),  pp.  7-28. 

24.  The  correspondence  is  held  in 
the  John  Trumbull  Papers, 
Manuscripts  and  Archives, 
Yale  University  Library,  New 
Haven,  Connecticut.  Reprinted 
in  Thomas  B.  Brumbaugh, 

"A  Ball  Hughes  Correspon- 
dence," Art  Quarterly  21  (win- 
ter 1958),  pp.  423-27. 

25.  Evidence  of  Greenough's  social 
and  artistic  ascendancy  in  New 
York  is  revealed  in  Dunlap's 
Rise  and  Pro£fress,  which  de- 
votes some  fifteen  pages  to  him 
and  gives  Frazee  just  three. 
Although  Dunlap  (ibid.,  vol.  2, 
p.  268)  deemed  Frazee  "with- 
out a  rival  at  present  in  the 
country,"  later  Thomas  Seir 
Cummings  tellingly  wrote,  "he 
was  entirely  self-educated,  and 
therefore,  perhaps,  wanting  in 
that  exterior  refinement  which 
would  have  rendered  him  popu- 
lar." See  Thomas  S.  Cummings, 
Historic  Annals  of  the  National 
Academy  of  Design,  New-Tork 
Drawing  Association  .  .  .  from 
182s  to  the  Present  Time  (Phila- 
delphia: George  W.  Childs, 
1865),  p.  230.  See  also  Frazee's 
unsigned  diatribe,  "American 
Statuaries,"  North  American 
Quarterly  Magazine  s  (January 
1835),  pp.  204-7;  also  discussed 
in  Voss,  Montagna,  and  Henry, 
John  Frazee,  p.  41.  The  article 
pointedly  concludes:  "If  we  are 
Americans,  let  us  cherish  and 
caress  our  own  [Frazee]  in  our 


142    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  107.  Horatio  Greenough,  James  Fenimore  Cooper,  Florence,  1828-29.  Marble.  Courtesy  of  the  Trustees  of  the  Boston  Public  Library 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  I43 


Fig.  108.  Horatio  Greenough^s  ^Chantin0  Fig.  109.  Hezekiah  Augur,  Jephthah  and  His  Dau^hteVy  New  Haven,  ca.  1828-32.  Marble.  Yale  University  Art 

Cherubs.^  Y^ood  engraving,  from  Illustrated  Gallery,  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  Gift  of  the  Citizens  of  New  Haven  1835. 11 

NewSj  January  8, 1853,  p.  24.  Avery  Architec- 
tural and  Fine  Arts  Library,  Columbia 
University,  New  York 


in  collaboration  with  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  then  also 
settled  in  New  Haven.  When  Augur  exhibited  a 
bust  based  on  a  copy  of  the  head  of  Apollo  Belvedere 
at  Morse's  Broadway  studio  from  December  1824  to 
January  1825,  he  was  heralded  as  a  "Yankee  Phidias." 
The  sculptor  continued  to  build  his  reputation  in  the 
city  while  living  in  New  Haven,  displaying  marble 
portrait  busts  in  the  1827  and  1828  annuals  of  the  Na- 
tional Academy  of  Design,  of  which  Morse  was  pres- 
ident. In  1828  Augur  was  elected  an  honorary  member 
of  the  National  Academy. 

Thus,  Augur  was  no  stranger  to  New  York  when  he 
showed  his  half-size  statues  Jephthah  and  His  Dau^h- 
tevy  ca.  1828-32  (fig.  109),  between  November  1832  and 
January  1833  at  Park  Place  House  on  Broadway— his 
most  successful  use  of  the  Empire  City  as  a  market- 
ing base.  The  pair,  based  on  Judges  XI:  34-35,  pre- 
sents an  appealing  moral  melodrama:  the  figures  are 
shown  at  a  moment  of  supreme  remorse  and  anguish, 
when  Jephthah  returns  from  batde  and  meets  his 
only  daughter,  whom  he  now  must  sacrifice  to  fulfill 


a  vow  to  God.  The  group  was  well  received  by  critics, 
becoming  Augur's  most  celebrated  accomplishment. 
One  writer,  for  example,  commended  the  execution, 
remarking,  "if  such  an  evidence  of  enthusiastic  love 
for  the  fine  arts  and  of  talent  overcoming  difficul- 
ties without  aid,  does  not  arouse  the  feelings  of  our 
public,  let  genius  despair,  and  all  men  turn  to  buy- 
ing and  selling  and  changing  of  money,  in  or  out  of 
the  Temple." 3^  Despite  such  critical  approbation,  the 
statues  failed  to  sell  in  New  York;  the  citizens  of  New 
Haven,  however,  purchased  them  for  Yale  University 
in  1835.  Indeed,  Augur  had  extremely  limited  financial 
success:  when  Dunlap  published  his  1834  history  of 
the  arts  in  America,  he  wrote  extensively  of  Augur  but 
noted  the  sculptor's  complaint  that  "he  has  received 
[an]  abundance  of  compliments  and  litde  money." 
Although  Dunlap  and  other  writers  who  were  eager  to 
celebrate  the  emergence  of  American  talent  seized  on 
Augur  as  an  exemplar  of  the  new  breed,  they  seem  to 
have  been  attracted  largely  by  his  qualities  of  Yankee 
perseverance  and  mechanical  ingenuity  (revealed  in 


own  land,  and  leave  all  foreign- 
ers [Hughes]  and  residents  in 
foreign  countries  [GreenoughJ 
to  the  enjoyment  of  their  trans- 
adantic  fame!"  ([Frazee],  "Amer- 
ican Statuaries,"  p.  207). 

26.  See,  for  instance,  "Greenough's 
Chanting  Cherubs,^''  New-Tork 
Evening  Post,  May  17, 1831, 

p.  2;  and  "'Chantin£i  Cherubs" 
New-Tork  Commercial  Adver- 
tiser, May  20, 1831,  p.  2.  On 
Chanting  Cherubs^  see  Nathalia 
Wright,  'The  Chanting  Cher- 
ubs: Horatio  Greenough's 
Marble  Group  for  James  Feni- 
more  Cooper,"  New  York  His- 
tory 38  (April  1957),  pp.  177-97. 

27.  Advertisement,  New-Tork 
Evening  Post,  November  23, 
1831,  P-  3- 

28.  Peter  Augustus  Jay  to  James 
Fenimore  Cooper,  April  i,  1832, 
in  Correspondence  of  James 
Fenifttore-Cooper,  2  vols.,  ed- 
ited by  his  grandson  James 
Fenimore  Cooper  (New 
Haven:  Yale  University  Press, 
1922),  vol.  I,  p.  264. 


144    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


29.  The  two  men  abandoned  this 
effort  after  they  discovered  that 
Thomas  Blanchard  had  re- 
ceived a  patent  for  a  carving 
machine  in  1820.  See  Paul  J. 
Staiti,  Samuel  E  B.  Morse 
(Cambridge:  Cambridge  Uni- 
versity Press,  1989),  p.  102. 

30.  Untitied  item,  New-York 
American,  January  6, 1825,  p.  2. 

31.  "For  the  Evening  Post,"  Eve- 
nin£[  Post  (New  York),  Novem- 
ber 12, 1832,  p.  2. 

32.  Dunlap,  Rise  and  Progress, 
vol.  2,  p.  440. 

33.  For  examples,  see  Z.,  "Sculp- 
ture and  Sculptors  in  the 
United  States,"  American 
Monthly  Magazine  i  (May 
1829),  pp.  130-31;  "Mr.  Augur's 
Statues,"  New-York  Daily  Ad- 
vertiser, October  8, 1831,  p.  2; 
and  "Hezekiah  Augur,"  Ameri- 
can Historical  Magazine  i 
(February  1836),  pp.  44-53- 

34.  On  Thom,  see  his  obituary  in 
"Chronicle  of  Facts  and  Opin- 
ions. Thom,  the  Sculptor," 
Bulletin  of  the  American  Art- 
Union,  May  1850,  p.  28.  Accord- 
ing to  this  obituary,  which  was 
reprinted  from  the  Evening 
Post,  Thom  died  in  New  York, 
having  come  to  the  United 
States  "some  fourteen  years 
ago  in  pursuit  of  a  runaway 
debtor."  He  was  employed 

for  a  time  as  a  stonecutter  on 
Trinity  Church. 

35.  Exhibition.  Tarn  O'Shanter, 
Souter  Johnny,  and  the  Land- 
lord and  Landlady,  Executed 
in  Hard  Ayrshire  Stone,  by  the 
Self-taught  Artist,  Mr.  J.  Thom 
[New  York,  1833?].  Souvenirs 
such  as  a  lithograph  showing 
the  group  and  a  publication 
tided  The  Life  of  Thom  were 
available  for  purchase  at  the 
exhibition  thanks  to  the  minis- 
trations of  an  enterprising 
manager  named  J.  H.  Field. 

36.  Rebora,  "American  Academy," 
p.  407. 

37.  See,  for  instance,  "Miscella- 
neous Notices.  Sculpture," 
American  Monthly  Magazine  3 
(May  1834),  p.  213,  which  pro- 
claims "the  present  group  to  be 
the  finest  piece  of  sculpture 
that  has  ever  been  produced 

in  the  United  States."  The  exhi- 
bition was  accompanied  by  a 
pamphlet.  Description  of  the 
Colossal  Group  of  Uncle  Toby 
and  Widow  Wadman,  by  Ball 
Hughes.  Now  Exhibiting  at  the 
American  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts,  Barclay-Street  [New 
York,  1834]. 

38.  "Statue  of  Washington," 
New-York  Evening  Post, 


the  tools  and  inventions  he  produced). In  fact, 
Augur's  impact  remained  marginal. 

Under  Trumbull's  stewardship,  the  American  Acad- 
emy in  its  waning  years  judiciously  continued  in  its 
limited  way  to  promote  sculptors.  Among  these  was 
the  self-taught  Scottish  sculptor  James  Thom,  whose 
overwhelming  popularity  was  one  of  the  more  curi- 
ous phenomena  of  the  1830s. Thom's  four  lifesize 
Ayrshire  stone  statues,  titled  Tam  O^Shanter,  Souter 
Johnny,  the  Landlord  and  Landlady,  were  first  dis- 
played at  the  Academy  between  May  and  Jime  1833 
and  from  November  1833  until  January  1834.  Based  on 
a  poem  by  Robert  Burns,  they  depicted  a  scene  in  an 
alehouse  where  the  characters  are  "enjoying  with 
most  comic  satisfaction  the  undisturbed  possession  of 
their  ale  and  the  chimney  corner."  In  the  Empire 
City,  art —whether  high  or  low— like  theater  or  opera 
and  other  music,  could  be  situated  within  the  spec- 
trum of  popular  entertainment,  as  the  vulgar  theme 
and  crude  execution  of  Thom's  group  asserted.  It 
was  a  curious  choice  for  installation  at  the  Academy, 
which  had  long  promoted  itself  as  an  arbiter  of  moral 
and  aesthetic  standards  for  the  public,  but  then  the 
exhibitions  of  the  figures  had  had  considerable  suc- 
cess in  England  and  Scodand.  The  experiential  nature 
of  the  first  Thom  show  at  the  Academy  was  under- 
scored by  recitations  held  there  by  Mr.  Graham,  "the 
blind  Scotch  poet,"  who  soon  was  presenting  Burns's 
poem  nighdy,  with  the  group  illuminated  by  gas- 
light. An  audience  said  to  number  in  the  thousands 
was  entertained  and  enchanted  by  a  sculptural  tableau 
that  seemed  to  capture  a  theatrical  moment  frozen 
in  time,  but  Academy  officers  were  criticized  for  low- 
ering the  institution's  aesthetic  standards  and  pander- 
ing for  profit. 

Thom's  group  appeared  at  the  Academy  for  a  third 
rime  in  Oaober  1835,  this  time  in  expanded  form  with 
Old  Mortality  and  His  Pony,  Willie  and  Allan,  a  self- 
portrait,  and  statues  of  Bums  and  Sir  Walter  Scott. 
The  novelty  of  Thom's  work  apparentiy  had  worn  off, 
for  this  installation  failed  to  turn  a  profit  (the  sculp- 
tures did,  however,  tour  East  Coast  cities).  Neverthe- 
less, Thom's  approach  had  a  certain  influence.  In  an 
apparent  attempt  to  capitalize  on  the  dramatic  pop- 
ular success  of  the  Tam  O^Shanter  ensemble,  Hughes 
exhibited  his  lifesize  plaster  Uncle  Toby  and  Widow 
Wadman  (unlocated)  at  the  Academy  between  April 
and  June  1834,  shortiy  after  Thom's  second  New 
York  installation  ended.  Like  Thom's  Tam  O^Shanter, 
Hughes's  group  was  comic  theater  played  out  in  sculp- 
ture: drawn  from  Laurence  Sterne's  novel  Tristram 
Shandy,  it  represented  the  moment  when  Toby  looks 


for  a  speck  of  dust  in  Mrs.  Wadman's  eye.  Unlike  the 
Scotsman's  first  two  New  York  displays,  the  presen- 
tation of  Uncle  Toby  and  Widow  Wadman  was  not 
profitable  and  closed  after  two  months,  despite  glow- 
ing reviews. 

During  the  1830s,  while  single-sculpture  exhibitions 
were  proliferating,  the  movement  to  erect  a  statue  of 
George  Washington  in  New  York  continued,  albeit 
haltingly.  When  Greenough's  Chantin^f  Cherubs  was 
on  view  at  the  American  Academy  in  1831,  the  sculp- 
tor was  asked  to  prepare  a  model  for  a  proposed 
monimient,  which  he  completed  that  year.  Visitors  to 
the  exhibition  were  encouraged  to  contribute  to  this 
endeavor,  and  at  the  same  time  the  National  Academy 
council  resolved  to  support  Greenough's  project,  a  rare 
instance  of  concord  between  the  rival  institutions.^^ 
The  subscription  effort  failed,  but  Greenough's  labors 
were  not  in  vain:  in  1832  he  became  the  first  American 
sculptor  to  receive  a  major  commission  from  the 
United  States  government,  for  a  colossal  seated  statue 
of  Washington  for  the  rotunda  of  the  United  States 
Capitol,  which  was  installed  in  1841.^^  Another  attempt 
to  collect  money  was  made  in  April  1833,  when  the 
New  York  State  legislature  incorporated  the  New  York 
Monument  Associarion  to  raise  $100,000  for  a  me- 
morial to  Washington,  By  early  1834,  however,  the 
campaign  was  defiuict  (less  than  $i,ooo  had  been 
gathered),  and  for  nearly  another  decade  there  would 
be  no  further  action  in  this  regard. 

While  attempts  to  erea  a  monxmient  to  a  national 
icon  foundered,  a  memorial  for  a  tragic  local  hero  was 
realized  when  Hughes's  statue  of  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton was  imveiled  in  the  rotunda  of  the  Merchants' 
Exchange  on  Wall  Street  in  April  1835.  The  event 
represented  a  symbolic  intersection  of  art  and  com- 
merce, for  the  brilliant  Federalist  Hamilton  had 
powerfully  advanced  New  York's  financial  and  mer- 
cantile interests  during  his  service  as  the  nation's 
first  secretary  of  the  treasury  from  1789  to  1795.  The 
work  itself,  the  first  marble  portrait  statue  carved 
in  the  United  States,  brought  honor  to  the  city;  but 
it  was  an  honor  achieved  at  the  cost  of  tension, 
for  Hughes  had  refused  to  use  Frazee's  marble  or 
to  employ  his  workshop,  choosing  instead  to  im- 
port Carraran  marble  and  British  carvers  to  execute 
the  piece.  After  a  flaw  appeared  in  the  back  of  the 
marble  block,  Hughes  altered  the  composition,  em- 
bellishing the  contemporary  dress  of  the  figure  with 
a  flowing  mantie.  For  Hamilton's  facial  features, 
the  sculptor  presimiably  relied  on  John  Dixey's  copy 
of  Giuseppe  Ceracchi's  bust,  which  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  New-York  Historical  Society  in  1809 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:   THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  145 


and  was  considered  the  authoritative  likeness  of  the 
martyred  statesman. 

The  Akxandcr  Hamilton^  which  with  its  gray  gran- 
ite pedestal  stood  fifteen  feet  high,  drew  admiring 
crowds  and  earned  universal  praise.  A  notice  in  the 
New-Tork  Commercial  Advertiser  speaks  for  the  body 
of  critical  reviews:  "It  is  a  magnificent  production, 
worthy  of  the  man  in  whose  honor  it  was  formed,  of 
the  liberality  in  which  the  city  of  New  York  is  in- 
debted for  its  possession,  and  of  the  talents  and  high 
reputation  of  the  sculptor,  Mr.  Hughes."  Trumbull 
offered  his  own  ringing  endorsement:  "There  are  very 
few  pieces  of  statuary  superior  to  this  and  not  twenty- 
five  sculptors  in  the  universe  who  can  surpass  this 
work.'"*^^  Eight  months  after  its  completion,  the  sculp- 
ture—and the  optimism  attending  its  presence— were 
destroyed  in  the  Great  Fire  of  December  16-17,  1835, 
which  ravaged  twenty  square  blocks  of  the  city^s  pier 
and  commercial  districts. 

Calls  to  raise  funds  through  subscriptions  for  a  new 
statue  of  Hamilton  arose  in  early  1836;  some,  like  the 
following  plea  in  the  New-Tork  Mirror,  assumed  a 
tone  of  urgency: 

There  are  few  cities  of  the  civilized  world,  at  all, 
comparable  with  New-Tork  in  other  respects,  which 
has  not  greatly  surpassed  her  in  matters  of  taste.  .  .  . 
Do  our  wealthy  fellow -townsmen  know  that  there  is 
a  certain  censure  directed  against  New-Tork  by  the 
inhabitants  of  other  cities  and  countries.  We  have 
no  statues.  There  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not 
have  them.  Their  influences  in  no  way  militate 
against  the  spirit  of  a  republick  any  more  than  mu- 
sick  and  dancing.  On  the  contrary,  they  perpetuate 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  ideas  of  nobleness,  patri- 
otism and  virtue.  .  .  .  there  is  no  good  reason  why 
the  citizens  of  New-Tork,  who  expend  thousands  in 
wine  and  tawdry  furniture,  should  not  apply  some 
of  their  vast  incomes  to  painting  and  sculpture.'^^ 

However,  the  effort  to  raise  another  public  sculpture 
was  ill  timed:  the  city  faced  an  enormous  rebuilding 
project  after  the  fire,  and  the  Panic  of  1837  ushered  in 
a  decade  of  commercial  uncertainty,  reduced  fortunes, 
and  flagging  confidence. 

Hughes  cast  some  of  his  sculptures  in  plaster  for  a 
popular  market  that  was  developing  slowly  in  spite  of 
the  economic  downturn.  One  of  the  first  artists  in 
America  to  replicate  his  work  in  this  manner,  he  re- 
sourcefiilly  cast  twenty  eight-inch  plaster  statuettes 
from  his  reduced  model  of  the  Alexander  Hamilton 
(fig.  no)  in  about  1835.  Among  a  number  of  other 
such  plasters  he  produced  were  casts  of  his  bust  of 


Fig.  no.  Robert  Ball  Hughes,  Alexander  Hamilton,  1835.  Plaster. 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Alexander 
Hamilton  and  General  Pierpont  Morgan  Hamilton  71. 31. 12 


Washington  Irving,  ca.  1836  (National  Portrait  Gallery, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.C.).  Of  the 
Irving  replicas,  which  were  available  for  $15  each  in 
1836,  one  writer  remarked,  "at  this  price  the  Knicker- 
bockers alone  should  send  Mr.  Hughes  more  com- 
missions ...  in  a  single  day,  than  he  would  be  able 
to  execute  in  a  lifetime .'"^^  Yet  Hughes,  like  his  statue 
of  Hamilton,  was  ultimately  unlucky  in  New  York, 
for  the  enterprising  artist  who  had  captured  the  most 
important  monumental  portrait  commissions  of  the 


December  2, 1831,  p.  2.  See  also 
a  notice  describing  the  monu- 
ment project  that  ran  for  sev- 
eral consecutive  days  in  the 
New-Tork  Evening  Post  and 
that  noted  (December  10, 1831, 
p.  3):  "the  total  proceeds  of  the 
Group  of  Cherubs,  now  open 
in  Barclay  street,  will  be  added 
to  the  subscription  list."  (The 
exhibition,  however,  did  not 
yield  a  profit.) 

39.  The  progress  of  the  commis- 
sion was  closely  followed  in  the 
New  York  press.  See,  for  in- 
stance, "Statue  of  Washington," 
Niles^  Weekly  Register,  Octo- 
ber 27,  1832,  pp.  141-42.  The 
marble  was  later  moved  out- 
doors to  the  Capitol  grounds 
and  is  now  in  the  National 
Museum  of  American  History, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  Wash- 
ington, D.C.  The  statue,  which 
depicted  Washington  as  a 
modern-day  deity  in  classical 
dress,  was  widely  criticized. 

40.  "Statue  of  Hamilton,"  JVfw- 
Tork  Commercial  Advertiser, 
April  20, 1835,  p.  2;  John  Trum- 
bull quoted  in  Georgia  Stamm 
Chamberlain,  "The  Ball  Hughes 
Statue  of  Alexander  Hamilton," 
in  Studies  on  American  Painters 
and  Sculptors  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century  (Annandale,  Virginia: 
Turnpike  Press,  1965),  p.  6.  For 
John  Frazee's  sharply  dissenting 
view,  never  published,  tided 
"Statue  in  Breeches,"  see  Linda 
Hyman,  "From  Artisan  to  Art- 
ist: John  Frazee  and  the  Pol- 
itics of  Culture  in  Antebellum 
America"  (Ph.D.  dissertation, 
City  University  of  New  York, 
1978),  pp.  127-30. 

41.  "New  Statue  of  Hamilton," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  April  9,  1836, 
P-  327. 

42.  "Bust  of  Washington  Irving," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  Septem- 
ber 10,  1836,  p.  83. 


146    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  III.  John  Frazee,  John  Jay,  modeled  1831;  carved,  1834-35.  Marble.  Collection  of  the  City  of  New  York,  courtesy  of  the 
Art  Commission  of  the  City  of  New  York 


day  was  almost  always  impoverished.  About  1838  he 
left  the  Empire  City  for  Philadelphia  and  by  the  early 
1840S  setded  in  the  Boston  area,  where,  in  1847,  he  cast 
his  seated  statue  of  Nathaniel  Bowditch  for  Mount 
Auburn  Cemetery,  Cambridge.  The  first  bronze  monu- 
ment produced  in  this  country,  it  was  cast  defec- 
tively—another piece  of  bad  luck  for  Hughes.  Thus, 
the  sculptor's  career,  so  promising  on  his  arrival  in 


New  York,  was  perhaps  marked  more  by  misfortune 
than  honor.  He  ended  his  life  in  obscurity,  specializ- 
ing in  pyrography,  the  art  of  burning  sketches  into 
wood  using  a  hot  poker. 

When  Hughes  came  to  New  York,  he  had  irrevoca- 
bly changed  the  landscape  of  taste  and  patronage  and 
replaced  John  Frazee  as  the  clear  local  favorite  of  the 
cultural  establishment.  To  the  bitter  Frazee's  mind. 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  I47 


his  rival's  popularity  was  evidence  of  America's  con- 
tinuing dependence  on  imported  talent  to  assert  artis- 
tic refinement:  "if  some  of  our  people  were  told  of 
an  American  sculptor,  and  attempted  to  compare  his 
merits  with  those  of  other  artists  abroad,  a  sneer  and 
a  smile  of  contempt  would  be  his  reward,"  he  com- 
plained.'^^ Still,  during  the  1830s  Frazee  earned  pres- 
tigious commissions,  including  one  awarded  by  the 
United  States  Congress  in  March  183 1  for  a  bust  of 
John  Jay,  first  chief  justice  of  the  United  States  and 
scion  of  a  powerful  New  York  family,  to  be  placed  in 
the  Supreme  Court  chamber  in  the  United  States 
Capitol.  Frazee's  posthumous  portrait  of  the  highly 
respected  Jay  was  based  on  a  likeness  taken  in  1792, 
during  the  subject's  lifetime,  by  Ceracchi  (United 
States  Supreme  Court,  Washington,  D.C.).  In  1832 
Frazee  enjoyed  what  was  arguably  his  finest  moment 
in  New  York,  when  he  arranged  for  his  John  Jay 
(fig.  Ill)  to  be  exhibited  in  the  Merchants'  Exchange, 
where  it  is  said  to  have  drawn  upward  of  four  thou- 
sand visitors  a  day"^ 

The  popularity  of  this  portrait  bust  gives  pause, 
for  the  sculptures  that  attracted  great  crowds  were 
usually  works  that  entertained  as  spectacle— such  as 
Greenough's  Chanting  Cherubs  and  Thom's  Tarn 
O^Shanter  It  may  be  that  some  who  flocked  to  see 
Frazee's  piece  were  lured  by  notices,  probably  placed 
by  the  artist,  in  newspapers.  One  such  invited  New 
Yorkers  to  "call  and  examine  [the  bust]  —£fratis^'  be- 
fore it  was  shipped  to  Washington,  adding,  "gende- 
men  are  respectfully  solicited  to  bring  their  ladies 
with  them.  . .  .'"^^  Moreover,  the  John  /if^y  elicited  uni- 
form and  unstinting  praise  of  the  sort  recorded  by  a 
columnist  of  the  New-Tork  Mirror:  "That  so  delicate 
and  beautiful  a  piece  of  workmanship  should  have 
been  executed  by  one  of  our  countrymen  in  New- 
York,  created  universal  astonishment." '•■^ 

The  renown  of  Frazee's  worthy  portrait  of  Jay  car- 
ried the  sculptor's  reputation  for  the  next  several  years, 
as  he  filled  a  growing  demand  for  likenesses  of  vener- 
able leaders  in  politics  and  business.  Among  these  was 
his  heroicizing  1832-34  portrait  of  one  of  Manhattan's 
five  wealthiest  residents,  self-made  financier  Nathaniel 
Prime  (cat.  no.  56),  a  piece  that  in  all  likelihood  was 
ordered  in  1832  as  a  retirement  gift  from  Prime's  busi- 
ness associates,  Samuel  Ward  and  James  Gore  King.'*^ 
The  Prime  bust,  in  which  a  naturalistic  likeness  coexists 
with  classicizing  conventions  of  draped  shoulders  and 
unincised  pupils,  represented  a  watershed  in  Frazee's 
career.  Ward's  cousin,  Thomas  Wren  Ward,  saw  it  in 
Frazee's  studio  in  mid-1833  ^d  was  much  impressed. 
He  subsequendy  convinced  the  Boston  Athenaeum, 


of  which  he  was  treasurer,  to  order  portraits  from 
the  artist,  first  of  Nathaniel  Bowditch,  then  of  Daniel 
Webster,  and  eventually  five  others,  in  effect  elevating 
Frazee  from  a  sculptor  of  local  note  to  one  of  national 
reputation.  Moreover,  the  artist's  importance  in  the 
Empire  City  was  underscored  in  1837,  when  a  marble 
replica  of  his  portrait  of  John  Jay  was  presented  by 
the  subject's  daughter  to  New  York's  City  Hall  and  the 
city  acquired  his  bust  of  John  Marshall  of  about  1835. 

Still,  Frazee  considered  his  glass  half  empty  and  be- 
lieved himself  consistendy  imdone  by  the  accomplish- 
ments of  others  and  the  thwarting  of  his  efforts  to 
obtain  public  patronage.  Obsessed  about  his  legacy  as 
the  self-proclaimed  first  American  sculptor,  Frazee 
published  a  two-part  autobiography  in  1835,  detailing 
an  arduous  climb  firom  humble  roots  and  the  creation  of 
his  stonecutting  business,  through  which  his  "labours 
have  contributed  to  raise  this  beautiful,  although  acces- 
sary [sic]  art,  to  an  elevated  standard  of  taste."  He  out- 
lined his  career  as  a  portrait  sculptor  and  confidently 
announced:  "If  my  countrymen  continue  to  appreci- 
ate my  labours,  I  may  hope  soon  to  exhibit  some- 
thing of  greater  interest  and  merit  in  the  art,  than 
mere  heads  and  shoulders  of  men.  ...  I  intend,  ere- 
long, to  sculpture  the  vraOLE  figure. ""^^  However, 
his  wish  to  move  beyond  portrait  busts  was  incom- 
patible with  the  desires  of  his  patrons;  Frazee  would 
never  produce  full-length  figures  or  the  more  presti- 
gious ideal  subjects  he  longed  to  create.  In  1835  he 
began  gradually  to  abandon  sculpture  as  his  primary 
profession,  ostensibly  because  he  was  appointed 
architect  and  superintendent  of  New  York's  new 
Custom  House  (now  the  Federal  Hall  National 
Memorial).  But  lack  of  consistent  private  patronage 
also  motivated  him,  as  did  "the  cool  treatment ...  of 
Government.  .  .  ."  This  last  indignity,  Frazee  wrote, 
"has  .  .  .  almost  made  me  resolve  never  to  lift  the 
chisel  again  in  America." He  did  continue  to  sculpt, 
but  on  a  very  limited  basis. 

Frazee's  disavowal  of  foreign  talent  was  based  largely 
on  his  competitive  relationship  with  Hughes,  but 
he  did  not  entirely  reject  European  artists.  Indeed, 
he  developed  a  harmonious  and  fruitful  partnership 
with  Robert  E.  Launitz,  a  well-educated  Latvian-born 
sculptor,  who  arrived  in  New  York  in  1828  after  study- 
ing for  several  years  in  Rome  with  Thorvaldsen.  For 
whatever  reason,  this  pedigree  did  not  threaten  Fra- 
zee, who  employed  Launitz  as  a  journeyman  carver  in 
the  marble  business  he  ran  with  his  brother.  In  18  31 
Launitz  and  Frazee  initiated  a  partnership  in  an  orna- 
mental stonecutting  firm,  "by  the  union  of  genius  and 
talent,  [to]  render  their  works  in  every  respect  worthy 


43.  John  Frazee  to  his  brother 
Noah  Frazee,  February  2, 1835, 
John  Frazee  Papers,  microfilm 
reel  1103,  frame  350,  Archives  of 
American  Art,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.C. 

44.  "Occurrences  of  the  Day.  Fra- 
zee's Bust  of  Jay,"  New-Tork 
Evmins  Post,  March  23, 1832, 
p.  2. 

45.  "Bust  of  John  Jay,  by  Frazee," 
New-Tork  Evening  Post, 
March  21, 1832,  p.  2. 

46.  "The  Fine  Arts.  Sculpture. 
Frazee's  Bust  of  John  Jay," 
New'Tork  Mirror,  March  31, 
1832,  p.  310. 

47.  See  Hyman,  "From  Artisan  to 
Artist,"  pp.  118-20;  and  Voss, 
Montagna,  and  Henry,  John 
FrazeCy  p.  82. 

48.  "Autobiography  of  Frazee, 
the  Sculptor,"  part  2,  pp.  16, 
21.  The  first  installment  of 
the  autobiography  was  pub- 
lished in  North  American 
Quarterly  Magazine  5  (April 
1835),  pp.  395-  403.  Frazee 
must  have  felt  a  particular  need 
to  publish  this  lengthy  treatise 
because  Dunlap  had  drastically 
edited  the  manuscript  the 
sculptor  provided  for  Dunlap's 
Rise  and  Progress,  published 

in  1834  (see  note  25  above). 

49.  John  Frazee  to  Robert  Launitz, 
April  18, 1837,  Robert  Launitz 
Papers,  Mellen  Chamberlain 
Collection,  Department  of 
Rare  Books  and  Manuscripts, 
by  courtesy  of  the  Trustees 

of  the  Boston  Public  Library. 
On  Frazee  as  an  architect,  see 
Louis  Torres,  "John  Frazee  and 
the  New  York  Custom  House," 
Journal  of  the  Society  of  Archi- 
tectural Historians  23  (Octo- 
ber 1964),  pp.  143-50-  Frazee 
remained  in  the  post  of  archi- 
tect and  superintendent  at  the 
Custom  House  until  1842  and 
served  there  as  inspector  of 
customs  from  1843  to  1847. 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


See  announcement  of  the  part- 
nership in  "Marble  Works," 
Working  Man's  Advocate,  July 
14, 1832,  p.  3.  For  Frazee*s  inti- 
mate involvement  with  the 
prolabor  Workingmen's  Party, 
see  "Inventing  the  Metropolis" 
by  Dell  Upton  in  this  publica- 
tion, pp.  34-35;  and  Voss, 
Montagna,  and  Henry,  John 
Frazee,  p.  31. 

.  Launitz's  work  for  Green- 
Wood  includes  a  grave  marker 
for  the  Sac  Indian  woman  Do- 
Hum-Me,  ca.  1844,  one  of  the 
earliest  carved  statues  for  an 
American  cemetery;  his  first 
major  public  commission,  a  re- 
cumbent figure  of  Charlotte 
Canda,  ca.  1845;  and  the  New 
York  Firemen's  Monument, 
1845,  a  shaft  adorned  at  its  top 
with  a  firefighter  saving  a  child 
from  a  roaring  blaze.  Launitz 
published  an  influential  book 
on  tombstone  designs:  see 
Collection  of  Monuments  and 
Head  Stones,  Designed  by  R.  E. 
Launitz  (New  York:  L.  Prang 
and  Co.,  1866). 

.  Truman  H.  Bardett,  "Early 
Setder  Memorials. -XII," 
American  Architect  and  Build- 
ing News,  September  3, 1887, 
p.  109;  Thomas  Crawford  to 
Robert  Launitz,  June  27, 1837, 
reprinted  in  "Reminiscences 
of  Crawford,"  The  Crayon  6 
(January  1859),  p.  28. 

.  "Reminiscences  of  Crawford," 
p.  28. 

.  [Hannah  Famham  Lee], 
Familiar  Sketches  of  Sculpture 
and  Sculptors,  vol.  2  (Boston: 
Crosby,  Nichols,  and  Com- 
pany, 1854),  p.  197.  For  positive 
assessments  of  Brackett's  work 
that  mention  portraits  executed 
in  New  York,  see  "Mr.  Brack- 
ett,  the  Sculptor,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  December  14, 1839, 
p.  199;  and  "Mr.  Brackett,  the 
Sculptor,"  New-Torker,  Octo- 
ber 3, 1840,  p.  45. 


[of]  the  highest  patronage  of  the  country."  Over  the 
next  few  years,  while  the  firm  of  Frazee  and  Launitz 
prospered,  Launitz  pursued  a  career  as  an  independent 
sculptor.  In  1833  he  earned  full  membership  in  the  Na- 
tional Academy  of  Design,  thereafter  regularly  con- 
tributed ideal  works  and  portraits  in  marble  to  the 
institution's  annual  exhibitions,  and  during  the  1840s 
served  on  its  council. 

From  1837,  when  Frazee  notified  Launitz  that  he  was 
dissolving  their  partnership  because  of  his  Custom 
House  appointment,  Launitz  continued  the  business 
alone.  He  was  particularly  esteemed  for  his  flinerary 
monuments,  including  several  made  for  Green-Wood 
Cemetery  in  Brooklyn,  established  in  1838  as  a  non- 
sectarian  burial  ground  and  nature  retreat.  Recur- 
rent financial  reverses  aside,  Launitz  had  a  career 
that  represents  one  of  the  archetypal  success  stories 
of  foreign  sculptors  who  established  themselves  in 
New  York.  Even  so,  his  own  accomplishments  as  a 
sculptor,  including  many  monuments  executed  for 
southern  clients,  are  overshadowed  by  his  role  as 
mentor  and  employer.  As  his  student  Truman  Howe 
Bardett  reported,  "up  to  i860,  very  few  of  the  foreign 
skilled  workmen  who  came  to  New  York  did  not 
work  for  Launitz."  And  in  1837  Thomas  Crawford, 
one  of  many  grateful  colleagues,  referred  to  him  as 
"my  best  friend  and  instructor,  at  a  time  when  I  so 
much  needed  one."^^ 

Crawford,  who  is  thought  to  have  been  born  in 
New  York  of  Irish  immigrant  parents,  enjoyed  the  best 
training  that  America  had  to  offer  a  sculptor  in  the 
1820S  and  1830S.  He  was  first  apprenticed  to  a  wood- 
carver  and  drew  from  plaster  casts  at  the  American 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts  and  the  National  Academy 
of  Design  (which  had  assembled  a  small  cast  collec- 
tion through  the  efforts  of  Morse).  Beginning  in  1832 
Crawford  spent  two  and  a  half  years  with  Frazee  and 
Launitz  carving  mantelpieces  and  architectural  orna- 
ment; during  this  time  he  occasionally  assisted  Frazee 
in  portrait  work,  notably  on  his  commissions  for  the 
Boston  Athenaeum.  Crawford  also  modeled  his  own 
portraits,  exhibiting  a  bust  of  the  artist  William  Page 
(unlocated)  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design  in 
1835  (to  his  dismay,  it  was  placed  on  the  floor). 

When  the  young  sculptor  set  off  for  Rome  in  May 
1835,  he  carried  a  letter  of  introduction  from  Launitz 
to  Thorvaldsen  that  facilitated  a  period  of  study  of 
about  a  year  with  the  revered  Neoclassicist.  Crawford 
soon  discovered  what  a  subsequent  generation  of  his 
compatriots  would  come  to  vmderstand:  for  an  aspir- 
ing sculptor  the  Empire  City  paled  in  comparison  to 
the  Eternal  City.  In  Italy  carvers  who  could  trans- 


late models  into  stone  were  skilled  and  inexpensive, 
the  cost  of  living  was  low,  the  climate  moderate,  live 
models  and  marble,  not  to  mention  the  surrounding 
artistic  riches,  were  plentiful,  and  an  international  fra- 
ternity of  artists  flourished.  Writing  to  his  mentor 
Launitz,  Crawford  observed: 

Rome  is  the  only  place  in  the  world  fit  for  a  youn£ 
sculptor  to  commence  his  career  in.  Here  he  will 
find  everythin£f  he  can  possibly  require  for  his  stud- 
ies; he  lives  amon^  artists^  and  every  step  he  takes  in 
this  garden  of  the  Arts  presents  something  which 
assists  him  in  the  formation  of  his  taste.  Tou  can 
imagine  my  surprise  upon  seeing  the  wonderful 
halls  of  the  Vatican — after  leaving  Barclay  street 
[home  of  the  American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts] 
and  the  National  (Academy).  Only  think  of  it — 
a  green  one  like  me,  who  had  seen  but  half-a- 
dozon  [sic]  statues  during  the  whole  course  of  his 
life — to  step  thus  suddenly  into  the  midst  of  the 
greatest  collection  in  the  world! 

The  removal  of  Crawford  and  of  Greenough  before 
him  to  Italy  inspired  a  growing  band  of  American- 
born  sculptors  in  the  late  1830s,  redefining  New  York's 
role  for  them.  As  artistic  interchange  between  the  Old 
World  and  the  New  increased,  New  York  became  a 
temporary  destination:  a  stopping  point  on  an  East 
Coast  portrait-sculpting  tour,  a  potential  exhibition 
venue,  a  place  to  live  for  a  short  time,  or  a  departure 
point  for  transadantic  travel.  Greenough  was  in  New 
York  briefly  in  September  1836  before  embarking 
for  London  the  following  month.  Hiram  Powers,  a 
resident  of  Cincinnati,  visited  in  July  1837  between 
trips  to  model  portraits  in  Boston  and  Washington. 
In  October  of  the  same  year  he  sailed  from  New  York 
to  Europe,  where  he  setded  in  Florence,  never  to 
return  to  American  shores.  He  attained  international 
stature,  and  of  all  the  American  sculptors  living  abroad 
he  maintained  the  most  visible  and  profitable  long- 
distance relationship  with  New  York. 

Far  less  successfiil  was  Edward  Augustus  Brackett, 
another  sculptor  from  Cincinnati,  who  arrived  in  New 
York  in  autumn  1839  and  remained  for  two  years, 
"gaining  a  scanty  and  precarious  subsistence  by  mod- 
elling busts."  54  Although  Brackett  befriended  promi- 
nent New  Yorkers,  among  them  Bryant,  journalist 
and  playwright  Mordecai  Manuel  Noah,  and  sculptor 
Mary  Ann  Delafield  DuBois,  he  found  almost  no 
market  for  his  own  portraiture.  Cincinnati  patron 
Nicholas  Longworth  wrote  to  Powers  of  Brackett's  ill 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:   THE  AMERICAN   SCULPTOR  149 


fortune:  "...  the  stupid  Gothamites  let  him  starve 
whilst  they  give  Clevenger  500$  for  Busts.  I  under- 
stand he  has  got  but  2  busts,  at  40$."  In  1841  the 
disappointed  Brackett  moved  to  Boston,  maintaining 
occasional  professional  ties  to  New  York  but  never 
working  in  Europe. 

By  way  of  contrast,  Chauncey  Bradley  Ives,  a  Con- 
necticut native  who  may  have  studied  with  Augur, 
found  a  way  to  profitably  use  New  York,  where  he 
established  a  studio  for  modeling  portraits  in  the  early 
1840S.  He  setded  in  Florence  in  1844  and  lived  in 
Rome  after  1851,  but  his  relationship  with  and  reliance 
on  New  York  lasted  a  lifetime.  His  example,  as  forth- 
rightly  as  that  of  any  sculptor  of  this  period,  demon- 
strates a  pattern  of  creating  and  carving  in  Italy  and 
exhibiting  and  marketing  in  New  York.  His  works 
were  modeled  in  Italy,  shown  in  plaster  and  ordered 
in  stone  in  New  York,  then  translated  into  marble 
in  Italy,  and  finally  displayed  in  Manhattan  homes  in 
their  stone  versions.  Ives  was  a  particular  favorite 
with  New  Yorkers,  and  he  cultivated  buyers  for  repli- 
cas of  his  sculptures,  both  in  Italy  and  during  sev- 
eral return  visits  to  the  city  in  the  1840s  and  1850s.  He 
also  developed  a  loyal  clientele  for  his  ideal  works 
(see  cat.  no.  64)  and  portraits,  which  included  some 
of  the  city's  most  prominent  collectors,  such  as  Philip 
Kearny,  Isaac  Newton  Phelps,  and  Marshall  O.  Rob- 
erts. These  men  were  critical  to  Ives's  success,  since 
his  reputation,  unlike  that  of  Powers,  remained  prin- 
cipally American. 

That  a  sculptor  could  spend  relatively  litde  time  in 
New  York  and  achieve  significant  success  in  the  city  is 
also  demonstrated  by  the  career  of  Shobal  Vail  Clev- 
enger, who  earned  respect  as  the  preeminent  por- 
traitist active  in  America  after  Powers  moved  to  Italy. 
Another  resident  of  Cincinnati,  Clevenger  worked  in 
Washington,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston  in  addition  to 
the  Empire  City.  He  was  in  New  York  in  the  spring 
of  1839  and  again  in  mid-1840,  modeling  portraits, 
among  them  busts  of  Philip  Hone,  James  Kent  (both 
New-York  Historical  Society),  and  Julia  Ward  Howe 
(Boston  Public  Library)  as  well  as  several  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Ward  family.  Clearly  the  sculptor's  New 
York  following  was  devoted:  in  December  1840  vari- 
ous prominent  citizens  showed  their  eagerness  to 
share  Clevenger's  legacy  by  donating  five  of  his  plaster 
portraits  to  the  New-York  Historical  Society.  When 
he  traveled  to  Florence  earlier  in  1840,  Clevenger  took 
with  him  thirty-three  plaster  busts  to  be  translated 
into  marble  versions— and  many  of  these  were  com- 
pleted before  his  premature  death  in  1843.  The  pass- 
ing of  the  young  sculptor  inspired  an  outpouring  of 


support  from  New  Yorkers  for  his  impoverished 
widow,  an  indication  of  his  popularity  in  the  city.  The 
standing  he  achieved  is  witnessed  also  by  compli- 
mentary assessments  published  in  1844  in  two  New 
York- based  periodicals,  the  Columbian  Lady^s  and 
GentUman^s  Magazine,  and  the  United  States  Maga- 
zine^ and  Democratic  ReviewP  Each  article  called  for 
New  Yorkers  to  raise  $3,000  for  the  translation  of 
Clevenger's  Indian  Warrior  from  plaster  into  marble 
by  Powers's  studio.  The  exhibition  of  a  plaster  sketch 
of  the  piece  was  organized  by  Joseph  Mozier,  a  busi- 
nessman who  would  turn  sculptor,  but  subscription 
efforts  failed,  with  only  $600  gathered. 

A  group  of  twenty-three  distinguished  New  York 
merchants  did,  however,  eventually  succeed  in  acquir- 
ing an  example  of  Clevenger's  work  in  marble,  a  ver- 
sion of  his  1839  portrait  of  Hone  (cat.  no.  58),  for  the 
Mercantile  Library  Association,  a  circulating  library 
for  merchant  clerks  located  in  a  building  operated 
by  the  Clinton  Hall  Association.  Hone's  bust,  which 
apparently  had  been  ordered  in  marble  by  the  mer- 
chants prior  to  Clevenger's  death,  was  translated 
posthumously  from  plaster  into  stone  in  Powers's 
Florentine  workshop.  Powers  likely  altered  or  "im- 
proved" the  drapery,  for  that  of  the  commanding 
marble  version  differs  significantly  from  Clevenger's 
original  plaster  (fig.  58).  The  portrait  pleased  Hone, 
who,  in  December  1846,  described  its  placement  in 
the  Mercantile  Library's  main  room  as  "an  excellent 
position,  on  a  beautiful  pedestal  of  marble  slightly 
veined,  and  enclosed  with  a  circular  iron  railing 
tastefiilly  bronzed  and  gilded,"  and  praised  the  bust 
as  "worthy  of  the  liberal  and  generous  motives  which 
prompted  the  contributors  to  this  most  delicate  and 
touching  compliment." 

During  the  1840s  and  1850s  all  of  the  well-known 
sculptors  discussed,  and  many  others  who  labored  in 
obscurity,  submitted  their  works  to  a  variety  of  exhi- 
bition venues  in  New  York,  whose  numbers  grew  in 
this  period.  These  institutions,  which  ranged  in  type 
from  the  American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York 
to  the  National  Academy  of  Design,  assured  sculptors 
the  opportunity  to  show  their  new  works  to  critics 
and  potential  patrons  alike  and  to  target  viewing 
audiences.  However,  New  York  did  not  have  a  pro- 
fessional establishment  set  aside  specifically  for  show- 
ing sculpture  vintil  the  National  Sculpture  Society 
was  founded  in  1893.  (In  Boston,  by  contrast,  the 
Athenaeum  held  sculpture  annuals  for  nearly  three 
decades  beginning  in  1839.)  The  National  Academy  of 


55.  Nicholas  Longworth  to  Hiram 
Powers,  April  30, 1840,  Hiram 
Powers  and  Powers  Family 
Papers,  microfilm  reel  817,  no 
frame  number.  Archives  of 
American  Art,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.C. 

56.  See  Catalogue  of  American 
Portraits  in  the  New-Tork  His- 
torical Society  (New  Haven: 
Yale  University  Press  for  the 
New-York  Historical  Society, 
1974),  vol.  I,  pp.  141-42, 

259, 335-36,  419-20,  vol.  2, 
pp.  902-3.  The  portraits  were 
of  Henry  Clay,  1838  (gift  of 
Samuel  Verplanck);  Edward 
Everett,  1839  (gift  of  George 
Folsom);  William  Henry 
Harrison,  1837  (gift  of  Ben- 
jamin R.  Winthrop);  James 
Kent,  1840  (gift  of  John  Jay); 
and  Oliver  Wolcott  Jr.,  1840 
(gift  of  George  Gibbs). 

57.  See  H[enry]  T.  Tuckerman, 
"Clevenger,"  Columbian 
Lady's  and  Gentleman's 
Magazine  1  (January  1844), 
pp.  lo-ii;  and  "Clevenger," 
United  States  Magazine,  and 
Democratic  Review  14  (Febru- 
ary 1844),  pp.  202-6,  which 
includes  a  line  drawing  of 
the  Indian  Warrior. 

58.  See  The  Twenty-third  Annual 
Report  of  the  Board  of  Directors 
of  the  Mercantile  Library  Asso- 
ciation, Clinton  Hall,  New 
Tork,  January,  1844  (New  York: 
Printed  by  George  W.  Wood, 
1844),  pp.  3-4;  Thomas  B. 
Brumbaugh,  "Shobal  Cleven- 
ger: An  Ohio  Stonecutter  in 
Search  of  Fame,"  Art  Quar- 
terly 29  (1966),  pp.  42-43;  and 
Richard  P.  Wunder,  Hiram 
Powers:  Vermont  Sculptor, 
180S-1873,  2  vols.  (Newark: 
University  of  Delaware  Press, 
1991),  vol.  I,  p.  134. 

59.  Diary  of  Philip  Hone,  vol.  2, 
p.  775,  entry  for  October  19, 
1846,  p.  782,  entry  for  Decem- 
ber 25, 1846. 


ISO    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  112.  Edward  Augustus  Bracked:,  Washm£[ton  Allston,  Boston,  modeled  1843;  carved  1843-44.  Marble.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  in  memory  of  Jonathan  Sturges,  by  his  children,  1895  95-8.2 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  I5I 


Design  was  New  York's  premier  exhibition  venue,  yet 
its  commitment  to  presenting  sculpture  in  its  annuals 
was  random  at  best  for  many  years,  in  large  part  due 
to  the  paucity  of  local  artists  and  to  logistical  prob- 
lems attendant  on  the  display,  lighting,  and  shipping 
of  works.  Thus,  while  no  sculpture  was  exhibited  in 
1839  or  1840,  the  annual  of  1841  featured  no  fewer 
than  eighteen  pieces  by  ten  sculptors,  among  them 
Greenough,  Hughes,  Ives,  and  Launitz.  Again  in 
1846  no  sculpture  appeared,  moving  one  critic  to  la- 
ment: "Tell  us,  oh  ye  Powers,  and  Crav^ord's,  and 
Kneelands,  and  Pericos  [sic]^  and  persecutors— 
ye  of  the  [Academy's]  coimcil,  we  mean— what  is  the 
upshot  of  all  this  negligence,  or  indifference,  or  what- 
ever else  ye  please  to  term  it."^**  The  Academy's  in- 
consistency, in  fact,  did  have  a  positive  result  in  one 
respect:  it  encouraged  sculptors  to  install  their  works 
in  studios  and  rented  spaces,  where  they  could  show 
at  any  time  of  the  year,  control  viewing  conditions 
and  publicity,  and  charge  admission. 

One  of  the  forums  for  American  sculpture  was  the 
American  Art-Union.  During  its  short  but  intense  life 
span  of  1842  to  1853,  the  Art-Union  displayed  works 
by  Americans  and  gave  out  paintings  and  sculptures 
as  premiums  in  annual  lotteries  offered  to  a  national 
body  of  subscribers,  who  each  year  paid  $5  to  partici- 
pate. (The  phenomenally  popular  organization  met 
its  end  when  this  method  of  distribution  was  declared 
in  violation  of  state  antilottery  laws.)  The  proportion 
of  sculpture  in  relation  to  the  total  number  of  works 
exhibited  by  the  Art-Union  was  extremely  small,  and 
very  few  examples  in  marble  were  included  among  the 
lottery  prizes.  In  fact,  the  organization's  support  of 
sculpture  was  symbolic:  the  mere  presence  of  sculp- 
ture in  the  displays  and  lotteries  increased  public 
awareness  of  the  medium  and  situated  it  within  the 
mass  market  for  American  art. 

Logistics  may  have  played  a  part  in  the  Art-Union's 
decision  to  show  and  distribute  so  few  works  in 
marble:  sculpture  was  difficult  and  expensive  to  ship 
(the  prizewinner  assumed  the  cost),  and  artists  gen- 
erally hesitated  to  pay  for  the  translation  of  a  plaster 
into  stone  before  earning  a  commission.  Whatever 
the  reasons  for  this  dearth,  the  sculptors  whose  works 
were  commissioned  as  lottery  prizes,  such  as  Brown, 
Mozier,  and  Brackett,  had  direct  ties  to  the  managers 
of  the  organization.  Thus  it  was  through  the  auspices 
of  the  institution's  president,  William  CuUen  Bryant, 
that  Brackett's  portrait  bust  of  Washington  Allston, 
1843  (fig-  112),  based  on  a  death  mask  of  the  recentiy 
deceased  painter,  became  a  prize.  The  first  sculpture 
distributed  by  the  Art-Union,  this  naturalistic  marble 


Fig.  113.  Francis  Michelin,  after  Thomas  Crawford  and  Frederick  Catherwood,  Proposed  Colossal 
Statue  of  Washington  for  the  City  of  New  Tork,  1845.  Lithograph  with  tint  stone.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps  and 
Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.721 


was  awarded  to  P.  G.  Buchan  of  Rochester,  New 
York.^i  Whether  Buchan  ever  took  ownership  is 
unknown,  but  it  is  likely  that  he  did  not  or  that  he 
resold  it,  for  several  years  after  the  drawing  a  marble 
replica,  probably  the  version  awarded  in  the  lottery, 
was  in  the  collection  of  Jonathan  Sturges,  a  member 
of  the  Art-Union's  committee  of  management.  It  was 
not  uncommon  for  the  prizes  distributed  by  lottery  to 
follow  such  circuitous  paths  of  ownership,  but  it  was 
more  usual  for  works  of  art  to  make  their  way  quite 
direcdy  from  the  Empire  City  into  homes  throughout 
the  country.  This  typical  route  is  illustrated  by  the 
example  of  Dianety  ca.  1850  (cat.  no.  65),  by  Mozier, 
who  had  retired  from  New  York's  world  of  commerce 
and  moved  to  Florence  in  1845  to  pursue  his  career  as 


60.  "The  Fine  Arts.  National 
Academy  of  Design.  Smaller 
Saloon,"  Morris's  National 
Press,  June  20,  1846,  p.  4. 

61.  "Transactions  at  the  Annual 
Meeting  of  the  American 
Art-Union  for  1844,"  in  Trans- 
actions of  the  American  Art- 
Union ,  for  the  Promotion  of 
the  Fine  Arts  in  the  United 
States,  for  the  Tear  1844  (New 
York,  1844),  P-  4.  See  also 
Thayer  ToUes,  ed.,  American 
Sculpture  in  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  Volume  I:  A 
Catalogue  of  Works  by  Artists 
Born  before  i86s  (New  York: 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  1999),  p.  74. 


152    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


62.  The  Diary  of  George  Templeton 
Strong  [vol.  i],  Toun0  Man  in 
New  Tork,  183S-1S49,  edited  by 
Allan  Kevins  and  Milton 
Halsey  Thomas  (New  York: 
Macmillan,  1952),  p.  297; 
"Fountains,"  Broadway  Jour- 
nal, June  7, 1845,  p.  354. 

63.  "Monuments  to  Mr.  Clayf 
Broadway  Journal,  January  ri, 
1845,  p-  22,  quoted  in  Jacob 
Landy,  The  Washington 
Monument  Project  in  New 
York,"  Journal  of  the  Society  of 
Architectural  Historians  28 
(December  1969),  p.  293. 

64.  See  Description  of  J.  Frazee's 
Design  for  the  Washington 
Monument  (in  Four  Jjirge 
Drawings)  Now  Exhibiting  at 
the  Art-Union  (New  York: 
Printed  by  Jared  W.  Bell,  1848); 
and  "Editor's  Table,**  The 
Knickerbocker  32  (November 
1848),  p.  473. 

65.  Editor's  note,  in  [Charles  Sum- 
ner], "Crawford's  Orpheus,^ 
United  States  Magazine,  and 
Democratic  Review  12  (May 
1843),  p.  455;  William  Mitchell 
Gillespie,  Rome:  As  Seen  by  a 
New  Torker  in  1843-4  (New 
York:  Wiley  and  Putnam, 
1845),  p.  187.  On  Orpheus,  see 
Lauretta  Dimmick,  "Thomas 
Crawford's  Orpheus:  The 
American  Apollo  Belvedere,"" 
American  Art  Journal  19, 

no.  4  (1987),  pp.  47-84. 

66.  On  this  subject,  see  David 
Bernard  Dearinger,  "Ameri- 
can Neoclassic  Sculptors 
and  Their  Private  Patrons 

in  Boston,"  2  vols.  (Ph.D.  dis- 
sertation, City  University  of 
New  York,  1993)- 


a  sculptor.  Mozier's  chaste,  classicizing  portrait  of  the 
Roman  goddess  was  awarded  in  1850  to  Levi  Has- 
brouck  of  New  Paltz,  New  York,  a  farming  commu- 
nity about  seventy  miles  north  of  New  York  City.  The 
bust  was  transported  to  New  Paltz  by  wagon  soon 
thereafter  and  installed  in  Hasbrouck's  home,  Locust 
Lawn  (now  administered  by  the  Huguenot  Historical 
Society),  where  it  remains  today. 

Throughout  this  period  the  movement  to  erect  a 
monument  to  Washington  in  the  city  endured.  It 
gathered  steam  in  July  1843,  when  the  Washington 
Monument  Association  of  the  City  of  New  York  was 
established  and  started  to  raise  funds.  In  Jvine  1844 
the  Association  made  a  preliminary  selection  of  Cal- 
vin Pollard's  design  for  a  425-foot  Gothic-style  tower, 
a  choice  it  continued  to  favor  over  subsequent  sub- 
missions, such  as  Thomas  Crawford  and  Frederick 
Catherwood's  design  of  1845,  a  proposal  for  a  75 -foot 
cast-iron  figure  on  a  55-foot  granite  pedestal  (fig.  113). 
The  search  faltered  as  New  Yorkers  considered  the 
various  merits  and  failings  of  the  designs,  and  many 
despaired.  George  Templeton  Strong,  for  example, 
noted  that  the  choices  were  "all  on  a  scale  of  im- 
practicable splendor  and  magnitude,  and  with  two 
exceptions,  all  execrable,"  and  the  Broadway  Journal 
commented,  'Sve  have  long  since  given  up  all  expec- 
tation of  ever  seeing  a  Washington  Monument  in 
NewYork.''62 

Yet  the  movement  revived  in  October  i847>  when  a 
cornerstone  for  the  monument  was  laid  with  great 
ceremony  at  Hamilton  Square,  a  large  tract  on  the 
city's  outskirts  between  Sixty-sixth  and  Sixty-eighth 
streets  and  Third  and  Fifth  avenues.  Again  Pollard's 
design  was  tentatively  selected,  although  many  New 
Yorkers  protested  that  its  style  was  aesthetically  and 
symbolically  unfit  for  an  American  hero,  one  ob- 
server remarking:  "a  Gothic  monument,  in  honour 
of  Washington,  is  the  very  sublime  of  nonsense." 
Still,  the  Association  solicited  yet  more  designs.  In 
autvimn  1848,  at  the  American  Art-Union,  Frazee  dis- 
played an  ambitious  drawing  for  a  memorial  to  Wash- 
ington in  the  form  of  a  domed  building  topped  by 
an  allegorical  statue  of  History,  which  he  estimated 
would  cost  more  than  $1,000,000  and  take  ten  years 
to  complete.  Although  it  earned  plaudits  from  the  pub- 
lic, this  flamboyant  conception,  as  well  as  many  other 
designs,  was  rejected  in  a  popular  contest  (with  votes 
purchased  at  $1  each)  in  favor  of  Minard  Lafever's 
Egyptian  obelisk.  The  Association's  subscription  drive 
was  discontinued  in  1849,  and  Lafever's  monument 
was  never  erected. 


New  Yorkers  were  inconsistent  in  their  support  of 
homegrown  talent  Thomas  Crawford.  Crawford  spent 
his  first  years  in  Rome  producing  stem  classicizing  por- 
trait busts  as  well  as  copies  after  the  antique.  Among 
the  former  were  a  small  number  commissioned  by 
New  Yorkers,  including  a  likeness  of  Matthias  Bruen 
of  1837  (New  Jersey  Historical  Society,  Newark)  and 
one  of  Mrs.  John  James  (Mary  Hone)  Schermerhorn 
of  1837  (New-York  Historical  Society).  However,  when 
Crawford  progressed  from  bread-and-butter  portraits 
to  the  more  prestigious  realm  of  ideal  compositions, 
Bostonians,  not  New  Yorkers,  encouraged  him.  It 
was  Boston  attorney  and  future  United  States  senator 
Charles  Sumner  who  raised  the  fiinds  to  translate 
into  marble  for  the  Boston  Athenaeum  Crawford's 
first  achievement  in  this  idiom,  the  masterly  Orpheus, 
1839-43  (Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston).  And  it  was 
the  Boston  Athenaeum  that  showed  the  Orpheus  in 
spring  1844  with  five  other  examples  of  Crawford's 
work,  in  the  first  one-person  exhibition  held  for  a 
sculptor  in  America. 

That  Boston  had  outdone  New  York  did  not  go  un- 
noticed: "It  is  a  sin  and  a  shame  that  Boston  should 
have  been  suffered  by  New  York  to  possess  itself  of 
the  Orpheus.  .  .  .  The  only  atonement  that  can  be 
made  . . .  will  consist  in  an  order  for  some  other  work 
of  kindred  inspiration  from  the  same  chisel,"  observed 
one  critic.  William  Gillespie,  in  his  Rome:  As  Seen  by 
a  New  Torker,  was  more  succinrt:  "Should  not  the 
native  city  of  the  sculptor  secure  from  him  at  least 
one  great  work.^"^^  Boston  consistentiy  outstripped 
New  York  as  a  source  of  steady  patronage  for  expatri- 
ate American  Neoclassicists  in  general,  thanks  to  the 
efforts  of  several  extraordinary  individuals,  a  strong 
appreciation  of  classical  civilization  on  the  part  of 
its  educated  citizens,  and  the  presence  of  the  taste- 
making  Athenaeum. 

Even  though  Cravrfbrd  married  into  New  York's 
prestigious  Samuel  Ward  family  in  1844,  he  contin- 
ued to  have  difficulty  earning  support  in  the  Empire 
City.  During  three  trips  back  to  the  United  States 
to  solicit  orders,  the  sculptor  attracted  only  a  limited 
number  of  private  patrons  for  ideal  compositions  in 
New  York.  To  be  sure,  some  of  these  individuals  were 
important:  among  them  were  Henry  Hicks,  for  whom 
Crawford  executed  the  lighthearted  Genius  of  Mirth, 
1842  (cat.  no.  59),  an  ideal  subject  of  the  sculptor's 
own  choosing,  and  also  Mexican  Girl  Dyin£f,  by  1846 
(Metropolitan  Museum);  Richard  K.  Haight,  who 
ordered  Flora,  modeled  in  1847  (fig.  74);  and  Ham- 
ilton Fish,  who  commissioned  The  Babes  in  the  Wood, 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  153 


Fig.  114.  Thomas  Crawford,  The  Babes  in  the  Wood,  Rome,  modeled  ca.  1850;  carved  1851.  Marble.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of  Hamilton 
Fish,  1894  94.9.4 


ca.  1850  (fig.  114),  a  poignant  rendering  of  a  brother 
and  sister  in  eternal  slumber.^^  Crawford  above  all  the 
sculptors  of  the  first  generation  of  American  Neoclas- 
sicists  succeeded  as  a  master  of  public  statuary,  earn- 
ing major  commissions  for  the  United  States  Capitol 
and  a  monument  to  Washington  for  the  grounds  of 
the  Virginia  State  House  in  Richmond.  Yet  even  in 
this  area  his  achievement  in  New  York  fell  short.  A 
scheme  Hone  initiated  in  1844-45  to  employ  Craw- 
ford to  produce  a  statue  of  Henry  Clay  for  the  new 
Merchants'  Exchange  "or  some  other  suitable  place" 
failed,  and  no  other  public  projects  were  forthcoming 
from  the  city. 

The  sculptor  faced  an  additional  problem:  certain 
New  York  collectors  were  unwilling  to  allow  public 
display  of  their  works  by  Crawford,  limiting  his  expo- 
sure and  thus  his  opportunities  to  attract  new  clients. 
Hicks,  for  instance,  through  his  early  purchases  helped 
Crawford  establish  a  New  York  presence  but  ultimately 
frustrated  the  artist  by  limiting  public  exhibition  of 


his  two  sculptures.  He  probably  refused  a  request 
from  Crawford  to  include  Mexican  Girl  Dyin^f  in  the 
National  Academy's  annual  of  1848;  and  he  declined 
to  show  his  pieces  subsequently  at  other  public  ven- 
ues, despite  "a  personal  application  to  him  for  that 
purpose  during  my  last  visit  to  the  United  States," 
according  to  a  letter  from  Crawford  to  New  York 
lawyer  Theodore  Sedgwick.  Crawford  encouraged 
Sedgwick  to  approach  Hicks  for  permission  to  show 
Genius  of  Mirth  and  Mexican  Girl  Dyin^f  at  the  Crystal 
Palace  in  New  York  in  1853,  but  if  any  attempts  were 
made  by  the  lawyer,  who  was  president  of  the  fair, 
they  proved  futile.  Although  his  efforts  to  present  an 
ideal  subject  to  the  public  were  thwarted,  Crawford 
did  have  some  success  in  showing  the  elegant  por- 
trait of  his  wife,  Louisa,  which  he  modeled  in  1845 
(cat.  no.  63).  Crawford  must  have  hoped  this  bust 
would  become  a  showpiece,  an  ambition  that  prob- 
ably accounts  for  the  high  degree  of  finish  and  detail 
lavished  on  it,  from  the  innovative  floral  termination 


67.  For  a  list  of  works  produced  by 
Crawford  that  records  his 
patrons,  see  "Mr.  Crawford's 
Works,"  Literary  Worlds 
March  2, 1850,  pp.  206-7. 

68.  Diary  of  Philip  Honey  vol.  2, 
p.  724,  entry  for  December  28, 
1844-  Hone  recorded  that 
$10,000  would  be  needed  to 
fund  the  project. 

69.  Thomas  Crawford  to  Theodore 
Sedgwick,  January  20,  1853, 
Mss.  Crawford,  Manuscript 
Department,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society.  See  also 
Lauretta  Dimmick,  "A  Cata- 
logue of  the  Portrait  Busts  and 
Ideal  Works  of  Thomas  Craw- 
ford (i8i3.>-i857),  American 
Sculptor  in  Rome"  (Ph.D.  dis- 
sertation, University  of  Pitts- 
burgh, 1986),  pp.  526-27. 


154    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


70.  N.  Cleaveland,  "Henry  Kirke 
Brown,'*  Sar taints  Union  Mag- 
azine of  Literature  and  Art  8 
(February  1851),  p.  137.  For 
another  contemporary  account 
of  Brown's  early  years  in  New 
York,  see  **Brown's  Studio," 
Bulletin  of  the  American  Art- 
Union  2  (April  1849),  pp.  17- 
20.  See  also  Wayne  Craven, 
"Henry  Kirke  Brown:  His 
Search  for  an  American  Art  in 
the  1840's,''  American  Art 
Journal  4  (November 

1972),  pp.  44-58. 

71.  Henry  Kirke  Brown  to  Lydia  L. 
Brown,  October  12, 1846, 
Bush-Brown  Papers,  vol.  2, 

p.  548/11,  Library  of  Congress. 

72.  Henry  Kirke  Brown  to  Ezra  P. 
Prentice,  November  21, 1846, 
Bush-Brown  Papers,  vol.  2, 

p.  548/30,  Library  of  Congress. 

73.  Henry  Kirke  Brown  to  Lydia 
L.  Brown,  July  4, 11, 1847, 
Bush-Brown  Papers,  vol.  2, 
pp.  548/51, 548/57,  Library 
of  Congress. 


to  the  elaborate  hairstyle  and  the  intricate  arrange- 
ment of  drapery.  The  portrait  was  exhibited  at  the 
American  Art-Union  galleries  in  1849  and  four  years 
later  at  the  great  Crystal  Palace  fair,  where  it  was  ac- 
corded an  honorable  mention,  a  high  point  in  Craw- 
ford's relationship  with  New  York. 

Although  New  York  had  no  public  monument  by 
Crawford  and  saw  litde  of  his  work  in  exhibitions 
during  the  artisfs  life,  his  sculpture  was  shown  in 
abundance  in  the  city  after  his  early  death.  Some 
eighty-seven  plasters  donated  by  Crawford's  widow 
were  presented  to  the  Board  of  Commissioners  of 
Central  Park  in  i860  and  eventually  were  joined  by 
Haight's  gift  of  the  marble  Flora.  Further,  five  marbles, 
including  the  Dyin£[  Indian  Chief,  1856  (New-York 
Historical  Society),  from  Crawford's  design  for  a 
pediment  of  the  United  States  Capitol,  were  on  dis- 
play at  the  New-York  Historical  Society  throughout 
the  1860S,  and  Dancing  Girl  (Dancing  Jenny)  was 
exhibited  at  New  York's  Diisseldorf  Gallery  during 
the  same  period. 


Henry  Kirke  Brown  was  the  first  American-born 
sculptor  to  achieve  a  solid  reputation  as  a  member 
of  the  New  York  artistic  establishment.  Of  this  de- 
termined advocate  for  American  independence  from 
European  sculptural  models  and  materials,  one  con- 
temporary critic  accurately  observed:  "It  was  his  am- 
bition to  become,  not  a  European,  but  an  American 
sculptor.  To  him  it  seemed  that,  if  a  school  of  art,  with 
characteristics  in  any  degree  national,  is  ever  to  grow 
up  among  us,  its  work  must  be  done  mainly  upon 
American  ground,  and  amidst  American  influences." 
His  deep-seated  nationalism  notwithstanding,  he  fol- 
lowed a  rigorous  course  of  study  in  Italy  from  1842 
to  1846,  first  in  Florence  and  then,  after  1844,  in 
Rome.  Abroad  he  developed  a  network  of  Ameri- 
can patrons,  artists,  and  writers,  among  whom  were 
Bryant,  Charles  M.  Leupp,  and  Henry  G.  Marquand. 
It  was  largely  on  the  advice  of  this  circle  that  Brown 
decided  to  setde  in  New  York  when  he  came  back 
to  America. 

Brown  quickly  made  a  place  for  himself  in  the  bur- 
geoning cultural  community  of  New  York,  develop- 
ing close  friendships  with  artists  Asher  B.  Durand, 
Henry  Peters  Gray,  and  Daniel  Himtington.  In  color- 
ful letters  the  sculptor  described  his  enthusiastic 
reception  and  active  social  schedule,  including  a  fes- 
tive evening  with  managers  of  the  American  Art- 
Union,  where,  he  wrote,  "they  quite  'Lionized'  me."^^ 
While  in  Rome  he  had  been  urged  to  display  his 


works  in  New  York  on  his  return,  and  he  did  so  with 
dispatch,  thereby  annoimcing  that  a  sculptor  of  talent 
was  now  resident  on  American  shores.  In  rented  gal- 
lery space  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design  in  No- 
vember 1846,  Brown  exhibited  fifteen  works  in  what 
was  the  first  one-person  show  mounted  for  a  sculptor 
in  New  York.  Only  one  portrait  was  included;  the  rest 
were  classicizing  ideal  compositions  modeled  in  Italy 
that  the  artist  hoped  to  translate  from  plaster  into 
marble  on  commissions  from  New  Yorkers.  However, 
he  failed  to  attract  many  new  patrons,  for  the  exhibi- 
tion was  poorly  attended  and  almost  entirely  ignored 
by  the  press. 

Although  he  was  well  liked  and  well  connected  and 
maintained  that  he  was  "gratified  by  the  interest 
manifested  in  [the  National  Academy  show]  by  the 
first  Artists  here  and  people  generally,"  Brown  was 
disappointed  in  New  York.  He  complained  of  the 
city's  comparatively  high  cost  of  living  and  of  being 
able  to  find  only  one  competent  assistant;  and  to 
his  wife  he  lamented:  "I  have  worked  in  this  infernal 
city  now  some  eight  months  and  am  worse  off  in 
almost  every  respea  than  when  I  came  here. .  . and 
"My  improvement  in  the  art  is  comparatively  at  an 
end  if  we  stay  here."^^  To  make  ends  meet,  he  was 
obliged  to  design  ceremonial  sword  hilts  as  well  as 
utilitarian  objects  such  as  vases  and  candelabras  for 
Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black,  a  New  York  firm  specializ- 
ing in  silver  wares  that  for  a  time  was  owned  by  his 
patron  Marquand. 

But  gradually  Brown  began  to  find  acceptance  for 
his  work,  especially  with  newly  moneyed  patrons  for 
whom  collecting  brought  social  entree  and  who  hoped 
an  embrace  of  American  art  implied  patriotic  values. 
In  December  1846  Leupp  commissioned  him  to  exe- 
cute a  portrait  of  their  mutual  friend  Bryant;  the  result- 
ing likeness  of  1846-47  (cat.  no.  61)  typifies  Brown's 
marble  busts  from  the  late  1840s  in  its  presentation  of 
a  highly  realistic  likeness  elaborated  with  a  conven- 
tional classicizing  drape.  Another  important  commis- 
sion of  this  time  may  have  come  from  Sturges,  who 
was  already  well  acquainted  with  Brown's  work— he 
had  shown  interest  in  acquiring  a  replica  of  Ruth, 
1845  (fig.  115),  during  the  artist's  Rome  days,  and  he 
owned  Brown's  Good  Angel  Conducting  the  Soul  to 
Heaven,  by  1850  (unlocated).  Sturges  Hkely  ordered 
a  bust  of  Thomas  Cole  that  was  completed  by  1850 
(cat.  no.  62) ;  probably  commissioned  after  the  painter's 
death  in  1848,  it  may  have  been  based  on  a  daguerreo- 
type by  Mathew  Brady,  ca.  1846  (cat.  no.  161),  that 
was  on  display  in  the  photographer's  Broadway  stu- 
dio by  the  late  1840s. 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AM  E  R I  C  AN   S  C  ULP  T  O  R  155 


Brown  also  began  to  have  good  fortune  in  terms 
of  showing  his  work  on  a  regular  basis.  Two  of  his 
Italian  pieces,  Ruth  and  Boy  and  Do^y  1844  (New- 
York  Historical  Society),  were  given  to  the  New-York 
Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts  in  1846  by,  respectively,  Eliza 
Hicks  and  Leupp.  These  went  on  view  with  the  entire 
New-York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts  collection  at  the 
New-York  Rotunda  in  City  Hall  Park,  where  Brown 
briefly  had  his  studio.  Additionally,  thirteen  of  his 
sculptures  were  featured  in  the  1850  annual  exhibi- 
tion of  the  National  Academy  of  Design,  including 
the  Cole  and  the  Good  Angd  Conducting  the  Soul  to 
Heaven,  lent  by  Sturges. 

By  mid- 1848  Brown,  like  many  other  New  Yorkers 
past  and  present,  moved  across  the  East  River  to 
Brooklyn.  There  he  was  able  to  enjoy  more  spacious 
living  and  working  quarters  (large  enough  for  keep- 
ing a  tame  bear  and  deer)  and  still  maintain  social 
and  business  ties  to  nearby  Manhattan.  Until  1857, 
when  Brown  removed  permanendy  to  Newburgh, 
New  York,  Brooklyn  remained  for  him  a  refuge  from 
the  urban  chaos  and  constant  interruptions  in  Man- 
hattan of  which  he  complained.  In  Brooklyn  Brown's 
career  truly  began  to  thrive,  as  a  passage  in  a  letter 
he  wrote  to  Huntington  reveals:  "My  littie  tree  of 
hope  is  planted  here  and  its  roots  are  spreading  by 
nourishing  waters,  and  tho'  a  very  litde  plant  at  first  is 
now  beginning  to  spread  its  branches  towards  the 
light."  With  the  assistance  of  two  French  workmen 
and  a  litde  ingenuity,  Brown  established  a  foundry  in 
his  Pacific  Street  studio  to  cast  his  earliest  bronzes  as 
well  as  jewelry  and  other  metalwork  for  Ball,  Tomp- 
kins and  Black. 

Brown,  more  than  any  other  individual,  inspired 
the  American  Art-Union  to  expand  its  mission,  origi- 
nally focused  on  the  distribution  of  paintings  and 
prints,  and  promote  sculpture,  specifically  the  small 
bronze,  as  a  democratic  national  art  with  potential 
appeal  for  a  wide  American  audience.  In  1849  the  Art- 
Union's  managers  named  a  special  committee  to  inves- 
tigate the  possibility  of  distributing  bronze  sculptures 
to  its  subscribers.  The  group's  report  makes  clear,  but 
does  not  explicidy  state,  that  its  favorable  response 
was  determined  primarily  by  the  success  of  Brown's 
foundry:  "There  has  always  been  a  difficulty  in  this 
country  in  obtaining  proper  workmen,  which  is  the 
principal  reason  why  reduced  copies  in  bronze  have 
not  already  been  made  of  several  exquisite  statues, 
modelled  by  our  own  artists.  .  .  .  This  obstacle  has 
been  removed,  and  there  are  here  at  present  several 
persons,  lately  arrived  from  Europe,  who  are  fully  com- 
petent to  undertake  this  kind  of  work."  Shordy  before 


Fig.  115.  Henry  Kirke  Brown,  Ruthy  Rome,  1845.  Marble. 
CoUection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


it  issued  its  report,  the  committee  passed  a  resolution 
calling  for  Brown  to  model  a  statuette  "illustrative  of 
Indian  form  and  character"  for  replication  in  an  edi- 
tion of  twenty. 

Brown  promptly  complied,  and  casts  of  The  Choos- 
ing of  the  Arrow  (fig.  116),  a  nude  man  drawing  an 
arrow  from  his  quiver,  based  on  sketches  from  the 
sculptor's  1848  trip  to  Mackinac  Island,  were  distrib- 
uted in  1849— but  not  without  some  objection  to  the 
figure's  nudity.  Unable  to  comprehend  the  symbolic 
import  of  a  naturalistic  American  subject  rendered  in 
an  "American"  medium  (bronze  rather  than  imported 
marble)  or,  for  that  matter,  to  appreciate  the  piece  in 
purely  visual  terms,  one  journalist  wrote:  "the  bronze 
is  so  near  to  the  natural  copper  of  the  skin,  that  there 
is  nothing  to  modify  the  complete  disgust  with  which 
its  undisguised  nakedness  must  be  looked  upon.  .  .  , 
what  any  modest  person  can  do  with  such  a  'prize,' 
except  to  refuse  to  receive  it,  is  difficult  to  imagine 


74.  Henry  Kirke  Brown  to  Daniel 
Huntington,  December  24, 
1852,  Bush-Brown  Papers, 
vol.  3,  p.  639,  Library  of 
Congress. 

75.  "Bronze  Statuettes,"  Bulletin 
of  the  American  Art-Union  2 
(April  1849),  p-  10. 

76.  "Nudity  in  Art,"  Home  Journal, 
January  5, 1850,  p.  2.  The  article 
further  notes  that  Art-Union 
officials  hastily  affixed  remov- 
able tinfoil  fig  leaves  so  badly 
constructed  that  "the  conceal- 
ment, at  the  best,  was  just  so 
partial  as  to  be  worse  than 
complete  exposure." 


Fig.  ii6.  Henry  Kirke  Brown,  The  Choosing  of  the  Arrow,  1849.  Bronze.  Amon  Carter  Museum,  Fort  Worth,  Texas 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN   SCULPTOR  157 


Fig.  117.  Victor  Prevost,  Daniel  Appleton^s  Bookstore^  Lower 
Broadway,  with  Henry  Kirke  Brown's  ^^Plato  and  His  Pupils,^' 
1854.  Modern  gelatin  silver  print  from  original  waxed  paper 
negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


in  1852  on  the  facade  of  Daniel  Appleton's  bookstore 
on  lower  Broadway  (fig.  117),  Ames  and  Brown  focused 
their  attention  on  a  statue  of  De  Witt  Clinton  for 
Green-Wood  Cemetery  (fig.  118),  which  was  funded 
by  public  subscription  through  the  Clinton  Monu- 
ment Association.  As  a  promotional  publication  for 
the  memorial  noted,  the  bronze  medium  was  deliber- 
ately selected  to  place  the  Clinton  within  a  distin- 
guished artistic  lineage:  "A  bronze  statue  is  not  only 
one  of  the  most  significant  and  durable  tributes  which 
can  be  offered  to  the  memory  of  a  deceased  states- 
man, but  it  has  been  rendered  by  historical  associa- 
tions one  of  the  most  appropriate  also."^^ 

The  monument  did  indeed  serve  the  memory  of 
Clinton,  recalling  his  public  career  in  two  bas-reliefs 
on  its  base,  "The  Digging  of  the  Erie  Canal"  and 
"Commerce  on  the  Erie  Canal."  Like  contemporane- 
ous portraits  with  realistic  likenesses  and  draped  ter- 
minations, the  ambitious  lo^-foot  figure  is  a  stylistic 
hybrid:  the  naturalistically  rendered  subject  appears  in 
modern  dress  but  with  an  incongruous  Roman  man- 
tle and  sandals.  Yet  the  contemporary  clothes  make 
Clinton  more  an  American  statesman  than  an  idealized 
hero— and  in  this  respect  the  memorial  established  a 


77.  Monument  to  De  Witt  Clinton 
(New  York,  ca.  1849),  quoted 
in  Michael  Edward  Shapiro, 
Bronze  Casting  and  American 
Sculpture,  18S0-1900  (Newark: 
University  of  Delaware  Press, 
1985),  p.  49. 


Reactions  of  this  kind  notwithstanding,  the  Art- 
Union  pursued  its  program,  for  the  production  and 
distribution  of  works  of  art  in  quantity  was  perfecdy 
suited  to  the  rapidly  growing  appetite  for  the  arts, 
however  prudish  or  untutored  the  viewing  audi- 
ence. The  Art-Union's  inaugural  attempt  in  the  area 
of  sculpture  replicas  was  followed  in  1850  by  its  dis- 
tribution of  six  bronze  casts  of  a  bust  of  George 
Washington  of  about  1850  by  longtime  New  York 
sculptor  Horace  Kneeland  and  twenty  of  Brown's 
Filatrice,  1850  (cat.  no.  66).  The  latter,  an  unobjec- 
tionable figure  of  a  peplos-clad  spinner,  eschews  the 
American  subject  matter  of  The  Choosing  of  the  Arrow 
and  reflects  the  sculptor's  lingering  penchant  for  the 
classicizing  themes  of  his  Italian  sojourn. 

Because  he  lacked  the  facilities  to  cast  large  projects, 
Brown,  beginning  in  1851,  turned  to  the  Ames  Manu- 
facturing Company  in  Chicopee,  Massachusetts,  which 
specialized  in  casting  cannons  and  swords.  He  and 
James  Tyler  Ames  collaborated  to  develop  a  firm  able 
to  cast  oversized  sculptures,  initiating  a  tremendously 
productive  working  relationship  and  establishing  a 
resource  for  other  American  artists,  who  formerly  had 
to  rely  exclusively  on  European  foundries.  After  cast- 
ing Brown's  bas-relief  Plato  and  His  Pupils,  installed 


Fig.  118.  Henry  Kirke  Brown,  De  Witt  Clinton^  1850-52. 
Bronze.  The  Green-Wood  Cemetery,  Brooklyn 


158    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


78.  "City  Intelligence:  Statue 

of  Dc  Witt  Clinton,"  New  Tork 
Herald,  May  25, 1853,  P-  4, 
cited  in  Stokes,  Iconography 
of  Manhattan  Island,  vol.  5, 
p.  1849;  'The  Clinton  Statue," 
Nejp-Tork  Daily  Times,  Sep- 
tember 21, 1853,  p.  4. 

79.  Mornin£i  Courier  and  New- 
Tork  Enquirer,  August  31, 1847, 
quoted  in  Samuel  A.  Roberson 
and  William  H.  Gerdts,  'The 
Greek  Slavef  The  Museum 
(Newark),  n.s.,  17  (winter-r 
spring  1965),  pp- 16-17.  On  the 
Greek  Slave,  see  also  Wunder, 
Hiram  Powers,  vol.  i,  pp.  207- 
74,  vol.  2,  pp.  157-68;  Linda 
Hyman,  ""The  Greek  Slave  by 
Hiram  Powers:  High  Art  as 
Popular  Culture,"  Art  Journal 
35  (spring  1976),  pp.  216-23; 
and  Joy  S.  Kasson,  Marble 
Queens  and  Captives:  Women 
in  Nineteenth-Century  Ameri- 
can Sculpture  (New  Haven: 
Yale  University  Press,  1990), 
pp.  46-72.  The  Greek  Slave 
shown  in  New  York  in  1847  is 
now  in  the  collection  of  the 
Corcoran  Gallery  of  Art,  Wash- 
ington, D.C.  Subsequent  show- 
ings in  New  York  featured  the 
Newark  Museum's  marble 
(cat,  no.  60). 

80.  Diary  of  Philip  Hone,  vol.  2, 
p.  819,  entry  for  September  13, 
1846. 

81.  Sarmiento's  Travels  in  the 
United  States  in  1847,  translated 
by  Michael  Aaron  Rockland 
(Princeton:  Princeton  Univer- 
sity Press,  1970),  pp.  277-78. 

82.  [Horace  Greeley],  "City  Items. 
Powers's  Great  Statue,"  New- 
Tork  Daily  Tribune,  August  26, 
1847,  p.  2- 

83.  TTie  Crystal  Palace.  Progress 
of  the  Exhibition,"  New-Tork 
Daily  Times,  August  19, 1853, 
p.  4. 


new  standard  for  American  portrait  statuary.  Cast  in 
April  1852,  the  bronze  was  placed  in  front  of  City  Hall 
from  May  to  September  1853  prior  to  its  unveiling  in 
Green-Wood  Cemetery  later  that  year7^ 

However  impressive,  Brown's  achievements— and  in 
fact  those  of  any  New  York  artist,  entrepreneur,  or 
showman  of  the  1840s  and  1850s— must  be  consid- 
ered within  the  context  of  Hiram  Powers's  extraordi- 
nary impact  and  international  fame.  In  August  1847 
Powers's  marble  Greek  Slave,  1841-43  (cat.  no.  60), 
made  the  first  stop  on  its  national  tour,  which  lasted 
until  1849.  This  ideal  figure,  a  fiill-length  nude  rep- 
resenting a  young  female  prisoner,  alluded  to  the 
atrocities  the  Turks  committed  during  the  Greek  War 
of  Independence  and  by  implication  to  the  ongoing 
American  debate  over  slavery.  Shown  until  early  Jan- 
uary 1848  at  the  exhibition  gallery  of  the  National 
Academy  of  Design,  the  statue  attracted  thousands 
of  viewers.  Among  the  throngs  who  paid  admission, 
it  was  noted,  "the  grey-headed  man,  the  youth,  the 
matron,  and  the  maid  alike  [were  awed].  .  .  .  Loud 
talking  men  are  hushed  into  a  silence  .  .  .  groups  of 
women  hover  together  as  if  to  seek  protection  from 
the  power  of  their  own  sex's  beauty."  Hone  wrote 
in  his  diary  of  the  crowds  and  concluded,  "I  have 
no  personal  acquaintance  with  Powers,  nor  had  I  with 
Praxiteles;  but  ...  I  certainly  never  saw  anything 
more  lovely."^** 

The  figure's  nudity  gave  some  pause,  although  it 
provoked  less  criticism  in  New  York  than  in  other 
American  cities.  As  one  visitor  to  the  National  Acad- 
emy reported:  "The  first  few  days  there  was  a  great 
scandal,  but  finally  the  prigs  lifiied  their  eyes  and  accus- 
tomed themselves  to  contemplating  the  artistic  beauty 
in  that  looking  glass  of  marble."  Apologists  argued 
that  the  statue's  classicizing  style  as  well  as  the  subjecf  s 
evident  Christian  devotion  in  the  face  of  adversity 
excused  her  undress.  Thus,  Horace  Greeley  offered 
moral  approbation  in  the  New-Tork  Daily  Tribune: 
"But  in  that  nakedness  she  is  unapproachable  to  any 
mean  thought.  The  very  atmosphere  she  breathes  is  to 
her  drapery  and  protection.  In  her  pure,  unconscious 
naturalness,  her  inward  chastity  of  soul  and  sweet, 
womanly  dignity,  she  is  more  truly  clad  than  a  figure 
of  lower  character  could  be  though  ten  times  robed." 
The  need  to  supply  moralizing  justifications  of  this 
sort  and  to  satisfy  the  popular  thirst  for  information 
led  Miner  Kellogg,  manager  of  the  statue's  tour,  to 
assemble  a  descriptive  pamphlet;  this  included  an  ex- 
cerpt from  an  article  in  defense  of  the  figure's  nudity 


by  the  Reverend  Orville  Dewey  that  appeared  in  the 
Union  Magazine  of  October  1847  and  a  history  of  the 
Greek  Slave  and  Powers's  career,  along  with  promo- 
tional puffs. 

After  traveling  to  cities  fi-om  Boston  to  New  Or- 
leans, the  Greek  Slave  returned  to  New  York  between 
October  and  December  1849,  this  time  for  exhibition 
at  the  Lyceum  Gallery  on  Broadway.  Here  it  was 
joined  by  Powers's  commanding  portrait  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  1834-35  (cat.  no.  55),  his  oft-replicated  ideal 
bust  Proserpine,  1844-49  (fig- 119)5  the  nude  Fisher 
Boy,  1841-44  (fig.  73),  the  last  enhanced  with  a  fig  leaf 
to  maintain  standards  of  propriety.  All  four  were 
installed  in  the  Gallery  of  Old  Masters,  which  housed 
sixty  paintings  from  the  well-known  collection  of 
Gideon  Nye,  an  honor  that  accorded  them  additional 
status.  Although  this  display  was  not  as  profitable 
as  the  first  New  York  exhibition  of  the  piece,  the 
cumulative  impaa  of  the  two  showings  on  residents 
of  the  Empire  City  was  nothing  short  of  phenom- 
enal. As  an  artistic  icon  the  Greek  Slave  exempli- 
fied "good"  or  "correct"  taste  and  thus  instruaed 
New  Yorkers  in  the  formation  of  that  taste.  Moreover, 
it  inspired  an  unprecedented  response  in  forms  of 
popular  culture  (see  "Inventing  the  Metropolis"  by 
Dell  Upton  in  this  publication,  pp.  38,  40),  including 
poems  and  engravings,  as  well  Parian  ware,  plaster, 
and  alabaster  reductions  sold  in  emporiums  and 
peddled  on  the  streets  by  Italian  image-vendors.  If 
the  Greek  Slave  represented  the  highest  form  of  artis- 
tic achievement,  it  was  also  a  spectacle  on  a  par  with 
P.  T  Barnum's  Fejee  Mermaid,  Ethiopian  Serenaders, 
and  other  curiosities. 

Powers's  showing  at  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace 
exhibition,  while  impressive,  was  not  equally  over- 
whelming. This  fair,  the  New-York  Exhibition  of 
the  Industry  of  All  Nations,  opened  in  July  1853 
and  offered  a  broad  viewing  public  the  largest  assem- 
blage of  sculpture  presented  to  date  on  American 
shores  (see  cat.  no.  179).  A  veritable  maze  of  mechan- 
ical and  useful  objects,  as  well  as  fine  and  decorative 
arts,  the  display  asserted  a  continuing  American 
predilection  for  foreign  works,  rather  than  demon- 
strating the  ascendance  of  native  talent,  as  its  organiz- 
ers had  intended.  Of  the  American  submissions, 
Powers's  works  attracted  the  most  attention,  drawing 
"a  constant  circle  of  humanity.  .  .  .  Artists,  amateurs, 
countrymen  and  citizens  alike."  The  Greek  Slave 
(cat.  no.  60;  fig.  186),  Proserpine,  Fisher  Boy,  and  Eve 
Tempted,  1839-42  (National  Museum  of  American 
Art,  Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.C;  see 
fig.  120),  collectively  earned  an  honorable  mention, 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:   THE  AMERICAN   SCULPTOR  159 


Fig.  119.  Hiram  Powers,  Proserpine,  Florence,  1844-49.  Marble.  Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk,  Virginia,  Gift  of  James  H.  Ricau  and  Museum  Purchase  86.505 


I60    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  I20.  Victor  Prevost,  Hiram  Powers^s  ^Eve  Tempted^^  a,t  the  Crystal  Palace,  1853-54.  Modern 
gelatin  silver  print  from  waxed  paper  negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


as  did  Crawford's  marble  bust  of  his  wife  and  Thomas 
Ball's  plaster  statuette  of  Daniel  Webster.  There  was 
wonder  "that  the  far-famed  statuary  of  Mr.  Hiram 
Powers  is  not  quite  so  highly  rated  as  it  has  been 
hitherto  by  the  public  at  large;"  but  this  was  not 
surprising,  for  the  jury  was  composed  of  artists 
such  as  Morse,  Asher  B.  Durand,  and  Brown,  who, 
although  champions  of  American  painters  and  sculp- 
tors, held  uncharitable  opinions  of  the  expatriate 
Powers.  Furthermore,  Powers's  offerings  had  to  com- 
pete with  a  rich  array  of  foreign  sculptures  in  plaster, 
marble,  and  bronze,  including  Baron  Carlo  Maro- 
chetti's  colossal  equestrian  statue  of  George  Washing- 
ton and  August  Kiss's  Amcizon,  Thorvaldsen,  at  the 
height  of  his  American  popularity,  was  represented 
by  several  sculptures,  key  among  them  a  marble  rep- 
lica of  Ganymede  and  the  Bagky  1817-29  (cat.  no.  54), 
and  massive  plaster  models  for  the  highly  ambitious 
multifigure  group  Christ  and  the  Apostles,  begun  in 
1821,  from  the  Church  of  Our  Lady  in  Copenhagen,^^ 
and  these  too  vied  for  attention. 

The  Crystal  Palace  exhibition,  with  its  competing 
and  dizzying  range  of  goods,  and  the  continuing  phe- 
nomenal success  of  the  Greek  Slave  popularized  the 
private  patronage  of  sculpture  in  New  York:  the  wealthy 
buyers  who  unevenly  supported  native-born  sculp- 
tors were  eclipsed  by  clients  from  a  broader  socio- 
economic base  who  eagerly  collected  inexpensive 
foreign  and  American  works  in  plaster,  Parian  ware,  and 
bronze  as  symbols  of  refinement  and  taste.  One  pur- 
veyor of  such  works  was  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Asso- 
ciation, foimded  in  1854  by  Chauncey  L.  Derby  to 
encourage  and  popularize  the  fine  arts  through  the 
publication  of  a  monthly  journal  and  a  lottery-based 
distribution  of  both  paintings  and  sculpture.  The 
Cosmopolitan  Art  Association  solicited  sculpture  far 
more  extensively  than  had  its  unlucky  predecessor  the 
American  Art-Union,  evading  antilottery  laws 
by  holding  its  drawings  in  Sandusky,  Ohio,  while 
moimting  its  displays  in  New  York.  In  the  Cosmopol- 
itan's inaugural  year  Derby  purchased  a  replica  of  the 
Greek  Slave  for  the  organization;  exploiting  its  xmi- 
versal  familiarity  to  maximum  promotional  effea,  he 
used  it  to  attract  subscribers  by  making  it  a  prize.  The 
statue  was  awarded  to  a  Pennsylvania  resident  in  1855 
and  repurchased  by  the  Cosmopolitan  for  $6,000  in 
1857  at  an  auction  held  in  the  rotunda  of  the  Mer- 
chants' Exchange.*^  In  1858,  after  a  showing  at  the 
Diisseldorf  Gallery  (fig.  121),  managed  by  Derby,  the 
Greek  Slave  was  again  awarded  by  lottery,  this  time  to 
a  Cincinnati  woman,  who  immediately  sold  it  to  New 
York  department-store  magnate  A.  T.  Stewart. 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  l6l 


The  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association  shrewdly  pur- 
chased many  other  works  that  reflected  the  popular,  if 
not  always  sophisticated  taste  of  its  patrons.  Inexpen- 
sive Parian-ware  sculptures  had  become  favorite 
domestic  adornments  by  this  period  and  had  prolifer- 
ated on  the  market;  one  advertisement  run  repeatedly 
by  a  Maiden  Lane  proprietor  boasted  of  more  than 
400  selections.  ^^Accordingly,  the  Association's  stock 
included  many  ideal  statuettes  in  Parian  ware  as  well 
as  in  bronze,  along  with  portrait  busts  of  notable 
statesmen  and  authors  and  such  items  as  a  reduced 
copy  of  Kiss's  Amazon,  distributed  in  1856,  and  112  sets 
of  mounted  photographs  of  Thorvaldsen's  familiar 
bas-reliefs  Ni^ht  and  Day,  given  out  in  i860.  In  i860 
John  Rogers,  newly  arrived  in  New  York  from  Chi- 
cago, executed  a  fifteen-inch  plaster  after  William  Ran- 
dolph Barbee's  marble  Fisher  Girl,  ca.  1858  (fig.  122), 
which  had  been  purchased  by  the  Association  in  1859. 
Capitalizing  on  the  fashion  for  Parian  ware,  the  Asso- 
ciation had  copies  in  the  medium  cast  by  W.  T.  Cope- 
land  in  England  and  distributed  eleven  of  them  in 
1861.  Rogers  himself  would  go  on  to  achieve  fame 
catering  to  a  broad  audience  with  inexpensive  tinted 
plaster  groups— anecdotal  vignettes  of  everyday  Amer- 
ican life— publicized  through  modern  marketing  tac- 
tics, including  the  use  of  mail-order  catalogues  and 
a  studio  showroom. 

During  the  1850s  American  sculptors  attempted  to 
match  Powers's  astounding  success  in  New  York; 
with  the  twin  goals  of  turning  a  profit  and  attracting 
new  patrons,  they  produced  ideal  works  with  timely 
implications  and  dramatic  resonance  and  displayed 
them  in  rented  spaces  or  any  of  the  growing  num- 
ber of  the  city's  commercial  galleries.  If  James  Thom 
and  Robert  Ball  Hughes  in  the  1830s  had  aspired 
to  amuse  and  entertain  their  audiences,  their  com- 
mercially astute  successors  of  the  1850s  manipulated 
and  excited  the  emotions  of  viewers.  Edward  Augus- 
tus Brackett's  lifesize  Vermont  marble  group  Ship- 
wrecked Mother  and  Child,  1850  (fig.  123),  typifies 
the  genre.  The  artist's  finest  achievement  and  only 
ideal  composition,  it  was  shown  between  March  and 
June  1852  at  the  Stuyvesant  Institute,  a  Broadway 
hall  that  was  a  favorite  exhibition  venue.  Although 
it  went  unsold,  the  piece  appealed  powerfully  to 
viewers'  morbid  curiosity  about  victimization  and 
death.  It  also  responded  to  a  widespread  contem- 
porary fascination  with  shipwrecks,  which  inspired 
numerous  prints  and  songs.  In  Boston,  where  Ship- 
wrecked Mother  and  Child  was  shown  before  it 


Fig.  121.  Hiram  Powers^s  ''The  Greek  Slave''  at  the  Diisseldorf  Gallery.  Engraving  by  Robert  Thaw, 
from  Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal  2  (December  1857),  between  pp.  40  and  41.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


appeared  in  New  York,  the  group  inspired  enco- 
miums by  the  likes  of  statesman  and  orator  Edward 
Everett  and  sculptor  Greenough.  Greenough  consid- 
ered the  image  when  viewed  at  a  proper  distance 
"no  longer  marble,  but  poetry,"  and  an  anonymous 
critic  wrote  that  "we  felt,  after  a  little  while  spent 
in  its  presence,  with  what  dramatic  truth  the  concep- 
tion had  been  wrought  out.  We  were  on  the  sea-shore 
with  the  artist,  the  storm  was  raging  far  out,  the  ship 
was  laboring,  the  blow  was  struck,  the  mother  and 
the  child  engulphed  Ysic\  the  rugged  shore  received 
them."^^  Viewers  in  the  general  audience  agreed,  read- 
ing the  composition  as  a  narrative  that  transported 
them  to  the  realm  of  watery  death. 


84.  "Fine  Arts.  The  Prizes  at  the 
New  York  Crystal  Palace," 
The  Albion,  January  28,  1854, 
p.  45.  On  Powers's  response 

to  the  judging,  which  occurred 
before  the  fair  opened,  see 
Wunder,  Hiram  Powers,  vol.  i, 
pp.  252-53. 

85.  See  How  to  See  the  New  York 
Crystal  Palace:  Bein^  a  Concise 
Guide  to  the  Principal  Objects 
in  the  Exhibition  as  Remod- 
elled, i8s4-  Part  First.  General 
VieWy — Sculpture,  — Paintin£is 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and 
Co.,  1854),  pp.  25-29.  See  also 
"The  Chronicle.  American  Art 
and  Artists.  Exhibition  of  Mod- 
els of  Works  by  Thorwaldsen," 


I62    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Not  only  shipwrecks  but  also  the  romantic  no- 
tion, then  current,  of  Native  Americans  as  an  exotic 
and  vanishing  race  fed  the  popular  imagination  and 
was  an  important  source  of  subject  matter  for  sculp- 
tors. It  inspired  Peter  Stephenson's  Wounded  Indian, 
ca.  1848-49  (fig.  124),  for  example,  which  was  shown 
in  1851  at  London's  Crystal  Palace  and  from  May  to 
June  1852  at  the  Stuyvesant  Institute,  overlapping  for 
a  time  with  Brackett's  Shipwrecked  Mother  and  Child. 
The  public  appetite  for  the  dramatic  themes  of  these 
works  was  matched  by  an  appreciation  of  their  visual 
realism,  conveyed  by  virtuoso  displays  of  carving. 
That  this  appreciation  compensated  for  deficiencies 
in  emotional  expression  is  suggested  by  reviewers 
who  found  no  perceptible  storytelling  qualities  in  The 
Wounded  Indian  but  praised  the  realistically  rendered 
ethnic  charaaeristics  and  bloody  gash  and  the  com- 
plex pose  of  the  figure,  noting  that  "the  interest  in  the 
work  seems  to  us  to  centre  rather  in  the  accurate 
anatomical  imitation,  than  in  any  ideality  or  sentiment" 
and  "the  subject  is  not  a  pleasing  one;  but  it  is  exe- 
cuted with  fidelity  and  force." 

While  Powers's  American  reputation  was  made  by  a 
nationwide  tour  of  the  Greek  Slave,  it  is  fair  to  say  that 
the  self-taught  Erastus  Dow  Palmer  was  catapulted  to 
fame  primarily  in  New  York  and  by  New  Yorkers.  In 
September  1846,  as  a  cameo  cutter  and  aspiring  sculp- 
tor, Palmer  visited  New  York  to  get  modeling  tools 
and  materials;  two  years  later  he  cut  and  displayed 


Fig.  122.  William  Randolph  Barbee,  Ue  Fisher  GH  Florence,  ca.  1858.  Marble.  National  Museum        ^^^^^     *^  ^  temporary  studio  he  set  up  for 

of  American  Art,  Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.C.,  Museum  Purchase  1968.140  the  purpose  on  Franklin  Street.  At  this  time  Palmer 


Fig.  123.  Edward  Augustus 
Brackett,  Shipwrecked  Mother 
and  Child,  Boston,  1850. 
Marble.  Worcester  Art 
Museum,  Worcester,  Massa- 
chusetts, Gift  of  Edward 
Augustus  Brackett  1909.64 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN   SCULPTOR  I63 


Fig.  124.  Peter  Stephenson,  The  Wounded  Indicin,  Boston,  modeled  ca.  1848-49;  carved  1850.  Marble.  Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk,  Virginia, 
Gift  of  James  H.  Ricau  and  Museum  Purchase  86.522 


began  seriously  to  pursue  a  career  as  a  sculptor  in 
Albany,  where  he  established  a  studio  and  later  served 
as  mentor  for  numerous  assistants,  several  of  w^hom 
became  accompUshed  sculptors  in  their  own  right. 
Palmer  had  devoted  local  patrons,  but  he  shrewdly 
determined  to  showcase  and  market  his  work  in  New 
York,  capitalizing  on  his  proximity  to  the  city,  an  easy 
trip  down  the  Hudson  River.  That  he  considered  con- 
tact with  New  York  vital  is  captured  in  a  passage  from 
a  letter  of  1850  he  wrote  to  John  P.  Ridner  of  the 
American  Art-Union:  "I  wish  you  to  lay  it  [the  bas- 
relief  Morning]  before  the  committee  of  the  Art-Union 
asking  them  to  order  it  in  the  marble  ...  [I]  shall 
be  very  glad  if  they  do  as  I  am  very  desirous  to  have 
one  thing  at  least  of  mine  go  there.  ...  I  need  not 
say  that  I  can  dispose  of  it  here  at  any  moment.  .  .  . 
I  wish  for  my  own  sake  to  have  it  go  to  N.Y."^^  Morn- 
in0  did  indeed  go  to  New  York,  and  beyond,  for  the 
Art-Union  bought  the  bas-relief  and  awarded  it  as  a 


prize  to  John  Sparrow  of  Pordand,  Maine,  in  the  in- 
stitution's lottery  of  1850. 

The  sale  and  subsequent  disposition  of  Morning 
constituted  the  first  instance  of  Palmer's  successful  in- 
troduction of  his  work  to  an  urban  and,  in  turn,  na- 
tional audience.  From  Albany  in  the  early  1850s  Palmer 
continued  to  cultivate  his  relationship  with  New  York, 
forging  connections  with  many  of  the  most  powerful 
cultural  figures  of  the  metropolis,  including  patrons 
Hamilton  Fish  and  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  and  artists 
Frederic  E.  Church  and  Daniel  Huntington.  In  April 
1856  Palmer's  growing  reputation  as  a  self-taught 
genius  was  substantially  enhanced  with  the  publica- 
tion of  a  laudatory  article  Henry  T.  Tuckerman  had 
written  after  a  visit  to  the  sculptor's  Albany  studio. 

The  following  October  a  committee  of  twenty  dis- 
tinguished citizens  invited  Palmer  to  exhibit  in  New 
York.  As  a  result,  twelve  of  his  works,  "The  Palmer 
Marbles,"  were  displayed  at  the  hall  of  the  Church  of 


Bulletin  of  the  American  Art- 
Union,  August  1851,  p.  78;  and 
"The  Exhibition  of  Sculpture 
in  the  Crystal  Palace"  New- 
Tork  Daily  Times,  July  i,  1855, 
p.  I. 

86.  An  engaging  account  of  the 
auction  is  given  in  "Appendix. 
The  Greek  Slave,"  in  Cosmo- 
politan Art  Association,  Cata- 
logue of  Paintings  by  Artists  of 
the  Academy  at  Dusseldorf .  .  . 
(New  York,  1857),  pp.  33-34. 

87.  See,  for  instance,  "Parian 
Marble  Statuettes,"  The  Crayon, 
January  10,  1855,  p.  32. 

88.  Horatio  Greenough  to  Richard 
Dana,  February  23, 1852,  re- 
printed in  New-York  Daily 
Tribune,  March  29,  1852,  p.  5; 
"The  Fine  Arts.  A  'Brackett'  in 
Public  Amusements,"  Literary 
World,  April  10,  1852,  p.  268. 

89.  "Statue  of  the  Wounded  In- 
dian," New-Tork  Daily  Tribune, 
May  25,  1852,  p.  6;  "Fine  Arts. 


l64    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  125.  Erastus  Dow  Palmer, 
Indian  Girl  or  The  Dawn  of 
Christianity,  Albany,  modeled 
1853-56;  carved  1855-56. 
Marble.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Hamilton  Fish, 
1894  94.9.2 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:  THE  AMERICAN  SCULPTOR  16$ 


Fig.  126.  Erastus  Dow  Palmer,  Mormn0y  Albany,  modeled 
carved  1854.  Marble.  Collection  of  the  Albany  Institute  of 
History  and  Art,  Gift  of  Thomas  Woods  1993.46.2 


Fig.  127.  Erastus  Dow  Palmer,  Evenin^y  Albany,  modeled  1851; 
carved  probably  1854,  Marble.  Collection  of  the  Albany  Institute 
of  History  and  Art,  Gift  of  Thomas  Woods  1993. 46.1 


the  Divine  Unity  on  Broadway  between  December 
1856  and  April  1857. Among  these  were  the  semi- 
nude  statue  Indian  Girl,  or  The  Dawn  ofChristian- 
itjy  1853-56  (fig.  125),  commissioned  by  Fish;  four 
allegorical  busts,  including  Spring,  1855  (Pennsylva- 
nia Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  Philadelphia),  lent 
by  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association;  and  five  relief 
medallions,  including  Morning,  1850,  and  Evenin£f, 
1851  (figs.  126,  127).  The  exhibition  marked  a  pivotal 
moment  in  Palmer's  career,  attracting  extensive  criti- 
cal notice,  nearly  all  positive.  Many  observers  cele- 
brated the  sculptor  as  a  native-born  talent  and  lauded 
the  patriotism  of  his  themes  and  his  patrons.  One 
reviewer  commended  the  marbles  to  any  "person  in 
our  city,  who  claims  to  have  taste,"  while  another  re- 
marked, "It  must  be  a  very  dull  soul  that  could  step 
from  the  Vanity  Fair  of  Broadway  into  this  Exhibition, 
and  not  be  possessed  with  something  of  the  charm  that 
pervades  it."  Attention  focused  on  the  exhibition's 
centerpiece,  the  Indian  Girl,  which  the  Reverend  A.  D. 
Mayo  praised  at  length  in  the  accompanying  cata- 
logue, arguing  that  the  subject's  imminent  conversion 
to  Christianity  pardoned  her  seminudity.  To  those 
eager  to  assert  an  American  cultural  identity.  Palmer's 
marbles,  like  Brown's  bronzes,  offered  proof  that 
the  nation  was  able  to  produce  meaningful  art  as  well 
as  worthy  manufactured  goods. 

Within  months  of  the  show's  closing,  Fish  com- 
missioned Palmer  to  make  a  full-length  figure  to 
accompany  his  Indian  Girl,  Palmer's  response  was 


The  White  Captive,  1857-58  (cat.  no.  69),  a  portrayal 
of  a  yoimg  pioneer  girl  who  has  been  kidnapped  by 
Native  Americans  and  stripped  of  her  nightdress,  a 
piece  that  balances  the  meaning  of  its  pendant:  as  the 
artist  explained,  the  Indian  Girl  was  meant  "to  show 
the  influence  of  Christianity  upon  the  Savage,"  while 
The  White  Captive  reveals  "the  influence  of  the  Savage 
upon  Christianity."^"^  Fish  permitted  The  White  Cap- 
tive to  be  displayed  in  a  solo  exhibition  at  the  Broad- 
way gallery  of  William  Schaus,  a  move  calculated  to 
make  money  for  Palmer  in  the  short  term  and  to  en- 
courage new  commissions.  Between  November  1859 
and  January  i860  viewers  paid  25  cents  to  see  the  sculp- 
ture, installed  alone  in  Schaus's  carpeted  main  room. 
Standing  beneath  a  canopy,  the  statue  was  illuminated 
by  gaslight  filtered  through  a  tinted  shield  that  lent  its 
marble  surface  a  realistic  fleshlike  tone.  The  figure 
surmounted  a  rotating  pedestal  with  "an  attendant 
.  .  .  always  present  to  put  in  motion  the  simple  mech- 
anism at  the  first  request."  More  than  three  thousand 
people  reportedly  visited  Schaus's  gallery  in  the  first 
two  weeks  of  the  exhibition,  with  attendance  at  times 
climbing  to  upward  of  four  hundred  a  day^^ 

Palmer  must  have  deliberately  chosen  the  subject 
of  The  White  Captive  to  elicit  comparisons  with  Pow- 
ers's  Greek  Slave,  which  was  a  recurrent  presence  in 
New  York  and  as  recendy  as  June  1858  had  made  an 
appearance  in  the  city  when  a  replica  was  distributed 
by  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association.  To  be  sure, 
Powers's  figure  purports  to  represent  a  victim  of  the 


Statue  of  the  Wounded  Indian," 
The  Albion,  June  12, 1852,  p.  285. 

90.  Erastus  D.  Palmer  to  John  P. 
Ridner,  June  14, 1850  (bv), 
American  Art-Union,  Letters 
from  Artists,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

91.  See  [Henry  T.  Tuckerman], 
"The  Sculptor  of  Albany,"  Put- 
nam^s Monthly  7  (April  1856), 
pp.  394-400. 

92.  See  Committee  to  Erastus  D. 
Palmer,  October  i,  1856,  and 
Palmer's  reply  of  October  6, 
reprinted  in  "Palmer's  Exhibi- 
tion of  Sculpture,"  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  November  11, 1856; 
and  Cata-logw  of  the  Palmer 
Marbles,  at  the  Hall  Belon^in0 
to  the  Church  of  the  Divine 
Unity,  S4S  Broadway,  New  York 
(Albany:  J.  Munsell,  1856). 

93.  "Palmer's  Marbles,"  Frank 
Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper, 
December  20, 1856,  p.  42;  "Fine 
Arts.  The  Palmer  Marbles,"  The 
Albion,  December  18  [i.e.  13], 
1856,  p.  597. 

94.  Erastus  D.  Palmer  to  John 
Durand,  January  11,  1858, 
Dreer  Collection,  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Phila- 
delphia, on  microfilm  (reel  P21, 
frame  27)  at  the  Archives  of 
American  Art,  Smithsonian  In- 
stitution, Washington,  D.C.  For 
further  discussion  of  the  polar- 
ized worlds  of  such  subjects, 
see  Kasson,  Marble  Queens 
and  Captives,  pp.  73-100. 

95.  Quoted  in  J.  Carson  Webster, 
Erastus  D.  Palmer  (Newark: 
University  of  Delaware  Press, 
1983),  p.  29;  see  also  "Metro- 
politan Art  Exhibitions,"  New 
York  Herald,  December  2, 
i8s9,  p.  4. 

96.  "Art.  Palmer's  'White  Captive,'" 
Atlantic  Monthly  5  (January 
i860),  p.  109;  [Henry  T.  Tuck- 
erman], "Palmer's  Statue,  the 
White  Captive,"  Evening  Post 
(New  York),  November  10, 
1859,  p.  I,  The  latter  text  was 
printed  as  an  accompanying 
broadside  for  the  exhibition. 

It  was  republished  numerous 
times,  including  in  Henry  T. 
Tuckerman,  Book  of  the  Artists, 
American  Artist  Life,  Compris- 
ing Biographical  and  Critical 
Sketches  of  American  Artists: 
Preceded  by  an  Historical  Ac- 
count of  the  Rise  and  Progress 
of  Art  in  America  (New  York: 
G.  P.  Pumam  and  Son,  1867; 
reprint.  New  York:  James  F. 
Carr,  1967),  pp.  359-60. 


l66    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  128.  Union  Square  and  Vicinity,  with  Henry  Kirke  Brown^s  ^Geor^e  Washin^ton,^  cz.  i860.  From  I.  N.  Phelps  Stokes,  The  Iconography  of  Manhattan  Island 
(New  York:  Robert  H.  Dodd,  1918),  vol.  3,  addenda  pi.  27  B-a.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


97.  "Wonderful  Development  of 
American  Art— Uprising  of 
Enthusiasm  "  New  Tork  Her- 
ald, December  5, 1859,  p.  6; 
"The  Vagabond.  Painting 
and  Statuary,"  Sunday  Times 
and  Noah^s  Weekly  Messenger, 
November  20, 1859,  p.  i.  See 
also  "Art  Matters  "  New  Tork 
Dispatch,  November  19, 1859, 
p.  7,  which  surveys  American 
and  European  art  on  view  in 
New  York  galleries  during  the 
1859  season. 


Greek  War  of  Independence  against  the  Turks,  and 
Palmer's  a  character  in  a  frontier  conflict,  but  each  por- 
trays a  full-length  female  figure  caught  in  a  moment 
of  adversity  whereby  her  nudity  is  pardonable,  her 
purity  preserved,  and  her  Christianity  trivimphant. 
However,  there  are  significant  stylistic  and  conceptual 
distinctions.  Powers's  Slave  shows  classicizing  Greek 
proportions  and  emotional  impassivity,  while  Pahner's 
Captive  reveals  a  preference  for  naturalism,  with  its 
fleshy  body  and  expressive  face.  Furthermore,  with  The 
White  Captive  Palmer  answered  a  persistent  call  for 
subjects  drawn  from  the  American  experience.  And  he 
was  shrewdly  responding  as  well  to  a  contemporary 
fascination  with  stories  of  kidnapped  white  women, 
such  as  the  real  Jane  McCrea  and  Olive  Oatman  and 
the  fictional  heroine  Ruth  from  Cooper's  1829  novel 
The  Wept  of  Wish-ton-Wish,  His  apt  choice  drew 
applause;  one  writer,  for  example,  wrote  of  the  sub- 
ject: "It  is  original,  it  is  faithful,  it  is  American;  our 


women  may  look  upon  it,  and  say,  'She  is  one  of 
us.'"  Moreover,  Tuckerman  proclaimed  the  figure 
"thoroughly  American,"  and  an  exemplar  of  the  moral 
superiority  of  the  civilized  nation.^*^ 

The  exhibition  of  The  White  Captive  emerged 
not  only  as  a  financial  and  popular  success  but  also 
as  a  highlight  of  the  rich— and  richly— American 
art  season  of  autumn  1859  for  discriminating  view- 
ers. Church's  epic  Heart  of  the  Andes,  1859  (cat. 
no.  41)  was  also  on  view  in  New  York,  as  were  Paul 
Akers's  dramatic  sculpture  Dead  Pearl  Diver,  1858 
(Pordand  Museum  of  Art,  Maine),  and  large  can- 
vases by  William  Page,  William  L.  Sonntag,  and 
Louis  Mignot  and  Thomas  P.  Rossiter.  Nationalist 
critics  praised  this  collective  American  creativity; 
one  writer  heralded  it  as  "the  inauguration  of  [a] 
new  art  epoch."  Another  proclaimed  Palmer  and 
Church,  neither  of  whom  had  yet  been  to  Europe, 
as  "the  product [s]  of  American  civilization  and 


MODELING  A  REPUTATION:   THE  AMERICAN   SCULPTOR  l6j 


culture  .  .  .  developments  of  American  genius;  mani- 
festations of  American  character." 

Palmer's  role  in  the  creation  of  a  new,  independent 
American  art  must  be  considered  alongside  Henry 
Kirke  Brown's  triumphant  realization  of  his  monu- 
ment to  George  Washington  (fig.  128)  in  1856.  A 
successful  subscription  effort  for  the  financing  of  the 
statue,  concluded  just  before  its  dedication,  had  been 
led  by  an  indefatigable  shipping  merchant,  James  Lee, 
who  collected  more  than  $29,000  from  ninety-seven 
individuals.  Lee's  democratizing  plan  had  limited  in- 
dividual contributions  to  $500,  and  the  subscription 
list  featured  not  only  the  city's  new  patrons  and  civic 
leaders  but  also  lesser  lights  among  the  citizenry.  With 
financial  backing.  Brown  was  able  to  proceed.  He 
modeled  the  likeness  of  his  dignified  but  unapolo- 
getically  naturalistic  Washin0ton  on  a  copy  of  Hou- 
don's  authoritative  portrait  bust,  which  he  borrowed 
from  Hamilton  Fish,  and  based  the  uniform  on  one 
of  Washington's  garments  that  was  preserved  at  the 
United  States  Capitol;  the  prancing  steed  was  drawn 
from  the  best  examples  of  Roman  equestrian  monu- 
ments. By  May  1855  the  Ames  Manufacturing  Com- 
pany had  completed  casting  and  the  pieces  were  sent 
to  Brooklyn  for  finishing  and  assembly  by  a  talented 
band  of  assistants,  notably  John  Quincy  Adams  Ward, 
who  had  served  in  Brown's  studio  since  1849.  Finally, 
New  York  saw  the  culmination  of  its  long  batde  to 


erect  a  public  monument  to  the  first  president,  a 
memorial  that  a  contemporary  termed  a  necessary 
element  "in  a  great  city's  existence":  Brown's  Geor£fe 
Washington  was  dedicated  at  the  southern  tip  of 
Union  Square  on  the  Fourth  of  July  1856. 

The  unveiling  of  the  statue,  witnessed  by  some 
twenty  thousand  spectators,  can  be  seen  as  a  metaphor 
for  the  difficult  but  ultimately  successful  struggle  of 
American  sculptors  to  define  themselves  in  New  York 
between  1825  and  1861.  The  tarpaulin  over  the  bronze 
became  tangled  around  the  horse's  legs  and  the  rider's 
arms,  but  after  a  brigade  of  firemen  with  a  ladder 
freed  the  covering,  "the  noble  statue  was  revealed  to 
the  eager  gaze  of  the  delighted  multitude;  a  universal 
shout  rent  the  air;  hundreds  of  pistols  that  had  been 
expressly  loaded  for  the  occasion  .  .  .  went  off  in  a 
simultaneous  explosion."  This  crowning  achieve- 
ment of  sculpture  in  New  York  was  a  tangible  symbol 
of  the  cosmopolitanism  achieved  by  American  sculp- 
tors in  the  years  between  1825  and  1861  and  a  vali- 
dation of  their  art's  progress  during  that  period,  a 
period  that  initiated  a  remarkable  era  of  public  sculp- 
ture and  artistic  professionalism  in  the  post- Civil  War 
Empire  City.  New  York's  evolution  as  an  art  capital 
was  at  least  matched  by  the  evolution  of  its  sculptors 
and  their  understanding  of  the  city's  benefits  and  lim- 
itations; as  Henry  Kirke  Brown  discerned  in  1858: 
"Brooklyn  and  New  York  seem  different  to  me  from 
what  they  used  to.  I  see  that  it  is  myself  that  has 
changed  more  than  they."^^*^ 


98.  "Brown's  Equestrian  Statue 
of  Washington,"  Frank  Leslie's 
Illustrated  Newspaper,  July  19, 
1856,  p.  86.  For  the  history  of 
the  commissioning  of  the 
statue  and  its  modeling,  too 
extensive  to  retell  here,  see 
James  Lee,  The  Equestrian 
Statue  of  Washington  (New 
York:  John  F.  Trow,  printer, 
1864);  Agnes  Miller,  "Cente- 
nary of  a  New  York  Statue  " 
New  York  History  38  (April 
1957)1  PP- 167-76;  and  Shapiro, 
Bronze  Casting  and  American 
Sculpture,  pp.  56-59.  For  the 
brief  collaboration  between 
Brown  and  Greenough  on 

the  equestrian  statue  of  Wash- 
ington, see  Nathalia  Wright, 
Horatio  Greenough:  The  First 
American  Sculptor  (Philadel- 
phia: University  of  Pennsylva- 
nia Press,  1963),  pp.  274-76. 

99.  "Inauguration  of  the  Washing- 
ton Statue— Imposing  Spec- 
tacle—Rev. Dr.  Bethune's 
Address,"  New-Tork  Daily 
Times,  July  5, 1856,  p.  1. 

100.  Henry  Kirke  Brown  to  Lydia 
L.  Brown,  October  26, 1858, 
Bush-Brown  Papers,  vol.  4, 
p.  1038,  Library  of  Congress. 


Building  the  Empire  City:  Architects 
and  Architecture 

MORRISON  H.  HECKSCHER 


Compared  with  Boston,  Philadelphia,  and 
Washington,  D.C.,  New  York  City  in  1825 
was  an  architectural  backwater.  The  city  had 
had  no  brilliant  professionals  like  the  native-born 
Charles  Bulfinch  or  the  immigrant  Benjamin  Henry 
Latrobe,  no  inspired  amateur  like  Thomas  Jefferson. 
It  was  not  a  capital  city  that  could  readily  command 
monumental  governmental  structures;  nor  did  the 
steady  northward  grasp  of  its  street  grid  allow  them 
many  appropriately  dramatic  sites.  Nevertheless,  such 
was  the  city^s  rapid  growth  and  accumulation  of 
wealth  over  the  next  thirty-five  years,  such  was  its  pri- 
macy as  the  commercial  center  of  the  nation,  such  was 
the  sheer  amount  of  building,  that  architects  naturally 
gravitated  there.  By  i860,  it  is  fair  to  say,  New  York 
had  become  the  center  of  architectural  activity  in 
America;  it  was  even  the  seat  of  the  recendy  founded 
American  Institute  of  Architects.^ 

The  years  1825  through  1840,  the  heyday  of  the 
Greek  Revival  in  New  York,  are  best  seen  through  the 
eyes  and  writings  of  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  illus- 
trator and  artist  as  well  as  architect.^  Davis  was  born 
in  New  York  City,  but  he  was  raised  upstate  and  later 
trained  as  a  printer  in  Alexandria,  Virginia.  By  1823  he 
was  back  in  the  city,  where  he  studied  at  the  American 
Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts  and  later  at  the  Antique 
School  of  the  National  Academy  of  Design.  His  first 
job,  beginning  in  1825,  was  as  an  illustrator  for  A.  T. 
Goodrich's  pocket-sized  visitors'  guides;  the  next  year, 
he  worked  as  a  draftsman  for  the  architect  Josiah  R. 
Brady.  In  1827  Davis  went  into  business  as  an  'Archi- 
tectural Composer"  (his  listing  in  Longworth's  city 
directory),  supplying  drawings  on  demand  for  build- 
ers and  architects.  At  the  same  time,  he  began  a  more 
or  less  systematic  effort  to  record  the  buildings  of 
the  city.  As  part  of  this  project,  he  provided  illustra- 
tions, principally  of  prominent  new  buildings,  for 
Views  of  the  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Torky 
an  elegant  folio  of  lithographs  published  by  Anthony 
Imbert  in  1827-28.  Twelve  of  Davis's  subjects  were 
printed  in  the  Views,  eight  in  1827  and  four  in  1828 
(see  cat.  nos.  70-72).  In  addition,  between  1827  and 


1832,  Davis  drew  public  buildings  for  the  New-Tork 
Mirror,  including  historic  structures  threatened  with 
demolition.  These  images  proved  to  be  invaluable 
since  nearly  all  the  buildings  he  recorded  were  subse- 
quendy  demolished.  Finally,  of  course,  there  are 
Davis's  own  designs,  as  well  as  his  voluminous  day- 
books and  journals,  all  of  which  are  rich  sources 
of  information  concerning  the  world  of  New  York 
architecture.  In  light  of  this  valuable  legacy,  Davis 
probably  looms  somewhat  larger  in  history  than  he 
did  in  life. 

Davis's  composite  illustration  for  the  September 
1829  New-Tork  Mirror  (fig.  129),  mosdy  taken  from 
the  Imbert  lithographs,  gives  a  fair  summary  of  the 
city's  public  architecture  at  the  time.^  The  stylistic 
extremes  are  represented  by  the  overdy  Roman 
Rotunda  (top  left),  built  in  18 18  to  exhibit  John  Van- 
derlyn's  paintings,  and  possibly  designed  by  the  artist 
himself,  and  the  decoratively  Gothic  Masonic  Hall, 
1825  (bottom  right),  by  the  landscape  painter  Hugh 
Reinagle.  The  other  four  images  depict  important 
buildings  by  the  two  most  prominent  architects  in 
New  York,  Brady  and  Martin  Euclid  Thompson. 

By  the  mid-i820s  Brady  was  the  elder  statesman  of 
the  local  architectural  scene.  Davis  described  him  as 
"at  that  time  ,  .  .  the  only  architect  in  New  York  who 
had  been  a  practical  builder  and  ingenious  draughts- 
man, writer  of  contracts  and  specifications."'^  Most  of 
Brady's  designs,  such  as  the  Greco-Georgian-Gothic 
church  that  later  became  the  B'nai  Jeshurun  Synagogue 
(fig.  129,  lower  left),  tend  toward  the  awkward  or 
naive.  Yet  the  classical  facade  of  his  Second  Unitar- 
ian Church,  Mercer  Street,  1826  (cat.  no.  72;  fig,  129, 
upper  right),  "covered  with  a  beautifiil  white  cement, 
in  imitation  of  marble,"  ^  exhibits  an  unexpected  mon- 
umentality  and  clarity,  and  must  reflect  the  influence 
of  Thompson,  his  sometime  collaborator.^  Although 
Thompson  was  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century 
younger  than  Brady,  the  two  worked  well  together. 
Davis  captured  the  easy  informality  of  their  relation- 
ship when  describing  how,  one  day  in  1826,  Thompson 
entered  Brady's  office  unannounced  and  whisked  Davis 


In  thanks  for  many  years  of  friend- 
ship and  wise  counsel,  this  essay  is 
dedicated  to  the  memory  of  Adolf  K. 
Placzek,  who,  first  as  Avery  Librarian 
at  Columbia  University  and  later  as 
a  member  of  the  New  York  City 
Landmarks  Commission,  was  a  tire- 
less advocate  for  the  study  and 
preservation  of  New  York  City*s 
architectural  patrimony  Let  me 
also  acknowledge  the  advice  of 
Herbert  Mitchell  and  Amelia  Peck 
and,  on  all  things  Davisean,  the 
late  Jane  B.  Davies.  For  research 
assistance,  my  thanks  to  Kevin  R. 
Fuchs,  Jeni  Lynn  Sandberg,  and 
Thomas  Rush  Sturges  IIL 

1.  For  some  of  the  most  creative 
and  thought-provoking  writing 
about  nineteenth-century  Amer- 
ican architecture,  see  William  H. 
Pierson  Jr.,  American  Buildings 
and  Their  Architects,  vol.  i,  The 
Colonial  and  Neo-Classical  Styles 
(Garden  City:  Doubleday, 
1970),  and  vol.  2,  Technology 
and  the  Picturesque:  The  Corpo- 
rate and  the  Early  Gothic  Styles 
(Garden  City:  Doubleday,  1978). 
For  New  York  City  architecture 
from  1825  to  1850,  Talbot  Hamlin, 
Greek  Revival  Architecture  in 
America:  Bein^  an  Account  of 
Important  Trends  in  American 
Architecture  and  American  Life 
Prior  to  the  War  between  the 
States  (London:  Oxford,  1944; 
reprint,  New  York:  Dover  Publi- 
cations, 1964),  remains  essential 
reading. 

2.  See  Carrie  Rebora,  "Alexander 
Jackson  Davis  and  the  Arts  of 
Design,"  in  Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  American  Architect, 
1803-1892,  edited  by  Amelia  Peck 
(exh.  cat.,  New  York:  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 
and  Rizzoli,  1992),  pp-  23-39- 

3.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  Day- 
book, [vol.  i],  February  1828- 
September  1853,  p.  69  (April  4, 
1829),  New  York  Public  Library: 
"Six  building[s]  on  a  sheet  of 
Bristol  board,  of  a  quarto  size,  for 
Mirror  $12-."  All  but  one  of  the 
images,  the  B'nai  Jeshurun  Syna- 
gogue, were  originally  issued  in 
1827  as  lithographs  by  Imbert. 


Opposite:  detail,  cat.  no.  95 


I/O    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  129.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  of  New  Tork:  Rotunda,  Chambers  Street;  Merchants^  Exchange,  WaU  Street;  Second  Unitarian 
Churchy  Mercer  Street;  B'naijeshurun  Sym^q0uej  Elm  Street;  United  States  Branch  Bank,  Wall  Street;  Masonic  Hall,  Broadway,  1829.  Wood  engraving  by 
William  D.  Smith,  from  New-Tork  Mirror  and  Ladies' Literary  Gazette,  September  26, 1829,  opp.  p.  89.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


4.  Quoted  in  Roger  Hale  Newton, 
Town  &  DaviSy  Architects:  Pio- 
neers in  American  Revivalist 
Architecture,  1812-1870-,  Includ- 
ing «  Glimpse  of  Their  Times 
and  Their  Contemporaries  (New 
York:  Columbia  University 
Press,  1942),  pp.  83,  92. 

5.  "Public  Buildings"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Literary 
Gazette,  September  26^  1829, 
p.  90. 

6.  By  contrast,  Brady's  contempo- 
rary John  McComb  Jr.— the 
architect,  with  Joseph-Francois 
Mangin,  of  the  City  Hall,  about 
1803-12,  and  the  city's  leading 
builder-architect  for  the  first  two 
decades  of  the  century— never 


away  for  another  job:  "As  I  was  amusing  myself  in 
shading  some  prints  of  the  city-hall  in  Mr  Brady's 
office  .  .  .  Mr.  Thompson,  architect,  called,  and  in  his 
blunt  way  told  me  'to  pack  up  for  a  trip  to  the  Nordi.' "  ^ 
Thompson  first  appears  in  the  city  directories  in 
1816,  as  a  carpenter;  in  1823  he  is  listed  as  an  architect- 
builder.  By  then  his  first  major  commission,  the 
Branch  Bank  of  the  United  States,  1822-24  (cat.  no.  71; 
fig.  129,  bottom  center),  was  under  construction  on 
the  north  side  of  Wall  Street,  direcdy  east  of  the  old 
Custom  House.  His  next,  the  Merchants'  Exchange, 
on  the  south  side  of  Wall  Street,  designed  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Brady,  was  begun  in  1825.^  The  focus  of 
its  plan  is  the  great  trading  room  with  apsidal  ends 


and  flanking  columns  (cat.  no.  75;  fig.  130;  see  also 
cat.  no.  251).  These  handsome  marble-clad  buildings, 
which  transformed  the  face  of  Wall  Street  and,  in  the 
case  of  the  Exchange,  served  as  the  preeminent  sym- 
bol of  the  city's  commercial  importance,  catapulted 
Thompson  to  prominence  in  his  profession. 

Thompson's  two  buildings  exemplified  the  best  of 
the  eclectic  classicism  that  then  characterized  the  city's 
architecture.  The  Branch  Bank  was  pardy  Palladian 
(the  treatment  of  its  three  projecting  center  bays  sug- 
gesting a  pedimented  portico)  and  pardy  Grecian 
(the  orders  and  the  molding  profiles).  The  Exchange 
(cat.  no.  74;  fig.  129,  top  center)  was,  in  broad  outline, 
a  larger  version  of  the  Bank,  but  all  its  details  were 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE  CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I7I 


Grecian.  The  handling  of  the  Exchange's  three  cen- 
ter bays,  with  colonnade  and  cupola,  was  closely 
modeled  on  contemporary  English  practice.  All  across 
England,  in  the  years  of  peace,  prosperity,  and  rapid 
urban  growth  after  Waterloo,  towns  and  cities  felt 
the  need  for  new  public  buildings— town  halls,  cus- 
tom houses,  post  offices.  An  act  of  1818  even  authorized 
the  expenditure  of  one  million  pounds  on  new  church 
buildings,  known  as  the  "Commissioners'  Churches."^ 
To  provide  the  requisite  gravitas,  these  buildings  were 
enlivened  with  Greek  colonnades  and  antae  (pilasters 
formed  by  thickening  the  end  of  a  wall),  full  entabla- 
tures, and  parapets.  The  same  circumstances  held  true 
in  burgeoning  New  York  City,  and  with  very  much 
the  same  result.  Thompson's  Merchants'  Exchange, 
for  example,  shares  features  with  Francis  Goodwin's 
Old  Town  Hall,  Manchester,  1822-24:  a  broad,  two- 
story  block  with  giant-order  Ionic  columns  screening 
a  central  entrance  porch,  the  whole  surmounted  by  a 
continuous  entablature,  an  attic  story,  and  a  raised 
central  dome.^^ 

To  keep  abreast  of  the  latest  designs  from  London, 
New  Yorkers  consulted  English  books.  For  informa- 
tion on  technology  and  construction,  they  depended 
on  the  builders'  manuals  published  by  Peter  Nichol- 
son; for  facade  treatments,  they  found  models  in 
books  by  Nicholson  and  William  Pocock.^^  The  illus- 
trations in  T.  H.  Shepherd's  Metropolitan  Improve- 
ments (London,  1827),  a  book  promoting  Regency 
London,  were  demonstrably  influential.  From  one 
plate  in  Shepherd,  for  example,  the  ambitious  young 
New  Yorker  Minard  Lafever  borrowed  the  facade  of 
John  Soane's  Holy  Trinity,  Marylebone,  1826-27,  and 
the  circular  tower  of  Robert  Smirke's  Saint  Mary's, 
Wyndam  Place,  1821-23,  combining  them  as  his  own 
design  for  a  church  in  the  "Grecian  Ionic  Order,"  which 
appeared  in  his  Toung  Builder^s  General  Instructor 
(1829).!^  That  the  portico  and  tower  of  Lafever's  church 
design  have  much  in  common  with  Thompson's 
Exchange  reflects  the  similar  British  antecedents  of  both. 

Meanwhile,  in  October  1825,  Ithiel  Town,  an  engi- 
neer, inventor,  and  architect  from  New  Haven, 
arrived  on  the  scene.  The  establishment  of  Town's 
office  would  signal  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  New 
York  architecture,  for  his  influence  would  bring 
about  two  fundamental  changes.  The  Regency  eclecti- 
cism of  most  buildings  would  be  replaced  by  an 
archaeologically  correct  Greek  Revival  style,  intro- 
duced by  Town.  And  the  carpenter-builders  who  had 
been  responsible  for  such  buildings  would  give  way 
to  trained  designers,  as  Town's  office  became  the  incu- 
bator for  the  fledgling  architectural  profession. 


Just  slighdy  older  than  Thompson,  Town  started 
out  as  a  carpenter  in  Connecticut,  worked  a  number 
of  years  with  the  Boston  architect  and  builder  Asher 
Benjamin,  and  then  set  up  his  own  practice  in  New 
Haven.  In  18 16  he  turned  to  bridge  building  and  four 
years  later  took  out  a  patent  on  a  bridge  truss,  which 
soon  made  him  wealthy.  This  circumstance  enabled 
him  to  return  to  the  practice  of  architecture  in  New 
Haven,  but  as  a  designer  rather  than  as  a  builder,  as 
well  as  to  indulge  his  passion  for  books,  scholarship, 
travel,  and  cultivated  society.  In  1824  Town  designed 
a  bank  building  in  the  form  of  a  Greek  Ionic  temple, 
using  as  his  inspiration  engravings  in  the  early  volumes 
of  James  Stuart  and  Nicholas  Revetfs  Antiquities  of 
Athens  (London,  1762-1830),  the  most  influential 
source  for  the  Greek  Revival. 

Once  in  New  York,  Town  associated  with  promi- 
nent residents  such  as  the  artist  and  inventor  Sam- 
uel F.  B.  Morse.  When  Morse  organized  the  National 
Academy  of  Design  in  1825,  he  invited  Town,  Thomp- 
son, and  the  sculptor  John  Frazee  to  be  the  found- 
ing members  representing  architecture.  The  next  year 
Town  built  the  New  York  Theatre  (later  renamed  the 
Bowery  Theatre),  with  facades  on  the  Bowery  and 
Elizabeth  Street,  his  first  structure  in  the  city  and  the 
first  there  in  the  true  Greek  Revival  style.  His  original 
design  was  for  a  hexastyle  (six- column)  Doric  porti- 
coed  front,  in  the  manner  of  a  Greek  temple;  what 
was  actually  built  (fig.  131)  was  a  Doric  distyle  in  antis 
(two  columns  between  antae). 

The  New  York  Theatre  immediately  spawned  a  num- 
ber of  eye-catching  progeny,  all  porticoed  like  Doric 
temples  but  serving  a  variety  of  purposes:  in  1827, 
Thompson's  tetrastyle  (four-column)  Phenix  Bank, 


Fig.  130.  Charles  Burton,  artist;  Martin  Euclid  Thompson  and 
Josiah  R.  Brady,  architects,  Exchange  Room,  First  Merchants^ 
Exchange,  3S-37  Wall  Street,  ca.  1831,  Sepia  watercolor.  Collection 
of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


gave  up  his  attachment  to  the 
British  tradition  of  Wren  and 
Gibbs,  of  Adam  and  Chambers, 
shied  away  from  the  younger 
generation,  and,  by  the  mid- 
1820s,  was  out  of  the  picture. 

7.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  Pocket 
Diary,  May  29, 1826,  Metropoli- 
tan Museum,  24.66.1420. 

8.  For  the  Merchants'  Exchange,  see 
Lois  Severini,  Vie  Architecture 
of  Finance:  Early  Wall  Street 
(Ann  Arbor:  UMI  Research 
Press,  1983),  pp.  31-36  (the  first 
Exchange),  41-47  (the  second). 
Some  authors  have  considered 
the  Exchange's  original  location, 
in  the  Tontine  Coffee  House, 
from  1782  to  1827,  as  the  first 
Exchange,  but  that  building  was 
not  purpose-built  and  probably 
should  not  be  so  regarded. 

9.  See  John  Summerson,  Archi- 
tecture in  Britain,  1530-1830, 
4th  ed.  (Harmondsworth:  Pen- 
guin, 1963),  pp.  305,  314-15- 

10.  For  an  illustration  of  the  Old 
Town  Hall,  see  ibid.,  pi.  212A. 

11.  For  example,  Peter  Nicholson, 
The  New  Practical  Builder  and 
Workman^s  Companion,  2  vols. 
(London:  Thomas  Kelly,  1823- 
25),  vol.  2,  pi.  23:  "Principal  Ele- 
vation of  a  Chapel,"  1823;  and 
William  Pocock,  Designs  for 
Churches  and  Chapels .  ,  .  (Lon- 
don: J.  Taylor,  1819;  [2d  ed.], 
1824),  pis.  25-27. 1  am  indebted 
to  Herbert  Mitchell  for  these 
references. 

12.  Minard  Lafever,  The  Youn^ 
Builder^s  General  Instructor  .  .  , 
(Newark,  New  Jersey:  W.  Tutde, 
1829),  pi.  65.  For  Lafever's  debt 
to  Shepherd,  sec  Jacob  Landy, 
The  Architecture  of  Minard 
Lafever  (New  York:  Columbia 
University  Press,  1970),  p.  28. 

13.  For  Town,  see  Newton,  Town  & 
Davis, 

14.  "The  entire  front  is  the  boldest 
execution  of  the  doric  order  in 
the  United  States,  and  is  also 
more  exactiy  according  to  the 
true  spirit  and  style  of  the  best 
Grecian  examples  in  the  detail, 
than  any  other  specimen  yet  exe- 
cuted. Had  there  been  six  col- 
umns in  front,  as  was  originally 
intended  by  the  architect,  but 
prevented  by  a  wish  on  the  part 
of  the  proprietors  for  greater 
economy  of  room,  this  would 
unquestionably  have  been  the 
most  perfect  as  well  as  boldest 
specimen  of  Grecian  Doric  in 
the  country."  A.  T.  Goodrich, 
The  Picture  of  New-Tork,  and 
Stran^er^s  Guide  to  the  Com- 
mercial Metropolis  of  the  United 
States  (New  York:  A.  T 
Goodrich,  1828),  p.  381. 


172    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  131.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  artist;  Ithiel  Town,  architect,  New  Tark  (Bowery)  Theatre,  Elizabeth 
Street  Facade,  1828.  Watercolor.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold, 
1954  54.90.25 


Davis  credited  Town  with  having  introduced,  dur- 
ing his  first  years  in  the  city,  a  number  of  features  that 
became  important  to  the  design  vocabulary  of  New 
York  buildings,  including  several  that  would  come 
to  typify  the  local  style.  He  mentions  not  only  temple- 
inspired  porticoes  (both  hexastyle  and  distyle  in  antis) 
but  also  blocks  of  terrace  housing,  vertical  stone  piers 
for  storefronts,  and  Doric  or  Ionic  front  doors  for 
houses.^'*  Thompson  was  clearly  closely  involved  with 
Town  in  the  introduction  of  the  Greek  Revival  style. 
Indeed,  during  1827-28  the  two  men  were  briefly  in 
partnership  together,  with  offices  at  32  Merchants' 
Exchange,  in  Thompson's  splendid  new  building.  In 
1828,  at  the  National  Academy,  they  joindy  exhibited 
drawings  for  the  Church  of  the  Ascension.  The 
same  year,  Davis  moved  his  drawing  practice  nearby, 
to  42  Merchants'  Exchange,  and  Goodrich's  guide  men- 
tioned the  "Architectural  Room"  of  Town,  Thomp- 
son, and  Davis  at  the  Exchange. 

In  his  unswerving  commitment  to  Town,  Davis 
attempted  to  downplay  Thompson's  considerable 
talents: 

Mr  Town  was  the  first  to  introduce  d  pure  taste  in 
classical  architecture.  .  .  .  Mr  Town  was  assisted  by 
Thomas  Rusty  a  draftsman^  and  associated  with 
Martin  E,  Thompson^  Builder^  for  a  time.  After 
Mr.  Town  withdrew  from  these^  nothin£f  creditable 
for  an  architect  was  designed  or  executed  by  them^ 
which  £foes  to  prove  that  Mr.  Town  was  possessed 
with  invention,  and  a  proper  feeling  for  the  beau- 
ties of  moral  classical  art .  .  .  the  best  Gothic  also 
was  introduced  by  Mr.  Town.^'^ 


15.  When  the  New  York  Theatre 
burned  in  1828,  its  replacement, 
the  New  Bowery  Theatre,  was 
built  according  to  Town's  orig- 
inal design. 

16.  As  compiled  by  Davis  and  tran- 
scribed in  Newton,  Town  &" 
Davis,  pp.  61-64. 

17.  Transcribed  from  Davis's  Journal, 
p.  II,  Metropolitan  Museum, 
24.66.1401;  the  Avery  Architec- 
tural and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York, 
version  of  the  journal  is  quoted 
in  Newton,  Town  ^  Davis, 

p.  60. 


Wall  Street;  in  1828,  Thompson  and  Town's  hexastyle 
Church  of  the  Ascension,  Canal  Street  (fig.  132);  and, 
also  in  1828,  Town's  New  Bowery  Theatre.  There- 
after, the  temple  portico— popular  icon  of  the  Greek 
Revival— was  widely  accepted  for  buildings  of  all 
sorts.  In  June  1828  Davis  made  his  own  debut  as  an 
architectural  designer  with  an  ambitious  and  accom- 
plished proposal  for  remodeling  the  old  almshouse, 
which  had  been  constructed  in  1778  on  the  north  side 
of  City  Hall  Park,  facing  Chambers  Street,  and  was 
then  home  to  the  National  Academy  of  Design.  He 
envisioned  a  hexastyle  portico,  placed  in  the  middle  of 
the  long  Chambers  Street  facade  and  leading  into  a 
central  domed  area;  tetrastyle  porticoes  marked  either 
end  (cat.  no.  73). 


Fig.  132.  Michael  Williams,  artist;  Martin  Euclid  Thompson 
and  Ithiel  Town,  architects,  Church  of  the  Ascension,  Canal  Street, 
ca.  1828.  Lithograph.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mary  Knight  Arnold,  1974  1974,673.45 


BUILDING  THE   EMPIRE  CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I73 


By  contrast,  when  Lafever  illustrated  the  Church  of 
the  Ascension  in  his  Toung  Builder's  General  Instructor, 
calling  it  "as  good  a  model  of  the  Grecian  Doric 
order,  if  not  superior,  to  any  yet  ereaed  in  this  city," 
he  gave  exclusive  credit  for  the  design  to  Thompson. 

For  whatever  reason,  probably  the  natural  competi- 
tion between  two  men  of  similar  ages  and  talents,  the 
Town-Thompson  partnership  did  not  oudast  1828, 
and  the  promising  Thompson  faded  from  center 
stage.  Town  turned  instead  to  Davis.  The  two  had 
known  each  other  since  1827,  and  it  was  in  Town's 
library,  on  March  15, 1828,  that  Davis  had  first  studied 
Stuart  and  Revett's  Antiquities,  which  led  him  to 
choose  architecture  as  his  calling,  At  twenty-five, 
nineteen  years  Town's  junior,  Davis  was  artistic  and 
romantic  in  temperament,  a  brilliant  draftsman,  and  a 
compulsive  archivist— everything  Town,  an  engineer 
and  inventor,  was  not.  The  partnership  began  on  Feb- 
ruary I,  1829,  with  a  move  into  offices  at  34  Mer- 
chants' Exchange  and  flourished  for  more  than  six 
years,  with  Town  often  traveling  and  Davis  managing 
the  office. On  a  drawing  of  the  Exchange's  floor 
plan  (cat.  no.  75),  Davis  precisely  delineated  the  office 
layout  and  even  included  his  own  bed.  In  the  fall  of 
1829  Town  left  Davis  in  charge  and  set  off  on  the 
Grand  Tour  (England,  France,  and  Italy),  which 
would  give  him  firsthand  experience  of  European 
architecture  as  well  as  the  opportunity  to  purchase  a 
great  many  books  for  his  fibrary  (see  "Private  Collec- 
tors and  Public  Spirit"  by  John  K.  Howat  in  this 
publication,  pp.  89-90).  The  urbanity  Town  gained 
during  his  travels  was  clearly  reflected  in  the  firm's 
schemes  of  the  early  1830s. 

Among  the  most  remarkable  things  to  come  out  of 
the  Town  and  Davis  office  in  those  first,  heady  years 
from  1829  to  18  3 1  were  a  number  of  splendid  render- 
ings by  Davis  of  truly  visionary  designs.  These  pro- 
posals for  various  projects  are  characterized  by  screens 
of  giant-order  pilasters  and  continuous  vertical  strip 
windows,  all  in  a  distinctive,  pared-down  classical 
idiom.  Included  are  designs  for  the  Astor  House  (cat. 
nos.  77,  78),  for  a  block  of  terrace  houses  (cat.  no.  85), 
and  for  Thompson's  Merchants'  Exchange,  shown  as 
Davis  would  have  designed  it  (cat.  no.  76).  On  the 
last,  the  colonnade  screens  a  veritable  wall  of  glass— 
the  vertical  strip  window  (what  Davis  called  his 
"Davisean"  window)  taken  to  its  logical  conclusion. 
None  of  these  superbly  creative  abstract  studies  was 
built,  and  nothing  else  like  them  was  dreamed  of 
elsewhere  in  America;  they  were  a  century  ahead  of 
their  time. 


All  told,  in  the  early  1830s  the  Town  and  Davis 
architectural  firm  had  no  equal  in  New  York.  Town 
had  his  incomparable  fibrary  and  personal  experience 
of  the  Grand  Tour;  Davis,  the  outstanding  draftsman 
and  artist,  ran  the  oflSce  and  welcomed  students  and 
other  architects.  The  center  for  architectural  activity 
in  the  city,  the  firm  was  as  close  to  an  atelier  as  then 
existed.  As  James  Gallier,  an  Irish  architect  who  first 
arrived  in  New  York  in  April  1832,  later  recollected, 
'There  was  at  that  time,  properly  speaking,  only  one 
architect's  office  in  New  York,  kept  by  Town  and 
Davis."^^  In  1843,  when  Town  briefly  rejoined  Davis, 
eight  years  after  their  partnership  had  been  dissolved, 
a  local  periodical  editorialized:  "A  large  proportion  of 
this  improvement,  so  observable  throughout  our 
city  and  State,  has  been  brought  about  by  the  unceas- 
ing exertions  of  ithiel  town  and  Alexander  j. 
DAVIS,  to  whose  designs  in  villas,  cottages,  bridges 
and  pubfic  buildings,  we  shall  devote  these  articles. 
They  occupy  a  commodious  suite  of  rooms  (No.  93) 
in  the  Merchants'  Exchange,  Wall  Street,  and  possess 
the  most  valuable  library  in  this  country." 

During  the  years  Town  and  Davis  were  together, 
they  competed  aggressively  for  almost  every  public 
building  project  in  the  city,  winning  a  number,  but  by 
no  means  all,  of  the  commissions  for  which  they 
made  submissions.^^  Their  most  important  success 
was  the  Custom  House  on  Wall  Street,  1833-42,  the 
principal  United  States  government  building  erected 
in  New  York  City  in  the  years  before  the  Civil  War. 
The  original  design  (cat.  no.  81),  a  magnificent  oaastyle 
(eight-column)  Greek  Doric  temple  in  white  marble, 
is  closely  modeled  on  the  Parthenon,  except  that  antae 
replace  the  side  columns  and  a  ribbed  dome  rises  up 
from  the  roof  The  plan  (cat.  no.  80)  is  dominated  by 
a  great  hall  in  the  shape  of  a  Greek  cross.  The  section 
(cat.  no.  79),  one  of  Davis's  most  bravura  renderings, 
is  emblematic  of  his  passion  for  the  project.  Town  and 
Davis  had  no  say  in  the  actual  construction  of  the 
Custom  House,  and  Davis  was  deeply  dismayed 
when,  in  the  interests  of  economy  and  efficiency,  the 
exterior  dome  and  the  inner  row  of  portico  columns 
were  sacrificed.  Construction  was  finally  completed  in 
1842,  and  even  in  its  reduced  state,  the  building 
loomed  magnificentiy  at  the  head  of  Broad  Street, 
overshadowing  its  old-fashioned  neighbor,  Thomp- 
son's Branch  Bank  (cat.  no.  71).  Today,  the  Custom 
House  survives  as  Federal  Hall. 

The  partners.  Town  in  particular,  also  sought  new 
business  far  and  wide,  winning  commissions  for  the 
state  Capitols  at  Indianapofis,  Indiana,  1831-35,  and 


18.  Lafcvtr,  Toun£[  Builder's  Gen- 
eral Instructor,  p.  83,  pis.  10, 52. 

19.  Davis,  Daybook,  p.  13,  New 
York  Public  Library. 

20.  Ibid.,  pp.  495-511. 

21.  James  Gallier,  Autobiography  of 
James  Gallier,  Architect  (Paris: 
E.  Briere,  1864;  reprint,  New 
York:  DaCapo  Press,  1973), 

p.  18. 

22.  "The  Architects  and  Architecture 
of  New  York,"  Brother  Jonathan, 
May  20, 1843,  P-  62. 

23.  Among  Town  and  Davis's  other 
executed  New  York  City  com- 
missions were  three  churches 
and  a  Lyceum  of  Natural  His- 
tory (all  Grecian),  two  public 
asylums  (one  Tuscan,  one 
Gothic),  and,  with  Dakin,  the 
main  building  (Gothic)  of  the 
University  of  the  City  of  New 
York  (now  New  York  University). 


174    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


ft 


iPiiii 


r.  I  %  <  li 


p 

- 

-•4 

Fig.  133.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  artist;  Ithiel  Town  and  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  architeas, 
Desi£fn  Made  for  Astor's  Hotels  1834.  Lidiograph  with  watercolor  highlights.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.1146 


24.  For  the  Tombs,  see  Richard  G. 
Carrott,  TTie  Egyptim  Revival: 
Its  Sources,  Monuments,  and 
Meaning,  1808-1858  (Berkeley: 
University  of  California  Press, 
1978),  pp.  146-78. 

25.  William  H.  Eliot,  A  Description 
of  the  Tremont  House,  with 
Architectural  Illustrations 
(Boston:  Gray  and  Bowen, 
1830). 


Raleigh,  North  Carolina,  1833-40.  They  were  unsuc- 
cessful in  competing  for  the  Patent  Office  in  Washing- 
ton, D.C.,  1832-34,  and  (when  no  longer  partners)  for 
the  state  capitol  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  1837.  Worse 
yet,  back  home,  they  lost  out  on  three  of  the  greatest 
architectural  competitions  of  the  time— the  Halls  of 
Justice,  the  Astor  House  hotel,  and  a  new  Merchants' 
Exchange.  These  commissions  went  to  two  architects 
without  prior  connections  to  New  York  City,  John 
Haviland  of  Philadelphia  and  Isaiah  Rogers  of 
Boston,  each  of  whom  was  selected  because  he  was  an 
acknowledged  expert  in  a  specialized  type  of  building. 

In  1835  the  city  decided  to  build  a  new  house 
of  detention  and  held  an  open  competition  to  select 


its  designer.  While  the  second  premium  was  shared 
by  two  New  Yorkers  (one  of  them  Davis),  the  first 
was  won  by  Haviland,  the  internationally  acclaimed 
architect  of  Philadelphia's  Eastern  State  Penitentiary, 
1821-36.  Haviland's  design  for  New  York's  Halls  of 
Justice  and  House  of  Detention,  popularly  called  The 
Tombs,  1835-38  (cat.  nos.  82,  83),  was  the  masterpiece 
of  the  Egyptian  Revival  in  America.^  He  and  his  col- 
league, Thomas  Ustick  Walter  (later  one  of  the  archi- 
tects of  the  United  States  Capitol),  had  both  recentiy 
employed  the  same  style— thought  to  embody  enlight- 
ened justice  and  eternal  wisdom— in  Philadelphia,  the 
center  of  prison  reform  in  the  nation. 

The  process  of  selecting  an  architect  for  the  Astor 
House  hotel  was  more  circuitous.  John  Jacob  Astor, 
the  richest  man  in  America  and  a  major  owner  of  New 
York  real  estate,  lived  on  the  west  side  of  Broadway, 
between  Vesey  and  Barclay  streets,  facing  the  tip  of 
City  Hall  Park— one  of  the  city's  busiest  and  most 
fashionable  intersections.  In  1831  he  began  to  acquire 
adjacent  lots  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  hotel  on 
the  site.  Town  and  Davis  had  already,  during  the  pre- 
vious year,  made  studies  for  a  project  called  the  Park 
Hotel  at  this  location.  These  designs,  some  of  their 
best  and  most  creative,  provide  circumstantial  evi- 
dence that  they  were  working  for  Astor.  In  one 
(cat.  no.  77),  an  austere  colonnade  of  giant-order  square 
columns  recalls  Karl  Friedrich  Schinkel's  Altes  Museum, 
Berlin,  1822-30,  although  no  direct  connection  can  be 
demonstrated.  In  another  (cat.  no.  78),  Davis  experi- 
mented with  a  Corinthian  colonnade  and  a  central 
dome;  the  multistoried,  recessed  "Davisean"  fenestra- 
tion, barely  visible  behind  the  columns,  is  characteris- 
tic of  Davis's  emerging  style.  In  what  must  be  their 
final  scheme,  judging  firom  the  fact  that  Davis  had  it 
engraved.  Town  did  away  with  the  colonnade  in  favor 
of  projecting  corner  pavilions  topped  by  square  tow- 
ers (fig.  133). 

In  the  end,  however,  Astor  chose  to  engage  Rogers, 
the  architect  responsible  for  Boston's  Tremont  House, 
1828-29,  a  hotel  with  a  dignified  exterior  and  innova- 
tive plan  that  had  been  made  famous  by  William  H. 
Eliot's  laudatory  monograph  of  1830.^^  Astor  charged 
Rogers  to  build  a  hotel  that  would  best  the  Tremont 
in  size,  cost,  and  splendor— which  Rogers  proceeded 
to  do.  He  devised  an  austere  and  monumental  exterior 
of  Quincy  granite  (fig.  134),  with  antae  at  the  corners 
and  a  Doric  porticoed  entrance,  and  then  lavished 
his  attention  on  the  hotel's  plumbing  and  interior 
appointments.  Erected  between  1834  and  1836,  the 
Astor  House  was  surpassed  in  size  and  luxury  (but 
not  in  architectural  grandeur)  by  uptown  hotels  in  the 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE   CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I75 


early  1850s;  it  was  demolished  in  part  in  1913  and 
totally  in  1926. 

Rogers  was  still  in  New  York  at  work  on  the  Astor 
House  in  December  1835  when  Thompson's  seven- 
year-old  Merchants'  Exchange  became  the  most  high- 
profile  victim  of  the  great  fire  that  laid  waste  a  large 
area  south  of  Wall  Street  and  east  of  Broadway.  Per- 
fecdy  positioned  to  enter  the  competition  for  the 
replacement,  Rogers  ultimately  won  out  over  Town 
and  Davis.  However,  his  design— the  Wall  Street  ele- 
vation with  a  magnificent  raised  Ionic  colonnade,  the 
whole  surmounted  by  a  central  dome  (fig.  135)— is 
very  much  in  the  Town  and  Davis  idiom:  for  the 
colonnade  and  central  dome,  see  one  of  their  designs 
for  the  Astor  House  (cat,  no.  78);  for  the  raised  colon- 
nade, see  John  Stirewalfs  1833-34  drawing  of  the 
facade  of  their  terrace-house  project,  La  Grange  Ter- 
race (cat.  no.  86).  Only  the  Quincy  granite,  hard,  gray, 
and  resistant  to  weathering,  was  foreign  to  New  York 
practice.  Rogers  remained  in  New  York  until  1841, 
supervising  the  construction  of  the  Exchange,  which 
was  finally  completed  in  1842.  It  survives  today, 
although  surmounted  by  an  additional  story. 

Few  of  the  names  of  the  students  and  apprentices 
who  passed  through  the  Town  and  Davis  firm  are  rec- 
ognizable today,  but  that  does  not  lessen  the  influence 
of  these  acolytes  in  spreading  wide  the  firm's  classical 
style  and  professional  practices,  particularly  in  the 
South.  Best  known  of  these  is  James  H.  Dakin,  a 
carpenter  from  Dutchess  County,  New  York.^^  In 
October  1829  Dakin  began  drawing  under  Davis's 
supervision,  quickly  becoming  a  skilled  draftsman 
and  watercolorist,  very  much  in  his  master's  manner. 
Between  May  1832  and  November  1833,  when  the  firm 
was  busy  with  major  projects  and  exploring  the  pos- 
sibility of  establishing  an  office  in  Washington,  D.C., 
to  handle  government  commissions,  Dakin  was  actu- 
ally a  partner  in  the  firm.  In  addition  to  being  involved 
in  such  major  projects  as  the  Custom  House,  the 
Astor  House  hotel,  and  La  Grange  Terrace,  he  was 
the  principal  designer  of  a  number  of  public  build- 
ings, including  the  Greek  Revival  Washington  Street 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  Brooklyn,  1832,  and  the 
Gothic  Revival  main  building  of  the  University  of  the 
City  of  New  York  (now  New  York  University),  1833 
(fig.  136).  During  the  same  period  he  also  prepared 
illustrations  for  Lafever's  Beauties  of  Modern  Archi- 
tecture, Thereafter,  Dakin  opened  his  own  office, 
where  Gallier  (who  subsequendy  described  him  as  a 
man  of  genius)  briefly  worked  for  him.  Both  archi- 
tects soon  left:  New  York  for  New  Orleans,  and  it  is 
not  surprising  that  the  public  buildings  of  the  1830s 


and  1840s  in  that  city  and  in  New  York  are  almost 
indistinguishable . 

While  neither  a  pupil  of  Town  and  Davis  nor  a 
Greek  Revival  architect  of  any  note,  Lafever  was  the 
author  of  the  finest  and  most  influential  American 
pattern  books  of  the  Greek  Revival  style. Born  near 
Morristown,  New  Jersey,  he  setried  as  a  carpenter- 
draftsman  in  Newark  in  1824  and  moved  to  New  York 
City  three  or  four  years  later.  He  and  Gallier  later 
opened  an  architect's  office  together,  Gallier  recalling 


26.  Davis  took  seventeen  students 
between  1829  and  1861,  according 
to  Mary  N.  Woods,  From  Craft 
to  Profession:  The  Practice  of 
Architecture  in  Nineteenth- 
Century  America  (Berkeley: 
University  of  California  Press, 
1999),  p.  62. 

27.  For  Dakin,  see  Arthur  Scully  Jr., 
James  Dakin,  Architect:  His 
Career  in  New  Tork  and  the 
South  (Baton  Rouge:  Louisiana 
State  University  Press,  1973)- 

28.  For  Lafever,  see  Landy,  Archi- 
tecture of  Minard  Lafever, 


1^ 


II  i  I  I  M 

f  r  riU 


til; 


Fig.  134.  Frederick  Schmidt,  artist;  Isaiah  Rogers,  architect.  Park  Hotel  (Later  Called  the 
Astor  House),  Broadway  betrveen  Vesey  and  Barclay  Streets,  183+.  Lithograph  by  George 
Endicott,  from  I.  N.  Phelps  Stokes,  The  IcofWffraphy  of  Manhattan  Island  (New  York: 
Robert  H.  Dodd,  1918),  vol.  3,  pi.  22a.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


Fig.  135.  Cyrus  L.  Warner,  artist;  Isaiah  Rogers,  architect.  Second  Merchants' Exchange, 
31-37  Wall  Street,  1837.  Lithograph  by  John  H.  BufFord,  from  I.  N.  Phelps  Stokes, 
The  Iconography  of  Manhattan  Island  (New  York:  Robert  H.  Dodd,  1918),  vol.  3,  pi.  118. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


176    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  136.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  artist;  Ithiel  Town,  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  and  James  H.  Dakin,  architects;  David  B,  Douglass, 
engineer.  University  of  the  City  of  New  Tork  (now  New  Tork  Unipemty)^  Washington  Square,  Facade  of  Main  Building,  ca.  1833.  Watercolor. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest 
of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.24 


29.  Gallier,  Autobiography,  p.  20. 

30.  Lafever,  Toun^  Builder's  General 
InstruOor,  p.  83. 

31.  In  the  caption  to  plate  32  of  The 
Beauties  of  Modern  Architecture, 
Illustrated  by  Forty-eight  Origi- 
nal Plates  Designed  Expressly  for 
This  Work  (New  York:  D.  Apple- 
ton,  1835),  Lafever  acknowl- 
edged the  work  of  "Mr.  James 
H.  Daken  [sic],  whose  talents, 
taste  and  ideas,  are  of  the  first 
order,  and  by  the  writer  held  in 
very  high  esteem." 

32.  Minard  Lafever,  Modern  Build- 
ers' Guide  (New  York:  Henry  C. 
Sleight,  Collins  and  Hannay, 
1833),  preface,  p.  4-. 


that  'Sve  obtained  from  the  builders  orders  for  as  many 
drawings  as  we  could  well  make;  but  I  found  it  very 
disagreeable  work,  and  so  badly  rewarded."  Gallier 
ultimately  resolved  his  frustrations  by  moving  to  New 
Orleans,  Lafever  by  preparing  architectural  books. 

Lafever's  first  book.  The  Toung  Builder^s  General 
Instructor^  promoted  a  version  of  the  eclectic  Greco- 
Roman  classicism  then  being  practiced  in  England 
by  architects  such  as  Soane  and  Smirke.  In  New  York 
in  1829,  however,  the  pure  Greek  Revival  mode  intro- 
duced by  Town  had  begun  to  supersede  this  style. 
In  fact,  Lafever's  praise  in  the  General  Instructor 
for  Thompson's  Greek  Doric  Church  of  the  Ascen- 
sion^** and  Phenix  Bank  has  the  feel  of  an  after- 
thought and  suggests  he  realized  that  the  book  was 
out  of  date  even  before  its  publication.  Lafever  actu- 
ally withdrew  the  General  Instructor  from  print  and 
produced  instead  two  handsome  volumes  targeted  to 
promote  the  authentic  Greek  Revival  to  builders  of 
New  York  row  houses. 

Lafever's  Modern  Builders^  Guide  came  out  in  1833 
and  went  through  seven  editions  by  1855;  The  Beauties 
of  Modern  Architecture  was  issued  in  1835.  Both  books 


contained  compilations  of  previously  published  mate- 
rial: technical  texts  from  Nicholson,  descriptions  of 
major  monuments  from  Stuart  and  Revett,  and  plates 
depicting  Greek  temples  and  details  of  the  Greek 
orders.  What  was  new  and  important  about  them, 
however,  were  the  Grecian  designs  for  use  in  town 
houses  (a  number  drawn  by  Dakin), both  for 
front  doors  and  for  parlor  fittings,  including  walls, 
windows,  and  columnar  screens,  all  ornamented  with 
great  imagination  and  beauty.  Lafever's  elegant  pal- 
mettes  and  anthemia  quickly  became  the  canon 
for  Greek  Revival  ornament  throughout  America. 
Although  Lafever  acknowledged  having  consulted 
with  Brady  and  Thompson,  he  made  no  mention  of 
Town  or  Davis,  the  rival  faction.  Ironically,  Lafever 
built  only  one  significant  classical  building,  the  First 
Reformed  Dutch  Church,  Brooklyn,  1834-35;  his 
fame  as  an  architect  rests  on  Gothic  Revival  churches. 

During  the  period  1825  through  1861  housing  was 
the  bread  and  butter  of  New  York's  building  business. 
As  the  city's  population  swelled,  so  did  the  demand 
for  new  houses— row  after  row  on  street  after  street. 
The  city's  grid  plan,  adopted  in  1811  and  calling  for 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE  CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I77 


cross  Streets  just  two  hundred  feet  apart,  led  to  stan- 
dardized building  lots  of  twenty-five  by  one  hundred 
feet,  as  well  as  to  relatively  standardized  facades.  City 
guidebooks  delighted  in  reporting  the  number  of 
new  houses  built  in  a  given  year.  In  1828  Goodrich 
estimated  a  total  of  thirty  thousand  houses  in  the 
city,  up  from  seventeen  thousand  in  18 17— an  aver- 
age of  nearly  twelve  hundred  new  houses  per  year, 
enough  to  fill  twenty  city  blocks.  The  great  majority 
of  these  houses  were  modest,  two-story  affairs,  but 
some  were  fine,  first-rate  dwellings,  three  or  four 
stories  in  height. 

Construction  of  houses  was,  for  the  most  part,  the 
realm  of  the  builder  rather  than  the  architect.  Long- 
worth's  directory  for  1831-32  listed  eighty- two  build- 
ers in  New  York;  drawings  exist  that  depict  the  row 
houses  built  by  two  of  these,  Samuel  Dunbar  and 
Calvin  Pollard,  and  there  is  documentation  con- 
cerning the  involvement  in  housing  projects  of  three 
others— Gideon  Tucker,  John  Morss,  and  Seth  Geer. 

As  New  York  grew  and  its  commercial  and  industrial 
areas  expanded  downtown,  so  its  fashionable  residen- 
tial areas  moved  inexorably  uptown.  Traditionally,  the 


1^— -  ■— i 


Fig.  137.  Attributed  to  Martin  E.  Thompson,  Columbia  College, 
Plot  Plan  for  Chapel  Street  Houses,  1830.  Ink.  Avery  Architectural 
and  Fine  Arts  Library,  Columbia  University,  New  York 


best  houses  had  been  found  on  State  Street,  facing  the 
Battery,  and  around  Bowling  Green.  That  focus 
changed  about  1820,  and  over  the  next  fifteen  years, 
the  entire  area  west  of  Broadway  and  north  to  Canal 
Street  was  built  up  with  fine  houses. 

Columbia  College's  development  of  lands  adjacent 
to  its  campus,  a  two -block  area  west  of  Broadway  and 
City  Hall  Park,  is  a  case  in  point.  What  distinguishes 
this  project  is  not  the  architecture,  which  is  typical, 
but  the  survival  of  a  number  of  drawings  (attributed 
to  Thompson)  that  shed  a  great  deal  of  light  on  the 
domestic  architecture  of  the  period.  On  the  plot 
plan  (fig.  137),  a  row  of  houses  is  laid  out  on  the  west 
side  of  Chapel  Street,  between  Murray  and  Robinson 
streets;  at  first  six  houses  were  contemplated,  each 
twenty-nine  feet  wide,  but  this  was  changed  to  seven, 
each  twenty-five  feet  wide.  A  rendering  of  the  seven 
facades  (cat.  no.  87)  was  endorsed,  on  April  i,  1830,  by 
William  Johnston,  Columbia's  treasurer,  and  by  the 
builders,  Tucker  and  Morss.  The  facades  are  little  dif- 
ferent from  those  found  on  turn-of-the-century  New 
York  houses  in  the  Federal  style,  except  that  one,  at 
the  far  left,  has  a  front  door  flanked  by  Greek  Doric 
columns,  a  motif  that  is  repeated  in  the  more  detailed 
drawing  for  a  single  house  on  Columbia's  land  (cat. 
no.  88).  This  Doric  entrance  clearly  derives  from  the 
distinctive  New  York  domestic  doorway  that  Town 
had  introduced  about  1828.  Although  the  neighbor- 
hood developed  by  Columbia  was  popular  for  a 
short  while,  the  building  of  Astor's  hotel  on  nearby 
Broadway  was  the  death  knell  for  the  area  as  a  resi- 
dential enclave. 

The  spread  of  first-rate  housing  north  of  Houston 
Street  was  to  continue  with  little  change  until  mid- 
century.  Exemplifying  this  process  was  the  develop- 
ment, between  1831  and  1833,  of  a  group  of  handsome 
four-story  brick  houses  on  the  north  side  of  Washing- 
ton Square,  known  as  The  Row  (made  famous  by 
Henry  James,  and  still  intact).  By  1835  fine  houses  were 
being  built  south  and  east  of  the  Square,  on  Bleecker, 
Bond,  and  Great  Jones  streets,  and  on  Lafayette  and 
Saint  Mark's  places.  West  of  the  Square,  in  Greenwich 
Village,  more  modest  dwellings  were  the  norm,  and 
these  survive  in  considerable  numbers  today. 

Typical  of  the  later  houses  in  the  area  north  of 
Houston  is  one  built  in  1844-45  for  Samuel  Tredwell 
Skidmore  at  369  Fourth  Street  (now  37  East  Fourth 
Street),  just  three  lots  east  of  the  house  of  his  cousin 
Seabury  Tredwell  (now  the  Merchant's  House  Mu- 
seum, 29  East  Fourth  Street),  which  had  been  erected 
in  1831-32.  To  prepare  drawings  and  specifications  for 
the  house  (figs.  138, 139),  Skidmore  employed  Thomas 


33,  Ft>r  New  York  City  houses,  see 
Charles  Lockwood,  Bricks  and 
Brownstone:  The  New  York  Row 
House,  1783-1929,  an  Architec- 
tural and  Social  History  (New 
York:  McGraw-Hill,  1972). 

34-  The  Dunbar  drawings  are  at  the 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York  and  Pollard's  are  at  the 
New-York  Historical  Society. 

35.  Hamlin,  Greek  Revival,  p.  136. 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


mkmmm 


mm         Pi  1 


J 


Fig.  138.  Thomas  Thomas  and  Son,  Samuel  T  Skidmore  HousCj  369  Fourth  Street, 
Principal  Elevation^  1844.  Ink  and  watercolor.  Courtesy  of  The  Winterthur 
Library,  Winterthur,  Delaware,  Joseph  Downs  Collection  of  Manuscripts 
and  Printed  Ephemera  70x30.1 


Fig.  139.  Thomas  Thomas  and  Son,  Samuel  T.  Skidmore 
House,  369  Fourth  Strea,  Floor  Plan,  1844.  Ink  and  water- 
color.  Courtesy  of  The  Winterthur  Library,  Winterthur, 
Delaware,  Joseph  Downs  Collection  of  Manuscripts  and 
Printed  Ephemera  70x30.2 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE   CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  179 


Thomas  and  Son,  one  of  a  number  of  new  firms  of 
English  immigrant  architects. The  plans  for  the 
house,  which  was  brick  with  brownstone  trim,  are 
much  more  complete  than  those  drawn  up  for  Colum- 
bia College  fourteen  years  earlier.  Both  show  similar 
facades,  however,  except  that  the  Skidmore  house 
does  not  have  the  pitched  roof  of  the  Columbia  design. 

Town  and  Davis  did  not  usually  involve  themselves 
in  the  building  of  everyday  residences,  but  they  were 
fascinated  with  the  problem  of  designing  a  group  of 
houses  as  a  unified  whole,  the  so-called  block  or  ter- 
race, in  order  to  achieve  monumentality.  Davis  credited 
Town  with  the  first  such  block  development  in  New 
York,  citing  Town's  1828  project  on  Greenwich  Street 
for  Henry  Byard.^^  Although  no  image  of  that  project 
survives,  the  partners'  keen  interest  in  such  designs  is 
suggested  by  entries  in  Davis's  accounts  for  1830  and 
1831  (referring,  for  example,  to  a  "study  for  a  block  of 
dwelling  Houses/Ionic/chaste")^^  as  well  as  by  a  num- 
ber of  Davis's  own  drawings.  Their  favored  facade 
treatment  for  residential  blocks  may  be  seen  in  the 
proposal  for  Syllabus  Row  (cat.  no.  84),  a  seventeen- 
bay,  seven-house  design,  and  in  the  dramatic  perspec- 
tive of  a  cross-block  terrace  development  (cat.  no.  85), 
sixteen  bays  and  eight  houses  per  side.  In  both,  a 
rusticated  ground  floor  is  svirmounted  by  giant-order 


pilasters  between  the  second-  and  third-story  win- 
dows and  by  an  all-encompassing  full  entablature. 

The  same  facade  treatment,  except  for  the  "chaste" 
Ionic  pilasters  having  been  replaced  by  richly  carved 
freestanding  Corinthian  columns,  is  found  on  the  most 
famous  of  all  the  New  York  terrace-house  projects, 
La  Grange  Terrace,  begun  in  1852  on  Lafayette  Place, 
due  east  of  Washington  Square,  and  surviving  in 
part  today.  Described  in  1833  as  "the  terrace,  pf^r  excel- 
lencCy^^^  it  was  developed  and  constructed  by  Geer, 
the  city's  leading  builder.  Davis's  accounts  indicate 
that  Geer  paid  him  handsomely  for  the  designs. The 
only  extant  drawing  (cat.  no.  86),  by  John  Stirewalt, 
who  was  in  Davis's  employ  from  November  1833  to 
April  1834,  shows  the  facade  as  executed,  except  that 
the  roof  terrace  was  not  built  and  the  final  design  had 
a  width  of  twenty-eight  rather  than  eighteen  bays. 
Similar  freestanding  Greek  Revival  structures,  with 
comparable  colonnades  or  temple  porticoes,  were 
being  designed  at  the  same  time  for  country  houses, 
among  them  the  Matthew  Clarkson  Jr.  mansion,  built 
in  Flatbush,  Brooklyn,  about  1835  (cat.  no.  8 9 A,  b). 

The  layout  of  the  New  York  row  house  followed  a 
standard  convention  that  had  been  adopted  to  accom- 
modate the  exigencies  of  the  long,  narrow  lots  result- 
ing from  the  1811  grid.  The  basement,  with  the  kitchen. 


36.  The  drawings  and  specifications 
are  in  the  Joseph  Downs  Collec- 
tion of  Manuscripts  and  Printed 
Ephemera,  Winterthur  Library, 
Henry  Francis  Du  Pont  Winter- 
thur Museum,  Winterthur, 
Delaware.  The  specifications 
include  estimates  from  the 
mason  (David  Lauderback, 
$5,900)  and  the  carpenter 

(W.  Ellis  Blackstone,  $5,200). 
See  also  Carol  Emily  Gordon, 
"The  Skidmore  House:  An 
Aspect  of  the  Greek  Revival  in 
New  York"  (Master's  thesis. 
University  of  Delaware, 
Newark,  1978). 

37.  Newton,  Town  &  Davis,  p.  63. 

38.  Davis,  Daybook,  March  1, 1830, 
p.  89,  New  York  Public  Library. 

39.  Atkinson^s  Casket  8  (November 
1833),  p.  505. 

40.  In  April  1832,  $30  for  "drawing 
La  Grange  Terrace,  Lafayette 
Place,  so  named  by  me,  for  Seth 
Geer  .  .  .  Perspective  view" 
(Davis,  Daybook,  p.  131,  New 
York  Public  Library);  between 
May  and  October,  $200,  of 
which  he  paid  Dakin  $100,  for 
"designs  and  drawings  for  the 
interiors  of  La  Grange  Terrace" 
(Davis,  Journal,  p.  26,  Metro- 
politan Museum,  24.66.1400). 


Fig.  140.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  Columnar  Screen  Weill  Fig.  141.  Calvin  Pollard,  Parlor  Sliding  Door,  Dn  Moffafs  House,  Broadway,  Elevation,  1844.  Ink  and 

between  Parlors,  Plans  and  Elevation,  ca.  1830.  Ink  and  watercolor.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Pollard  Collection  44 
watercolon  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.612 


l80    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


41.  From  the  dedication  in  Alex- 
ander Jackson  Davis,  Rural 
Residences  (New  York:  The 
Author,  1837). 


was  half  below  grade.  The  raised  first  floor  was 
reached  by  outside  steps  along  one  side  (the  tradi- 
tional New  York  stoop),  leading  to  the  front  door  and 
a  long,  narrow  stair  hall  from  which  doors  opened 
into  a  pair  of  large,  matching  parlors  (see  fig.  139).  In 
houses  of  the  1820s,  the  parlors  were  nearly  square 
and  separated  by  pairs  of  closets  with  folding  doors 
between  them.  By  1830,  in  the  larger  Greek  Revival 
houses,  the  matching  parlors  were  much  longer  and 
were  separated  only  by  a  narrow  wall  that  encased  a 
pair  of  sliding  double  doors,  flanked  by  pairs  of  Ionic 
or  Corinthian  columns.  Davis,  in  a  drawing  from 
about  1830  (fig.  140),  proposed  a  number  of  different 
ways  to  link  matching  parlors.  Beneath  an  elevation 
showing  sliding  mahogany  doors  and  flanking 
pilasters  are  two  alternate  plans:  at  the  lefi:,  a  wall  cut 
away  to  accommodate  a  column  and,  at  the  right,  a 
freestanding  column. 

The  canonical  solution  to  linking  two  parlors— 
pairs  of  columns  flanking  sliding  doors— is  seen  in  the 
plan  of  the  Skidmore  house  (fig.  139)  and  also  in  an 
elaborate  rendering  of  the  same  date  for  the  house 
of  a  Dr.  MofiFat  on  Broadway  (fig.  141).  Designed  by 
Pollard,  now  risen  from  builder  to  architect,  the 
Moffat  house  has  Corinthian  columns  and  a  band  of 
carved  anthemia  in  the  architrave  above  the  door 
opening,  both  of  which  come  directiy  from  Lafever's 
Beauties  of  Modern  Architecture.  A  columnar  screen 
treatment  following  Davis's  suggestion  to  carve  away 
part  of  a  wall  appears  in  Francis  H.  Heinrich's  group 
portrait  of  about  1850  of  the  Fiedler  family  in  their 
parlor  at  38  Bond  Street  (fig.  211),  probably  the  most 
faithful  contemporary  illustration  of  the  parlors  of  a 
New  York  Greek  Revival  town  house.  And  the  same 
architect's  famous  idealized  portrayal  of  a  pair  of 
Greek  Revival  parlors  (cat.  no.  112)  depicts  two  pairs 
of  Ionic  columns,  without  doors,  an  unusual  treat- 
ment found  only  in  the  grandest  of  houses,  such  as 
those  of  La  Grange  Terrace  (cat.  no.  86). 

The  year  1835  was  the  last  in  which  Town  and  Davis 
dominated  the  city's  architectural  community:  on 
May  I,  just  afl:er  Town  received  his  second  engineering 
patent  and  went  back  to  bridge  building,  they  termi- 
nated their  partnership,  and  on  December  16  Davis 
was  burned  out  of  his  office  in  the  Great  Fire.  On 
May  I  of  the  next  year  Davis  setded  permanendy  into 
new  quarters  in  the  building  recently  completed  for 
the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York,  to  the  designs 
of  Town  and  Dakin,  on  Washington  Square  (fig.  136). 

On  his  own,  Davis  would  maintain  an  aaive  prac- 
tice, designing  statehouses,  asylums,  libraries,  and 
other  public  buildings,  but  he  would  not  adapt  in 


the  following  decades  to  the  wrenching  changes  tak- 
ing place  in  New  York  City,  particularly  in  the  com- 
mercial and  residential  spheres.  Increasingly,  Davis's 
attention  would  turn  to  domestic  architecture,  which 
offered  him  the  best  opportunity  to  pursue  his  love  of 
the  picturesque.  As  early  as  1834  he  had  begun  design- 
ing Gothic  villas  for  sites  overlooking  the  Hudson 
River,  and  in  1837  he  published  Rural  Residences 
"with  a  View  to  the  Improvement  of  American  Coun- 
try Architecture.'^^i 

In  some  ways.  Rural  Residences  was  similar  to 
Davis's  Views  of  the  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  of 
New-Tork  firom  a  decade  before;  both  were  lavishly 
produced,  issued  in  parts,  and  never  completed.  But 
in  others  it  was  a  new  kind  of  publication— a  house 
pattern  book,  offering  prospective  clients  choices  of 
styles  and  floor  plans— distinct  from,  for  example, 
Lafever's  manuals  for  builders  and  carpenters.  Realizing 
the  potential  of  such  an  idea,  the  landscape  architect 
Andrew  Jackson  Downing  of  Newburgh,  New  York, 
promptiy  engaged  Davis  to  provide  illustrations  for 
his  forthcoming  Treatise  on  the  Theory  and  Practice  of 
Landscape  Gardening y  Adapted  to  North  America  . . . 
with  Remarks  on  Rural  Architecture  (1841).  As  a  result, 
woodcut  illustrations  of  Davis's  designs  were  widely 
disseminated,  both  in  the  Treatise  and  in  Downing's 
two  succeeding  volumes.  Cottage  Residences  (1842)  and 
The  Architecture  of  Country  Houses  (1850).  Davis's 
1855  design  for  Ericstan  (cat.  no.  102),  John  J.  Merrick's 
castieated  villa  at  Tarrytown,  exemplifies  this  side  of 
his  work. 

It  is  perhaps  symptomatic  of  Davis's  resistance  to 
change  that  the  two  grandest  houses  built  in  New 
York  in  the  mid-i840S,  both  of  which  were  designed 
by  him,  were  dinosaurs  firom  day  one.  John  Cox  Ste- 
vens's magnificent  classical  palace,  built  in  1845,  was 
downtown  on  College  Place,  an  area  already  going 
commercial.  William  C.  H.  WaddeU's  Gothic  villa  on 
Fifth  Avenue  and  Thirty-eighth  Street,  from  the  pre- 
vious year,  was  squarely  in  the  line  of  much  denser 
residential  development.  Built  in  the  wrong  place  at 
the  wrong  time,  both  mansions  woxild  be  demolished 
within  a  decade. 

No  picture  of  New  York's  architecture  in  the  1830s 
and  1840S  would  be  complete  without  mention  of 
the  massive  distributing  reservoir  built  on  Murray 
Hill.  Located  on  the  west  side  of  Fifth  Avenue, 
between  Fortieth  and  Forty-second  streets,  the  high- 
est ground  in  the  vicinity,  the  reservoir  was  completed 
in  1842.  With  its  forty-foot-high  brick  walls,  battered 
in  the  Egyptian  Revival  manner,  it  was  the  only  visual 
manifestation  within  the  city  of  the  Croton  Aquedua, 


BUILDING  THE   EMPIRE  CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  l8l 


an  altogether  unprecedented  public-works  project. 
The  cholera  epidemic  of  1832  had  finally  forced  the 
city  to  confront  its  chronic  failure  to  provide  a  reli- 
able, safe  water  supply.  In  1834  the  legislature  passed 
an  act  to  supply  the  city  with  "pure  and  wholesome 
water";  in  1835  the  Croton  River,  forty  miles  away  in 
Westchester  County,  was  selected  to  be  the  source; 
and  in  1836  John  B.  Jervis  was  made  chief  engineer 
of  the  Croton  Aqueduct.  When  completed,  the 
remarkably  extensive  system  spanned  forty  miles  and 
encompassed  the  Croton  Dam,  a  bridge  at  Sing  Sing, 
another  over  the  Harlem  River  (High  Bridge),  six- 
teen tunnels,  114  culverts,  thirty-three  ventilators,  six 
waste  weirs,  and  the  reservoir.  The  drawings  from 
Jervis's  shop— including  artistic  renderings  of  the  dis- 
tributing reservoir  (cat.  no.  90)  and  engineering 
presentations  of  High  Bridge  (cat.  no.  91)  and  a 
pipe  chamber  (cat.  no.  92)— are  works  of  art  in  them- 
selves. Combining  architecture  and  engineering,  they 
indicate  the  high  degree  of  professionalism  required 
to  effect  the  urban  improvements  vital  to  the  welfare 
of  the  nineteenth-century  city.""-^ 

Several  developments  from  the  1830s  through  the 
1850S  continued  to  advance  the  movement  toward 
architectural  professionalism.  In  the  early  1830s  the 
great  majority  of  American  architects  were  native-born 
artisans,  coming  from  the  ranks  of  carpenter-builders. 
The  best  of  them  relied  on  self-education  and  perse- 
verance to  meet  the  challenge  of  designing  and  exe- 
cuting public  buildings  of  an  unprecedented  size  and 
complexity.  Thompson  and  his  Merchants'  Exchange 
and  Town  and  Davis  and  their  Custom  House  are  but 
two  instances.  Such  men  ultimately  developed  inter- 
ests in  common  with  office-trained  professionals  such 
as  the  Philadelphia  architects  Haviland,  originally  a 
pupil  of  James  Elmes  in  London,  and  William  Strick- 
land, a  pupil  of  Latrobe.  In  December  1836  twenty- 
three  American  architects— including  eight  from  New 
York  (among  them  Town,  Davis,  Lafever,  and  Rog- 
ers), five  from  Boston,  and  four  from  Philadelphia— 
met  at  the  Astor  House  with  the  goal  of  forming  an 
association,  to  be  known  as  the  American  Institution 
of  Architects,  that  would  aim  to  promote  profession- 
alization  in  the  practice  of  architecture.  Strickland  was 
to  be  president,  Davis  vice  president,  and  Thomas 
Ustick  Walter  secretary.  In  the  end,  however,  nothing 
came  of  the  effort,  in  part  because  of  the  financial  panic 
of  1837,  in  part  because  of  rivalries  between  Philadel- 
phia and  New  York.  It  would  be  another  twenty  years 
before  the  time  would  be  ripe  for  such  a  society. '^^ 

Concurrent  with  these  eflForts  at  organization  was 
an  influx  of  trained  architects  from  abroad,  which 


would  irrevocably  alter  New  York's  architectural  com- 
plexion. Those  newcomers  who  stayed  and  thrived 
would  be  active  participants  in  the  commercial  and 
residential  growth  of  the  city.  The  first  wave  was  from 
England:  in  1833  Thomas  Thomas;  in  1838  his  son 
Griffith;  about  1835  Frederick  Diaper;  and  in  1839 
Richard  Upjohn.  The  second  was  from  the  Conti- 
nent: in  1843  Leopold  Eidlitz,  trained  in  Vienna;  and 
in  1848  Dedef  Lienau,  trained  in  Berlin  and  Paris.  The 
third  was,  again,  from  England:  in  1852  Jacob  Wrey 
Mould  and  Frederick  Withers;  and  in  1856  Calvert 
Vaux  (the  last  two  came  to  New  York  after  first  work- 
ing for  Downing  in  Newburgh). 

And,  of  course,  there  was  Gallier,  who  succincdy 
recalled  the  New  York  architectural  scene  on  his  arrival 
from  Ireland  in  1832: 

The  majority  of  people  could  with  difficulty  be  made 
to  understand  what  was  meant  by  a  professional 
architect;  the  builders^  that  is,  the  carpenters  and 
bricklayersy  all  called  themselves  architects^  and 
were  at  that  time  the  persons  to  whom  owners  of 
property  applied  when  they  required  plans  for 
building;  the  builder  hired  some  poor  draftsman^ 
of  whom  there  were  some  half  dozen  in  New  Tork 
at  that  timCy  to  make  the  plans,  paying  him  a 
mere  trifle  for  his  services. 

But,  Gallier  added,  "All  this  was  soon  changed . . .  and 
architects  began  to  be  employed  by  proprietors  before 
going  to  the  builders;  and  in  this  way,  in  a  short  time, 
the  style  of  buildings  public  and  private  showed  signs 
of  rapid  improvement  .""^"^ 

It  was  Upjohn  who  would  prove  to  be  the  single 
most  influential  of  New  York's  immigrant  architects.'^^ 
Like  Town  a  generation  before,  he  would  act  as  a  cat- 
alyst by  transforming  architectural  styles  and  by  ele- 
vating the  practice  of  architecture  to  a  new  level  of 
professionalism.  In  particular,  he  introduced  the  true 
Gothic  Revival  to  American  church  architecture.^^ 
Symbolic,  perhaps,  of  the  pending  changes  in  archi- 
tectural style,  building  materials,  and  geographic  loca- 
tion was  the  fate  of  Town  and  Thompson's  trendsetting 
Church  of  the  Ascension  on  Canal  Street  (fig.  132). 
Destroyed  by  fire  in  1839,  the  year  of  Upjohn's  arrival  in 
New  York,  this  marble  structure  with  a  Greek-temple 
facade  was  rebuilt  by  Upjohn  in  1840-41  in  brown- 
stone  in  the  Gothic  Revival  style,  on  Fifth  Avenue  and 
Tenth  Street. 

Upjohn  had  left  England  for  America  in  1829  and 
had  lived  in  Boston  from  1834  to  1839.  In  1835,  while 
working  for  the  architect  Alexander  Parris,  he  had  met 
Dr.  Jonathan  Mayhew  Wainwright,  rector  of  Trinity 


42.  For  the  Croton  Aqueduct, 
see  The  Old  Croton  Aqueduct: 
Rural  Resources  Meet  Urban 
Needs  (Yonkers:  Hudson  River 
Museum  of  Westchester,  1992). 

45.  Woods,  From  Craft  to  Profes- 
sion, pp.  28-32. 

44.  GaUier,  Autobiography,  p.  18. 

45.  For  Upjohn,  see  Everard  M. 
Upjohn,  Richard  Upjohn  and 
American  Architecture  (New 
York:  Columbia  University 
Press,  1939)- 

46.  For  the  Gothic  Revival,  see 
Phoebe  B.  Stanton,  The  Gothic 
Revival  and  American  Church 
Architecture:  An  Episode  in 
Taste,  1840-1856  (Baltimore: 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Press, 
1968;  reprint,  1997)- 


l82    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  142.  John  Forsyth  and  E.  W.  Mimee,  Bir£s-Eye  View,  Trinity  Church,  Broadway, 
opposite  Wall  Street,  1847.  Lithograph.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Edmund  R.  Buny,  1948  48.132.31 


Fig.  143.  Fanny  and  Seymour  Pahner,  artists;  Minard  Lafever,  archi- 
tect, Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  Brooklyn  (now  St.  Ann  and  the  Holy 
Trinity  Church),  ca.  1844.  Lithograph,  Collection  of  St.  Ann  and  the 
Holy  Trinity  Church,  Brooklyn 


47.  A.  W.  N.  Pugin,  The  True  Prin- 
ciples of  Pointed  or  Christian 
Architecture  Set  Forth  in  Two 
Lectures  Delivered  at  St.  MarieX 
Oscott  (London:  J.  Weale,  1841), 
ill.  p.  50. 

48.  Quoted  in  Catalogue  of  Ferdi- 
nand Richardfs  Gallery  of 
Paintings  of  American  Scenery, 
and  Collection  of  Danish  Paint- 
ing Exhibited  at  the  Rooms  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design, 
Tenth  Street,  between  Broadway 
and  Fourth  Avenue  (New  York, 
1859).  I  am  indebted  to  Lynn 
Hoke,  Assistant  Archivist,  Grace 
Church,  for  this  reference. 


Church  in  Boston.  When  Wainwright  accepted  the 
post  of  rector  of  Trinity  Church  in  New  York,  three 
years  later,  and  discovered  that  the  church  building 
was  dangerously  unstable,  he  naturally  called  on 
Upjohn  for  help.  And  when  the  decision  was  made  to 
build  anew,  Upjohn  was  engaged  for  the  task. 

There  had  been  a  few  modest  attempts  at  serious 
Gothic  Revivalism  in  the  city— witness  Saint  Peter's, 
Chelsea,  1836-38,  by  the  poet  and  amateur  architect 
Clement  Clarke  Moore— but  nothing  to  compare 
with  the  size,  richness,  and  erudition  of  Upjohn's  new 
Trinity  Church,  located  on  Broadway,  facing  Wall 
Street.  Upjohn  submitted  his  first  studies  in  September 
1839,  but  it  would  be  two  years  before  the  design  was 
finalized  (cat.  no.  93)  and  the  cornerstone  laid,  and 
nearly  seven  before  the  church  was  consecrated,  on 
May  21,  1846.  A  bird's-eye  view  of  the  completed 
building  (fig.  142)  shows  it  towering  over  the  city. 

A  devout  Anglican,  Upjohn  viewed  churches  both 
as  sacred  vessels  and  as  buildings  having  a  pragmatic 


purpose.  He  thus  sought  out  those  specific  features  of 
Gothic  churches— principally  the  long,  high  nave  with 
clerestory  windows,  side  aisles,  and  a  chancel— that 
would  serve  the  contemporary  Uturgical  needs  of  the 
Episcopal  Church.  Ironically,  this  kind  of  functional 
Gothic  Revival  style  was  chiefly  promulgated  through 
the  writings  of  the  English  Catholic  convert  A.  W.  N. 
Pugin,  In  fact,  the  executed  design  for  Trinity  bears  a 
striking  resemblance  to  the  illustration  of  an  "ideal 
church"  in  Pugin's  True  Principles  of  Pointed  or  Chris- 
tian Architecturey  published  in  London  early  in  1841.'^^ 
Upjohn  was  obviously  au  courant  with  the  latest  devel- 
opments in  English  church  architecture. 

Trinity  was  the  oldest  and  richest  Anglican  parish  in 
New  York,  and  its  new  building  had  a  profoimd 
impaa  on  the  numerous  churches  being  constructed 
in  the  city.  First  to  feel  its  effect  was  Grace  Church, 
Trinity's  immediate  neighbor  on  Broadway.  In  the 
early  1840s,  following  its  fashionable  congregation 
uptown,  Grace  secured  a  dramatic  site  at  the  bend  of 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE  CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I83 


Broadway  at  Tenth  Street;  in  1843  the  church  hired 
James  Renwick  Jr.  to  design  its  new  building.  Ren- 
wick,  later  famous  as  the  architect  of  Saint  Patrick's 
Cathedral,  was  at  this  time  only  twenty-five  years  old. 
The  son  and  namesake  of  a  distinguished  professor 
of  natural  philosophy  at  Columbia,  he  created  for 
Grace  a  masterly  essay  in  the  Gothic  Revival  style. 
Grace  followed  Trinity  in  its  general  conception  (cen- 
tral entrance  tower,  high  nave,  chancel),  but  the  two 
buildings  differed  dramatically  in  appearance.  Ren- 
wick's  use  of  white  marble  and  allover  decoration  pro- 
duced an  effect  that  was  light,  airy,  and  elegant,  while 
Upjohn's  use  of  brownstone  was  massive,  enclosed, 
and  severe:  the  connoisseur  as  opposed  to  the  doctri- 
naire. Ferdinand  Joachim  Richardt's  painting  of  Grace 
(cat.  no.  95),  described  as  "taken  from  loth  street  and 
represent[ing]  the  congregation  leaving  the  church  at 
the  end  of  Sunday  afternoon  service," was  exhibited 
in  1859  at  the  National  Academy,  virtually  next  door 
on  Tenth  Street. 

Trinity  and  Grace  were  but  the  largest  and  most 
elaborate  of  dozens  of  important  Gothic  Revival 
churches  built  in  New  York  during  the  1840s  and 
1850s.  Lafever,  although  best  remembered  for  his 
Greek  Revival  pattern  books,  made  a  specialty  of 
them,  particularly  in  Brooklyn.  His  masterpiece  was 
the  large  and  luxurious  Holy  Trinitjr,  Brooklyn  Heights, 
1844-47  (fig-  143),  noted  for  its  exceptional  stained- 
glass  windows  by  William  Jay  Bolton  (see  cat.  no.  280). 

In  1846,  having  just  made  his  name  with  Grace 
Church,  Renwick  was  commissioned  by  a  newly 
formed  congregation  to  build  the  Church  of  the  Puri- 
tans at  the  southwest  corner  of  Broadway  and  Fif- 
teenth Street,  on  Union  Square.  His  design  for  the 
handsome  twin-towered  facade  (cat.  no.  94),  a  char- 
acteristic French  Gothic  formula,  was  inspired  by  the 
famous  Abbey  Church  of  Saint-Denis,  near  Paris,  but 
with  one  major  change.  Renwick  transformed  the 
pointed  Gothic  windows  of  the  French  church  into 
round-arched  ones,  thus  giving  Manhattan  its  first 
Romanesque  church.  In  this  he  was  following  Upjohn's 
lead  at  another  Congregational  church,  Brooklyn's 
Church  of  the  Pilgrims,  1844,  in  which  the  architect 
had  selected  the  Romanesque  style  as  most  appropri- 
ate for  the  nonliturgical  Congregationalists.'^^  Closer 
to  the  heart  of  the  Empire  City,  Eidlitz,  who  had 
come  from  Vienna  just  three  years  before,  was  begin- 
ning a  vast  Romanesque  hall  for  Saint  George's  in 
Stuyvesant  Square. 

Trinity  and  Grace  stood  like  magnificent  Gothic 
bookends  south  and  north  on  Broadway,  but  in 
between,  all  was  business.  What  had  been  in  the  1820s 


a  a  I 


1 

rntr 

^1 

Fig.  144.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  artist;  Ithiel  Town,  architect, 
Arthur  Tappan  Store^  122  Pearl  Street,  ca.  1829.  Watercolor.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.123 


the  most  fashionable  residential  street  in  town 
became  during  the  1840s  the  center  of  retail  com- 
merce. Along  its  sidewalks  stretched  a  great  chain  of 
department  stores  and  hotels,  a  mix  of  new  building 
types  and  old  architectural  styles,  a  whole  new  archi- 
tecture of  commerce. 

It  all  began  with  A.  T.  Stewart,  the  retail  genius 
who  had  come  to  New  York  from  Ireland  in  1818.^^ 
In  1846,  after  having  operated  dry-goods  stores  out 
of  existing  buildings  on  three  different  Broadway 
sites,  Stewart  constructed  his  famous  Marble  Palace 
on  the  southeast  corner  of  Broadway  and  Reade  Street. 
Prior  to  this,  most  New  York  storefronts,  whether 
purpose-built  or  inserted  in  existing  row  houses,  were 
of  a  distinctive  post-and-lintel  construction  in  which 
one-piece  granite  posts  supported  granite  lintels.  The 
prototype  had  been  introduced  in  1829  with  Town's 
building  at  122  Pearl  Street  for  the  store  of  Lewis 
and  Arthur  Tappan  (fig.  144).  Stewart's  structure  was 


49.  The  connection  between  the  two 
churches  is  noted  in  Gwen  W. 
Steege,  "The  Book  of  Plans  and 
the  Early  Romanesque  Revival 
in  the  United  States:  A  Study  in 
Architectural  Patronage,"  Jour- 
nal of  the  Society  of  Architec- 
tural Historians  46  (September 
1987),  p.  217.  It  was  also  the  sub- 
ject of  a  lecture  by  William  H. 
Pierson  Jr.,  entitled  "James  Ren- 
wick's  Church  of  the  Puritans," 
and  given  at  Grace  Church, 
New  York,  October  5, 1996. 

so.  Broadway  is  the  focus  of  Ellen 
W.  Kramer's  brilliant  overview 
of  New  York  City  at  midcentury, 
"Contemporary  Descriptions  of 
New  York  City  and  Its  Public 
Architecture  ca.  1850,"  Journal 
of  the  Society  of  Architectural 
Historians  27  (December  1968), 
pp.  264-80. 


l84    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  145.  James  Ackerman,  artist;  James  Bogardus,  duchitcct,  James  Bqgardus^s  Faaory:  'l^e  First  Cast-iron  House  Ereaedy'  1849  or 
1850.  Lithograph.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Elon  Hamilton  Hooker  39-339 


manufacturer  Daniel  D.  Badger.  The  upper  three 
floors,  in  the  palazzo  style— their  astylar  walls  (that  is, 
without  columns  or  pilasters)  easily  subdivided  by  the 
use  of  quoins  and  pedimented  window  frames— were 
well  suited  to  accommodate  expansion.  A  surviving 
design  for  the  first  of  several  extensions,  down  Broad- 
way and  along  Chambers  Street  (cat.  no.  96),  shows 
the  original  unit  essentially  being  repeated. 

To  some  extent,  the  ease  of  expansion  must  have 
informed  Stewarf  s  choice  of  style;  he  would  also  have 
been  aware,  however,  that  in  England  the  palazzo 
style  was  seen  as  a  symbol  of  the  rising  political 
power  of  the  middle  classes— in  effect,  as  a  symbol  of 
urbanity  and  wealth.  Even  before  the  store  was  built, 
a  New  York  paper  reported  of  it  that  "the  style  of 
architecture  . . .  makes  a  nearer  approach  to  some  of  the 
facades  of  the  London  Club  houses  than  that  of 
any  building  in  the  city."^^  The  reference  is  clearly  to 
Charles  Barry's  two  clubs  on  Pall  Mall,  the  Travellers', 


51.  For  the  New  York  department 
store,  see  Winston  Weisman, 
"Commercial  Palaces  of  New 
York:  1845-1875,"  Art  Bulk- 
tin  36  (December  1954), 

pp.  285-302. 

52.  Broetdway  Journal,  March  22, 
1845,  p.  188.  For  Trench  and 
Snook,  see  Mary  Ann  Smith, 
"John  Snook  and  the  Design  for 
A.  T.  Stewart's  Store,"  New-Tork 
Historical  Society  Quarterly  58 
(January  1974),  pp.  i8-33- 

53.  Broadway  Journal,  March  22, 
1845,  p.  188. 


revolutionary  in  several  ways.  It  introduced  both  a 
new  building  type  to  New  York,  the  purpose-built 
department  store,  and  a  new  architectural  style,  the 
Anglo-Italianate,  or  palazzo,  based  on  the  architec- 
ture of  London  clubs.  It  was  also  the  first  dry-goods 
store  to  have  exterior  walls  clad  in  marble  and  huge 
plate-glass  windows  protected  by  rolling  cast-iron 
shutters  (such  windows  had  become  practical  when 
the  duty  on  glass  was  repealed  in  London  in  1845). 

The  architects  of  Stewart's  store  were  the  little- 
known  Joseph  Trench,  in  1845  said  to  have  "erected 
some  of  the  finest  street  fronts  in  the  coimtry,"  and 
his  young  partner,  John  Butler  Snook,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  a  long  and  productive  New  York  career. 
The  Corinthian  columns  and  pilasters  on  the  groimd 
floor  were  made  by  Ottaviano  Gori,  the  city's  lead- 
ing marble  cutter  (see  'The  Products  of  Empire"  by 
Amelia  Peck  in  this  publication,  p.  265),  and  the 
shutters  were  supplied  by  the  recendy  arrived  iron 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE  CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I85 


1829-31,  and  the  Reform,  1837-40;  the  designs  for  the 
former  had  been  published  in  1839,  those  for  the  lat- 
ter in  1843.^^ 

Although  the  Astor  House  long  reigned  as  the 
city's  premier  hotel,  it  was  Stewart's  store,  with  its 
endlessly  repeatable  Anglo-Italianate  modules,  that 
served  as  the  model  for  most  of  the  hotels  built  on 
Broadway  in  the  late  1840s  and  the  1850s.  Two  of 
the  finest— the  Metropolitan,  between  Houston  and 
Prince  streets,  1850-52,  and  the  Saint  Nicholas,  a 
block  below,  at  Spring  Street,  1853,  both  by  Trench 
and  Snook— were  built  in  anticipation  of  the  Crystal 
Palace  exhibition  of  1853.  The  grandest  was  Griffith 
Thomas  and  William  Washburn's  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel 
at  Twenty-third  Street,  1857-59. 

By  1850  Stewart's  success  had  precipitated  a  rush  of 
new  shops  along  Broadway.  Outstanding  among 
them,  for  its  building  as  well  as  for  the  variety  and 
quality  of  its  goods,  was  E.  V.  Haughwout  and  Com- 
pany, manufacturers  and  retailers  of  glass,  china, 
tablewares,  and  lighting  fixtures.  The  massive  five- 
story,  twenty-three-bay  structure,  with  fronts  on 
both  Broadway  and  Broome  Street,  had  cast-iron 
facades  notable  for  their  beautifiilly  proportioned 
Venetian  Renaissance  ornament.  The  design  was  by 
John  P.  Gaynor,  an  architect  not  otherwise  of  conse- 
quence in  New  York,  but  the  cast  iron  was  from 
Badger,  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  business.  Badger's 
firm,  Architectural  Iron  Works  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  was  incorporated  in  1856,  the  year  the  Haugh- 
wout Building  was  constructed.  When,  in  1865,  he 
published  a  catalogue  of  the  firm's  work,^^  pride  of 
place— the  first  illustration  after  the  title  page  and 
view  of  the  factory— was  given  to  the  Haughwout 
Building  (cat.  no.  98).  Today  it  is  the  best-known 
iron-front  structure  in  Manhattan  and  one  of  the  two 
earliest  surviving  examples  of  such  buildings  (the 
other  is  the  Cary  Building,  1856,  also  by  Badger). 

Although  the  Haughwout  Building  was  a  true  cast- 
iron  structure— that  is,  one  with  a  multistory,  self- 
supporting,  totally  iron  front— it  was  not  the  first  to 
be  built.  That  honor  goes  to  a  factory  (fig.  145)  that 
the  inventor  James  Bogardus  designed  for  himself  in 

1847  at  the  corner  of  Duane  and  Centre  streets. In 

1848  Bogardus  erected  a  new  four-bay,  five-story  facade 
for  Dr.  John  Milhau's  pharmacy  at  183  Broadway,  and 
in  1849  he  built  a  group  of  stores  for  Edgar  H.  Laing 
at  the  corner  of  Washington  and  Murray  streets,  from 
which  only  fragments  survive  (see  cat.  no.  97).  The 
Laing  storefronts  were  virtually  identical  to  the  facade 
of  Bogardus's  own  factory.  Four  stories  high,  with  sim- 
ple Doric  colonnettes  flanking  rectangular  windows, 


these  structures  were  the  modest  precursors  of  the 
Haughwout  and  the  myriad  other  cast-iron  commer- 
cial buildings  that  today  make  up  one  of  the  city's 
unique  treasures,  the  Cast-iron  District,  located  south 
of  Houston  Street. 

By  the  1850s  Fifth  Avenue  had  clearly  become  the 
new  residential  address  of  choice. Originating  at 
Washington  Square,  the  avenue  had  been  opened  to 
Thirteenth  Street  in  1824,  to  Twenty-fourth  Street  in 
1830,  and  to  Forty-second  Street  in  1837.  Since  the  com- 
pletion of  that  last,  large  extension  exactly  coincided 
with  the  great  financial  panic,  nothing  much  hap- 
pened anywhere  along  the  thoroughfare  for  several 
years.  The  first  tangible  evidence  of  the  ftiture  resi- 
dential grov^  was  the  relocation  to  the  avenue  of 
two  fashionable  churches:  the  Church  of  the  Ascen- 
sion at  Tenth  Street  in  1840,  and  the  First  Presby- 
terian Church  at  Eleventh  Street  in  1842.  After  1846 
development  was  rapid. 

One  particularly  influential  house,  on  Sixteenth 
Street,  just  off  Fifth  Avenue,  was  that  designed  in 
1846  for  Colonel  Herman  Thorne  by  Trench  and 
Snook.  As  the  architects'  design  for  Stewart's  store 
transformed  the  facades  of  commercial  New  York,  so 
did  their  Thorne  house,  with  its  introduction  of  the 
Italianate  style,  have  a  profound  effect  on  the  city's 
domestic  architecture.  The  large,  square,  freestanding 
house  was  of  brownstone,  not  marble,  but  otherwise 
its  upper  floors— with  slightly  projecting  center  bay, 
pedimented  window  surrounds,  and  bold  cornice— 
were  not  unlike  those  of  Stewart's  emporium.  (The 
ground  floor,  which  had  a  covered  porch  and  round- 
arched  windows,  could  not  so  readily  be  compared  to 
a  storefront.)  Praised  for  its  restrained  elegance,  the 
house  was  immediately  emulated,  first  on  Fifth  Ave- 
nue and  later  as  the  prototypical  brownstone  row 
house  in  the  Italianate  style.  Even  Davis  tried  out  the 
new  mode,  with  a  double  house  on  Twelfth  Street, 
just  off  Fifth,  in  1847. 

In  1850  Hart  M.  Shiff,  a  French-born  merchant 
recently  arrived  in  New  York  from  New  Orleans, 
commissioned  Lienau  to  build  a  mansion  at  32  Fifth 
Avenue,  at  Tenth  Street  (cat.  nos.  99,  100).  Lienau, 
whose  thorough  technical  training  in  Germany  had 
been  followed  by  several  years  in  Henri  Labrouste's 
atelier  in  Paris,  used  the  opportunity  to  introduce  the 
French  Renaissance  style  to  New  York.^^  The  walls  of 
the  Shiff  house  were  red  brick,  the  trim  brownstone. 
The  roof— a  visible  emblem  of  the  Second  Empire 
style,  marked  "/i  la  mansard''''  in  the  specifications— 
was  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  city  and  was  widely 
remarked  upon.  At  the  end  of  the  decade,  in  1859, 


54.  Charles  Barry,  The  Travellers' 
Club  House  (London:  J.  Weale, 
1839);  Surveyor,  Engineer  and 
Architect,  1843. 

55.  Daniel  D.  Badger,  Illustrations 
of  Iron  Architecture  Made  by 
the  Architectural  Iron  Works  of 
the  City  of  New  York  (New 
York:  Baker  and  Godwin,  1865); 
reprinted  as  Bad^er^s  Illustrated 
Catalogue  of  Cast-Iron 
Architecture  (New  York: 
Dover  Publications,  1981). 

56.  For  Bogardus,  see  Margot 
Gayle  and  Carol  Gayle,  Cast- 
iron  Architecture  in  America: 
The  Si^n^cance  of  James 
Bosardus  (New  York:  W.  W. 
Norton,  1998). 

57.  See  Mosette  Broderick,  "Fifth 
Avenue,  New  York,  New  York," 
in  The  Grand  American  Avenue, 
i8so-ip20y  edited  by  Jan  Cigliano 
and  Sarah  Bradford  Landau 
(exh.  cat..  New  Orleans:  His- 
toric New  Orleans  Collection; 
Washington,  D.C. :  Octagon 
Museum,  1994),  pp.  3-34- 

58.  For  the  Thorne  house,  see  Lock- 
wood,  Bricks  and  Brownstone, 
pp.  132-33,  ill. 

59-  See  Ellen  W.  Kramer,  "The 
Architecture  of  Dedef  Lienau, 
A  Conservative  Victorian" 
(Ph.D.  dissertation,  New  York 
University,  1958). 


l86    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


60.  See  Paul  R.  Baker,  Richard  Mor- 
ris Hunt  (Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts: MIT  Press,  1980);  for 
the  Rossiter  house,  see  ibid., 
pp.  80-87. 

61.  For  Upjohn's  involvement  with 
Pierrepont,  see  Judith  Salisbury 
Hull,  "Richard  Upjohn:  Profes- 
sional Practice  and  Domestic 
Architecture"  (Ph.D.  disserta- 
tion, Columbia  University, 
New  York,  1987),  pp.  319-37, 
562-65. 

62.  Quoted  in  R.  W.  G.  Vail, 
Knickerbocker  Birthday:  A 
Sesqui-Centennial  History  of 
the  New -York  Historical  Society, 
i804~i9S4  (New  York:  New- 
York  Historical  Society, 
1954),  p.  98- 

63.  For  Wight,  see  Sarah  Bradford 
Landau,  R  B.  Wi^ht— Architect, 
Contractor,  and  Critic,  1838-1925 
(exh.  cat.,  Chicago:  Art  Institute 
of  Chicago,  1981). 


John  Jacob  Astor  II  would  simply  build  a  larger  ver- 
sion of  the  same  structure  uptown,  on  Fifth  at  Thirty- 
third  Street. 

In  September  1855  the  architect  Richard  Morris 
Hunt  setded  in  New  York  after  nine  years  in  Paris, 
having  been  the  first  American  to  study  architecture 
at  the  Ecole  des  Beaux-Arts.  Hunt's  initial  commis- 
sion was  a  modest  house  on  Thirty-eighth  Street,  just 
off  Fifth,  for  Thomas  P.  Rossiter,  a  painter  and  friend 
from  Paris.  The  architect's  elegantly  rendered  study 
of  the  three-story,  four-bay  limestone-and-brick  facade 
(cat.  no.  loi)  featured  French  Renaissance  elements, 
including  much-simplified  echoes  of  the  Pavilion  de  la 
Bibliotheque  at  the  Louvre,  on  which  he  himself  had 
labored.  The  only  features  characteristic  of  a  tradi- 
tional New  York  house  were  the  pardy  raised  base- 
ment, the  stoop,  and  the  flat  roof.  In  fact,  in  order  to 
make  it  blend  better  with  its  neighbors,  the  house  was 
actually  constructed  with  an  extra  story  and  faced 
with  two  varieties  of  brownstone.  The  Rossiter  house 
is  important  as  the  first  American  work  by  a  man  who 
was  to  be  the  nation's  leading  architect  during  the  last 
third  of  the  century.  But  it  is  perhaps  best  remem- 
bered today  as  the  subject  of  a  legal  dispute  that 
helped  establish  the  principle  that  architects  are  pro- 
fessionals entided  to  commissions  based  on  a  per- 
centage of  the  cost  of  construction.*^^ 

Although  known  mainly  for  his  Gothic  Revival 
churches,  Upjohn  was  also  an  accomplished  prac- 
titioner in  two  additional  styles— the  Italianate  (for 
coimtry  houses)  and  the  Romanesque  (for  urban 
secular  structures).  For  the  Trinity  Building,  1851-52,  an 
office  structure  adjacent  to  Trinity  churchyard,  Upjohn 
employed  the  heavy  cornice  and  plain,  flat  walls  of 
the  palazzo  style  but  punctuated  the  walls  with 
Romanesque  roiand-arched  windows.  Together  with 
his  son  Richard  Michell,  he  chose  a  similar  treatment 
in  1856  for  the  great  mansion  (cat.  no.  103)  that  Henry 
Evelyn  Pierrepont  engaged  him  to  erect  in  Brooklyn 
Heights.^^  A  massive  block,  four  stories  above  a  raised 
basement,  its  flat,  bare  walls  of  warm  red  New  Jersey 
freestone  interrupted  by  arched  openings  of  darker 
Connecticut  brownstone,  the  Pierrepont  mansion 
was  the  finest  Romanesque  town  house  ever  built  in 
New  York. 

Buoyed  by  expansive  and  prosperous  times  during 
the  1850S,  many  of  the  city's  urban  institutions  chose  to 
build  themselves  permanent  homes.  In  1855  the  Union 
Club  erected  a  splendid  structure,  in  the  London-club 
style,  on  Fifth  Avenue  at  Twenty-first  Street.  Shordy 
thereafter,  the  New-York  Historical  Society  followed 
suit.  Having  purchased  a  lot  at  Eleventh  Street  and 


Fig.  146.  Jacob  Wells;  artist,  Jacob  Wrey  Mould,  architect, 
AU  Souls^  Churchj  Fourth  Avenm  at  Twentieth  Street,  1859.  Wood 
engraving  by  Augustus  Fay  and  Edward  P.  Cogger,  from  Bailouts 
Pictorial  Dramn^-Rwm  Companion,  August  20, 1859.  Courtesy 
of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


Second  Avenue  (after  Fifth,  the  most  fashionable  new 
residential  street),  the  society  hired  Charles  Mettam 
and  Edmund  A.  Burke  to  design  its  headquarters  in 
the  palazzo  style,  termed  by  the  society  "Italian- 
Roman-Doric."  Although  neither  Mettam  and 
Burke  nor  their  design  was  particularly  distinguished 
in  the  architectural  milieu  of  the  time,  the  partners' 
presentation  rendering  (cat.  no.  104)— all  that  sur- 
vives of  the  building— is  exceptionally  attractive. 

The  National  Academy  was  more  adventurous.  It 
began  its  search  for  a  location  in  1859,  purchased  a  lot 
at  the  comer  of  Fourth  Avenue  and  Twenty-third 
Street  in  i860,  and  then  began  the  lengthy  process  of 
selecting  an  architect.  Those  originally  proposed  for 
consideration  were  Eidlitz  (from  Vienna),  Mould 
(from  London),  and  Hunt  (from  the  Ecole  in  Paris). 
In  the  end,  however,  the  academy  chose  Peter  Bonnett 
Wight,  a  native  New  Yorker  who  had  trained  with 
Thomas  R.  Jackson,  once  Upjohn's  chief  draftsman.*^^ 
It  was  not  vmtil  1862  that  a  final  design  was  agreed  to, 
and  construction  dragged  on  into  1865.  Wight's  design 


BUILDING  THE  EMPIRE   CITY:  ARCHITECTS  AND  ARCHITECTURE  I87 


was  inspired  by  Mould's  dramatic  All  Souls'  Unitarian 
Church  (fig.  146),  1853-55,  just  three  blocks  to  the 
south.  That  building,  Mould's  first  major  commission 
in  New  York  (the  tower  was  never  executed),  was  the 
first  in  America  to  employ  polychromatic  construc- 
tion materials.  Wight's  exotic,  polychrome  design 
(cat.  no.  105),  with  the  cornice  and  the  diamond  pat- 
tern of  the  brick- and- stone  walls  strongly  suggesting 
the  Doge's  Palace,  Venice,  represents  an  early  instance 
of  the  influence  in  New  York  of  the  English  writer 
and  critic  John  Ruskin. 

By  the  mid- 1850s  New  York's  architects  had  come 
to  recognize  the  need  for  a  professional  association, 
and  it  was  Upjohn  who  was  to  provide  the  impetus. 
He  had  labored,  he  claimed,  "imder  the  most  adverse 
circumstances  when  the  profession  was  in  its  infancy 
.  .  .  [and]  in  an  isolated  position In  February  1857 
twelve  New  York  architects  assembled  in  his  office 
and  agreed  to  establish  a  society  to  "promote  the  sci- 
entific and  practical  perfection  of  its  members  and  ele- 
vate the  standing  of  the  profession,"  They  chose  to 
keep  the  membership  select,  drawing  it  from  their 
immediate  circle  of  acquaintances,  and  to  limit  it 
principally  to  New  York  City,  no  doubt  remember- 
ing that  the  failure  of  the  American  Institution  of 
Architects  in  1836-37  was  in  good  part  because  of 
regional  rivalries.  Their  new  organization  was  to  be 
caUed  the  American  Institute  of  Architects,  the  first 
viable  professional  association  of  architects  in  the 


United  States.  On  April  15,  with  elaborate  ceremonies 
in  Davis's  great  Gothic  Revival  chapel  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  the  City  of  New  York,  the  AIA  celebrated 
the  adoption  of  its  constitution.  The  first  board  of 
trustees  included  Upjohn  (president),  Walter  (first  vice 
president),  Hunt  (librarian),  and  Davis.  Years  later, 
from  1888  to  1891,  Hunt  would  serve  as  president, 
having  become  the  leading  American  proponent  of 
the  architectural  profession. 

All  told,  then,  in  the  years  1825  through  1861, 
New  York  City  had  transformed  itself  in  the  realm 
of  architecture  from  a  calm  backwater  to  the  turbu- 
lent mainstream.  Its  architects,  at  first  native-born 
carpenter-builders,  at  the  end  of  the  period  were  largely 
immigrants  who  had  been  professionally  trained.  Its 
buildings  evolved  from  local  variations  on  English 
classical  designs  into  structures  reflecting  the  fiill 
panoply  of  Revival  styles— the  English  ecclesiological 
Gothic,  the  Venetian  Gothic,  the  Anglo -Italianate, 
the  French  Renaissance.  Its  building  materials  changed 
from  red  brick  to  white  marble,  brownstone,  and 
cast  iron.  Wall  Street,  with  its  banks  and  exchanges, 
became  the  symbol  of  the  architecture  of  finance; 
Broadway,  with  its  hotels  and  department  stores,  the 
symbol  of  the  architecture  of  commerce;  and  Fifth 
Avenue,  with  its  palatial  residences,  the  symbol  of  the 
architecture  of  private  pleasure.  New  York,  by  way 
of  becoming  a  world-class  city,  had  become  the  epi- 
center of  American  architecture. 


64.  Quoted  in  Woods,  From  Craft 
to  Profession,  p.  33. 

65.  Ibid. 


The  Currency  of  Culture:  Prints  in  New  Tork  City 

ELLIOT  BOSTWICK  DAVIS 


Between  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  in  1825 
and  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  in  1861, 
printmaking  in  New  York  City  flourished  on 
an  unprecedented  scale.  The  popularity  of  city  views 
of  this  era  among  early-twentieth-century  collectors— 
which  is  reflected  in  Isaac  Newton  Phelps  Stokes's 
six- volume  Iconography  of  Manhattan  Island— hzs 
obscured  the  fact  that  reams  of  prints  of  many  other 
types  were  also  produced  by  New  York  presses  dur- 
ing those  years.  Those  of  exceptionally  high  quality, 
which  supported  New  York's  aspiration  to  be  the 
cultural  capital  of  the  United  States,  attracted  an  elite 
circle  of  connoisseurs,  while  the  popular  marketplace 
demanded  a  spectrum  of  prints  in  the  form  of  cur- 
rency, maps,  illustrations  for  books  and  periodicals, 
and  political  cartoons,  as  well  as  vast  quantities  of 
trade  cards,  billheads,  and  advertising  materials  be- 
yond the  scope  of  the  present  exhibition.  Indeed,  as 
a  response  to  the  combined  momentum  of  rising 
artistic  standards  and  increasing  mass  production,  a 
consciousness  of  the  city's  manifest  destiny  emerged. 
Nowhere  is  this  more  clearly  evident  than  in  the 
printed  views  of  Manhattan,  which  grew  ever  more 
expansive  and  proclaimed  the  metropolis  "The  Empire 
City"  as  early  as  1855. 

Between  1825  and  1861  the  burgeoning  of  New  York 
as  a  bustling  marketplace  for  domestic  and  foreign 
goods  worked  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  city's 
numerous  commercial  industries,  including  the  print- 
ing trade.  As  tlie  primary  port  of  entry  into  the  United 
States  following  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal,  Man- 
hattan welcomed  to  its  shores  a  steady  supply  of 
highly  skilled  artists  and  printers  from  Europe.  Regu- 
lar packet-boat  service  and  cost-efficient  wharves  and 
warehouses  (see  fig.  170)  expedited  the  flow  of  all  the 
supplies  and  equipment  necessary  to  produce  prints, 
especially  the  prized  limestone  ideally  suited  to  lithog- 
raphy that  was  imported  from  Bavaria.  Iron  foundries 
throve  in  their  proximity  to  the  North  River  (now 
known  as  the  Hudson),  and  printers  were  able  to 
update  their  presses  and  equipment,  incorporating 
the  latest  technological  developments  from  abroad. 


The  official  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  ensured  that 
all  roads  of  the  Empire  State  led  to  the  Port  of  New 
York  (see  cat.  no.  118).  To  commemorate  that  occasion, 
several  of  the  most  prominent  American  engravers 
practicing  in  the  city  joined  forces  with  the  newly 
arrived  French  lithographer  Anthony  Imbert  to  cre- 
ate an  ambitious  presentation  volume  with  extensive 
printed  illustrations  documenting  the  elaborate  cele- 
bration (cat.  no.  117).  Entided  Memoir^  Prepared  at 
the  Request  of  a  Committee  of  the  Common  Council  of 
the  City  of  New  Tork,  and  Presented  to  the  Mayor  of  the 
City,  at  the  Celebration  of  the  Completion  of  the  New 
Tork  CanalSy  the  book  included  a  splendid  illustration 
by  Archibald  Robertson  of  the  fleet  preparing  to  form 
in  line  when  the  boat  Seneca  Chief  conveying  De  Witt 
Clinton  and  his  entourage,  approached  the  lower  tip 
of  Manhattan  near  Battery  Park  at  the  culmination  of 
the  aquatic  festivities  (cat.  no.  118).  Imbert  required 
two  lithographic  stones  to  capture  the  grandiose  scene 
in  its  entirety— a  complex  and  expensive  undertaking. 
Earlier  panoramic  views  of  New  York  Harbor  generally 
represented  the  city  from  the  vantage  point  of  a  small 
vessel  at  sea  level.  Charles-Balthazar-Julien  Fevret  de 
Saint-Memin's  engraving  of  New  York  from  Brooklyn 
Heights,  drawn  with  a  pantograph  in  1798  (fig.  147), 
exemplifies  this  earlier  topographical  style,  which 
derived  from  detailed  drawings  required  for  planning 
military  campaigns.^  In  contrast,  Robertson  designed 
an  atmospheric  view  from  the  elevated  promenade  of 
the  Battery.  An  instructor  in  one  of  the  first  drawing 
academies  in  New  York  City,  Robertson  was  a  highly 
proficient  drafi:sman  capable  of  fully  collaborating 
with  Imbert  in  the  lithographic  process,  which  was 
relatively  new  in  the  United  States.  Because  of  his 
artistic  abilities  and  his  role  as  a  major  figure  in  the 
New  York  art  world,  the  Committee  of  Arrangements 
for  the  canal  celebrations  had  made  Robertson  head 
of  its  Department  of  Fine  Arts,  which  would  prepare 
the  illustrations  for  the  Memoir.  Exploiting  the  ability 
of  the  lithographic  crayon  to  render  subde  gradations 
of  tone,  Imbert  drew  Robertson's  image  on  stone 
witJi  the  assistance  of  Felix  Duponchel.^  A  former 


The  author  wishes  to  thank  Geor- 
gia B.  Barnhill,  Andrew  Mellon 
Curator  of  Graphic  Arts,  The  Amer- 
ican Antiquarian  Society;  John 
Wilmerding,  Christopher  B.  Saro- 
fim  '86  Professor  of  American  Art, 
Princeton  University;  and  Catherine 
Hoover  Voorsanger  for  reading  an 
earlier  draft  of  this  essay  and  for 
their  insightful  comments.  She  also 
thanks  Ellyn  Childs  Allison,  John  S. 
Paolella,  and  Carol  Fuerstein  for 
their  attentive  editing  of  the  manu- 
script; and  Heather  Lemonedcs, 
John  Crooks,  Constance  C.  McPhee, 
Marguerita  Emerson,  Mark  D. 
Mitchell,  and  Katherinc  P.  Lawrence 
for  their  research  assistance  on 
the  American  prints  in  the  Metro- 
politan Museum. 

1.  Sec  Gloria  Gilda  Deak,  Pictur- 
in£i  America,  1497-1899-  Prints, 
Maps,  and  Drawings  Bearin^f 
on  the  New  World  Discoveries 
and  on  the  Development  of 

the  Territory  That  Is  Now  the 
United  States  (Princeton: 
Princeton  University  Press, 
1988),  p.  144- 

2.  John  Carbonell,  "Anthony 
Imbert:  New  York's  Pioneer 
Lithographer,"  in  Prints  and 
Printmakers  of  New  Tork  State, 
182S-1940,  edited  by  David 
Tatham  (Syracuse:  Syracuse 
University  Press,  1986),  p.  18, 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  170 


I90    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  147.  Charles-Balthazar-Julien  Fevret  de  Saint-Memin,  A  View  of  the  City  of  New  Tork  from  Brooklyn  Hei^htSy  1798,  first  issued  1850.  Engraving  on  diree  sheets, 
first  state.  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photographs,  The  Phelps 
Stokes  Collection,  Print  Collection  P.  1796-E-44 


3.  Ibid.,  pp.  17, 39  n.  8.  As  Car- 
bonell  notes,  "not  only  do 
different  copies  have  different 
combinations  of  plates,  but 
several  of  the  lithographs  exist 
in  variant  states."  See  also 
Harry  T.  Peters,  America  on 
Stone:  The  Other  Printmakers 
to  the  American  People.  A 
Chronicle  of  American  Lithog- 
raphy Other  Than  That  of  Cur- 
rier &  Ives,  from  Its  Beginning, 
Shortly  before  1820,  to  the  Tears 
When  the  Commercial  Single- 
Stone  Hand-Colored  Litho- 
graph Disappeared  from  the 
American  Scene  (Garden  City: 
Doubleday,  Doran,  and  Co., 
1931;  reprint.  New  York:  Amo 
Press,  1976),  pp.  228-35. 

4.  Carbonell,  "Anthony  Imbert," 
p.  39  n.  8. 


member  of  the  French  navy,  Imbert  was  responsible 
for  the  depiction  of  the  vessels,  but  it  was  Robertson 
who  likely  enlivened  the  composition  by  contrasting 
thick  clouds  of  black  smoke  made  by  steamships  with 
the  white  clouds  of  exploding  gunpowder  emanating 
from  the  canons  in  the  lower  foreground  and  near  the 
hull  of  the  tall  ship  just  offshore. 

The  Memoir  also  included  lithographs  printed  by 
Imbert  of  the  numerous  associations  that  participated 
in  the  celebrations.  Fire  companies  are  represented  in 
several  illustrations,  and  the  symbols  of  such  impor- 
tant guilds  as  the  chair-makers'  society  also  appear 
(fig.  234).  The  novelty  of  the  lithographic  meditim 
and  its  association  with  scientific  reportage  may 
have  discouraged  Robertson  from  choosing  it  for 
the  portraits  in  the  Memoir,  Instead,  he  and  Imbert 
enlisted  the  foremost  engravers  of  the  day,  including 


Peter  Maverick,  Asher  B.  Durand,  and  James  Barton 
Longacre,  to  portray  the  prime  movers  of  the  canal 
project,  De  Witt  Clinton  and  Cadwallader  Golden,  a 
former  mayor  of  New  York  who  was  the  author  of 
the  Memoir.  Nevertheless,  thirty-seven  of  the  fifty- 
four  illustrations  in  the  book  were  lithographs,  all 
but  two  printed  by  Imbert.^  Robertson  and  Imbert 
even  included  a  plate  reproducing  a  facsimile  of  a  let- 
ter dated  July  6,  1826,  in  order  to  demonstrate  the 
practical  applications  of  transfer  lithography.  Just 
as  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  was  a  watershed  in 
the  history  of  New  York  City,  so  Robertson  and 
Imberfs  ambitious  project  served  to  set  a  high  stan- 
dard for  New  York  lithographers,  who  would  soon 
follow  their  lead. 

In  1825  lithography  was  still  considered  a  novelty 
in  the  United  States.  Robertson  lauded  the  medium 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:   PRINTS  Ipl 


Fig.  148.  John  Rubens  Smith,  Portrait  of  a  Lady  [Mrs.  John 
Rubens  Smith"? ]y  1821-22.  Lithograph.  Courtesy  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


as  a  "curious  discovery"  of  "useful  importance"  not 
unworthy  of  comparison  with  "Fulton's  application 
of  steam  to  the  purposes  of  navigation."^  The  tech- 
nique operates  on  the  principle  that  oil  and  water 
do  not  easily  mix.^  To  execute  a  lithograph,  the  artist 
first  draws  an  image  on  a  stone— during  the  ante- 
bellum period  most  often  limestone— with  greasy 
crayons,  pens,  or  pencils.  The  drawing  is  then  affixed 
to  the  stone  by  means  of  a  solution  of  gum  arabic 
and  nitric  acid  to  prevent  the  ink  from  spreading. 
The  stone  is  washed  with  water,  which  dampens  the 
exposed  areas.  Printer's  ink  is  then  rolled  over  the 
entire  surface,  and  the  grease  in  the  ink  adheres  to  the 
sticky  surface  of  the  prepared  drawing  but  not  to 
the  wet  surface  of  the  stone.  The  stone  is  inked  and 
covered  with  paper.  After  passing  through  a  print- 
ing press,  the  paper  reveals  a  mirror  image  of  the 
original  drawing. 

Introduced  in  Germany  by  Aloys  Senefelder  in  1796, 
lithography  was  first  attempted  in  the  United  States 
by  the  portrait  painter  and  engraver  Bass  Otis,  who 
in  1 8 19  produced  what  is  frequendy  considered  the 
first  American  lithograph,  a  crudely  executed  land- 
scape with  a  mill.^  Shordy  thereafter,  William  Armand 
Barnet  and  Isaac  Doolittle  brought  to  New  York 
their  firsthand  knowledge  of  lithography  as  it  was 


practiced  in  Paris.  Their  early  efforts  drew  praise  from 
the  American  Journal  of  Science  and  Arts  in  1821: 
"Messrs.  Barnet  &  Doolitde  have  in  their  possession, 
a  great  variety  of  lithographic  prints,  which  suffi- 
ciendy  evince  the  adaptedness  of  the  art  to  an  elegant 
as  well  as  a  common  style  of  execution.  The  finest 
things  done  in  this  way  are  really  very  beautiful;  and 
they  possess  a  softness  which  is  peculiarly  their  own."^ 
Barnet  and  Doolitde  produced  lithographs  of  some 
quality,  exemplified  by  the  execution  of  a  delicate  por- 
trait by  British-born  artist  and  printmaker  John 
Rubens  Smith  (fig.  148).  But  lithographs  cost  twice  as 
much  as  copperplate  engravings,  and  the  partners 
became  discouraged.  By  June  1822  Barnet  returned  to 
France,  after  selling  the  firm  they  had  established  to 
geologist  William  Leseur,  who  himself  lamented  the 
lack  of  patronage  for  lithography  in  New  York.  Writ- 
ing to  the  former  proprietors,  Leseur  observed:  "In 
order  for  lithography  to  succeed  here  it  is  necessary 
for  there  to  be  more  connoisseurs  of  fine  arts  than 
there  are  now.  You  only  find  a  few  individuals  who 
have  portfolios  fiiU  of  engravings,  and  those  who  have 
them  send  them  to  auction  to  get  rid  of  them."^ 

With  the  entrepreneurial  spirit  that  would  bolster 
New  York  City's  bid  to  become  the  business  capital 
of  the  country,  various  local  printers  continued  to  try 
their  hands  at  lithography,  despite  the  failure  of  Bar- 
net  and  Doolittle.  The  engraver  Peter  Maverick  had 


5.  Cadwallader  D.  Golden,  Mem- 
oify  Prepared  at  the  Request  of 
a  Committee  of  the  Common 
Council  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
and  Presented  to  the  Mayor  of 
the  City,  at  the  Celebration  of 
the  Completion  of  the  New  York 
Canals  (New  York:  Printed 

by  Order  of  the  Corporation 
of  New  York  by  W.  A.  Davis, 
1825),  conclusion,  p.  398, 
Department  of  Drawings  and 
Prints,  Metropolitan  Museum. 

6.  As  described  in  Peter  C.  Mar- 
zio,  The  Democratic  Art, 
Chromolitho^raphy,  1840-1900: 
Pictures  for  a  igth-Century 
America  (Boston:  David 
Godine,  1979),  pp.  8-9,  with 
descriptive  definitions  of 
single-color,  hand-colored, 
tinted  lithographs,  and 
chromolithographs  on  p.  9. 

7.  See  Sally  Pierce,  with  Catha- 
rina  Slautterback  and  Georgia 
Brady  Barnhill,  Early  Ameri- 
can Lithography:  Ima^fes  to  1830 
(exh.  cat.,  Boston:  Boston 

Athenaeum,  1997),  pp-  lo-n, 
80-81.  See  also  Peter  C.  Marzio, 
"American  Lithographic  Tech- 
nology before  the  Civil  War," 
in  Prints  in  and  of  America  to 
iSso,  edited  by  John  D.  Morse, 
Winterthur  Conference  on 
Museum  Operation  and  Con- 
noisseurship,  i6th,  1970  (Char- 
lottesville: University  Press  of 
Virginia,  1970),  pp.  215-56;  and 
Joseph  Jackson,  "Bass  Otis, 
America's  First  Lithographer," 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory and  Biography  37  (1913), 
pp.  385-94. 

8.  "Notice  of  the  Lithographic 
Art,"  American  Journal  of  Sci- 
ence and  Arts  4  (October  1821 
[1822]),  p.  170,  as  quoted  in 
Pierce,  Slautterback,  and  Barn- 
hill,  Early  American  Lithogra- 
phy, p.  II. 

9.  Quoted  in  Pierce,  Slautterback, 
and  Barnhill,  Early  American 
Lithography,  p.  12. 


Fig.  149.  Peter  Maverick,  after  Thomas  Lawrence,  The  Dau£ih- 
ters  of  Charles  B.  Calmady,  1829.  Lithograph.  Courtesy  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


For  a  detailed  account  of 
Maverick's  career,  see  Stephen 
DeWitt  Stephens,  The  Mav- 
ericks, American  Engravers 
(New  Brunswick,  New  Jersey: 
Rutgers  University  Press,  1950); 
and  Peters,  America  on  Stone, 
pp.  273-75- 

See  Mary  Bardett  Cowdrey 
and  Theodore  Sizer,  American 
Academy  of  Fine  Arts  and 
American  Art-Union,  1816-1852 
(New  York:  New-York  Histori- 
cal Society,  1953),  vol.  2,  Exhi- 
bition Record,  pp.  351-52. 
Several  figures  in  the  fore- 
ground of  Thompson's  print 
are  usually  identified  as  his 
wife,  daughters,  and  sister. 
See  OUve  S.  De  Luce,  "Percival 
DeLuce  and  His  Heritage," 
Northwest  Missouri  State 
Teachers  College  Studies,  June  i, 
1948,  pp.  73-74.  The  two  prints 
that  recall  Thompson's  New 
York  Harbor  from  the  Battery 
are  an  engraving.  Arrival  of  the 
Great  Western  Steam  Ship,  Off 
New  Tork  Bay  of  New  Tork 
(1838),  published  by  W.  &  H. 
Cave  of  Manchester,  England, 
and  a  tinted  lithograph.  Bay  of 
New  Tork  from  the  Battery 
(1838)  by  an  artist  identified  by 
the  initials  H.  D. 
Carbonell,  "Anthony  Imbert," 
pp.  12-13;  Peters,  America  on 
Stone,  p.  228. 

See  I.  N.  Phelps  Stokes,  The 
Iconography  of  Manhattan 
Island,  1498-1909,  Compiled 
from  Original  Sources  and 
Illustrated  by  Photo-inta^lio 
Reproductions  of  Important 
Maps,  Plans,  Views,  and  Docu- 
ments in  Public  and  Private 
Collections,  6  vols.  (New  York: 
Robert  H.  Dodd,  1915-28), 
vol.  3  (1925),  p.  603.  Stokes 
writes:  The  [New-York  His- 
torical] Society  owns  also  one 
of  the  original  brown  wrap- 
pers, bearing  the  following 
inscription:  Views  of  the  Pub- 
Uc  Buildings,  Edifices  and 
Monuments,  In  the  Principal 
Cities  of  the  United  States, 
Correcdy  drawn  on  Stone 
by  A.  J.  Davis.  Printed  and 
PubUshed  by  A.  Imbert,  Litho- 
grapher, 79  Murray-Street, 

New-York  The  Work  will 

be  issued  in  Numbers,  each 
containing  4  Plates;  The  first 
number  to  each  City,  will  be 
ornamented  with  a  ride  page 
and  a  vignette;— The  Price  of 
Subscription  is  per  number, 
.  .  .  $2:00.  Each  Plate  Sepa- 
rately, . . .  0:50.  Subscriptions 
are  received  at  the  Office  of  the 
Publisher,  79  Murray-Street, 


Fig.  150.  Anthony  Imbert,  after  Thomas  Cole,  Distant  View  of  the  Slides  That  Destroyed  the  Willey  Family y  White  Mountains^ 
ca.  1828.  Lithograph.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


experimented  with  the  new  technique  on  a  small  scale 
to  augment  his  thriving  trade  in  portraits,  banknotes, 
and  maps.  Maverick  was  an  accomplished  draftsman, 
and  the  skill  he  achieved  in  lithography  is  evident  in 
The  Daughters  of  Charles  B.  Calmady  (fig.  149),  a  print 
of  1829  after  an  oil  painting  by  Thomas  Lawrence. 
Maverick  would  also  produce  numerous  popular  litho- 
graphs for  book  illustrations  and  sheet-music  covers. 

One  lithographer  who  would  rapidly  match  Imbert's 
success  was  British  immigrant  Thomas  Thompson.  A 
painter  who  exhibited  regularly  at  the  American  Acad- 
emy of  the  Fine  Arts,  the  Apollo  Association  (later 
the  American  Art-Union),  and  the  National  Academy 
of  Design,  where  he  became  an  associate  member  in 
1834,^^  Thompson  undertook  what  would  become 
a  milestone  of  early  American  lithography  because 
of  its  unprecedented  scale.  In  1829,  utilizing  Saint- 
Memin's  and  Imberfs  technique  of  joining  several 
sheets  together  to  form  one  panorama,  Thompson 
joined  three  large  lithographs  to  form  a  continuous, 
well-populated  scene  of  New  York  Harbor  from  the 


southern  tip  of  the  Battery  promenade  (cat.  no.  121). 
Although  Thompson  did  not  continue  to  produce 
lithographs,  his  print,  which  is  now  rare,  inspired  sev- 
eral other  similar  scenes  of  an  elegant  assembly  of 
New  Yorkers  strolling  along  the  Battery. 

Meanwhile,  Imbert  continued  in  business  at  a  num- 
ber of  downtown  addresses  until  at  least  1835,1^  and 
he  succeeded  in  attracting  some  of  the  foremost 
American  artists  to  experiment  with  lithography.  The 
distinguished  architea  Alexander  Jackson  Davis  col- 
laborated with  him  to  produce  a  portfolio  of  de- 
pictions of  public  buildings  in  New  York  (see  cat. 
nos.  70-72).  The  inscription  on  one  of  the  extant 
portfolio  wrappings  indicates  that  Imbert  intended 
to  publish  subsequent  portfolios  of  public  buildings 
located  in  the  principal  cities  of  the  United  States; 
however,  as  with  many  printmaking  projects  planned 
during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the 
subsequent  installments  were  abandoned. 

Thomas  Cole,  who  would  later  change  the  course  of 
American  landscape  painting,  found  his  way  to  Imbert's 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  193 


press  while  he  was  struggling  to  establish  himself  pro- 
fessionally. In  hopes  of  raising  funds  for  a  trip  to 
Europe  through  the  sale  of  prints,  Cole  produced  two 
lithographs  printed  by  Imbert  that  reflect  his  interest 
in  the  American  wilderness.  Perhaps  inspired  by 
Robertson's  reportage  for  the  Memoir,  Cole  based 
one  of  them  on  a  dramatic  location  he  himself  had  vis- 
ited. Intended  to  appeal  to  human  curiosity  in  the 
wake  of  a  natural  disaster,  Distant  View  of  the  Slides 
That  Destroyed  the  Willey  Family,  White  Mountains  of 
about  1828  represents  the  raging  forces  of  nature  that 
inspire  awe,  an  essential  component  of  Cole's  notion 
of  the  sublime  (fig.  150).  Describing  the  scene  in  a 
journal  entry  for  October  1828,  Cole  recalled  his  sense 
of  utter  desolation  as  he  gazed  at  the  Willey  house, 
miraculously  left  standing  by  a  landslide  that  killed  all 
the  members  of  the  household,  who  had  rushed  out- 
side. The  distinctive  bald  patches  on  the  slope  evoke 
Cole's  contemporaneous  paintings  of  Kaaterskill 
Clove  in  the  Catskills,  and  they  may  have  inspired  his 
rendering  of  a  similarly  scarred  mountainside  in  the 
central  background  of  The  Oxbow  (Metropolitan 
Museum),  a  monumental  canvas  he  painted  for  New 
York  art  patron  Luman  Reed  in  1836.  Although  mod- 
est in  scale,  the  two  early  prints  designed  by  Cole  and 
executed  by  Imbert  represent  some  of  the  earliest 
efforts  by  an  American  painter  to  create  high-quality 
landscapes  in  the  medium  of  lithography. 

Imbert  kept  a  keen  eye  on  the  popular-print  mar- 
ket. Views  of  street  life  in  New  York  were  in  demand 
and  they  often  took  the  form  of  humorous  satires. 
Seeking  to  engage  an  ever  broader  audience,  Imbert 
issued  a  series  of  lithographic  caricatures  entided 
Life  in  New  York  that  are  reminiscent  of  the  popular 
etchings  Life  in  Philadelphia  produced  by  Edward  W. 
Clay.^^  In  one  of  these  an  urban  dandy  is  shown  com- 
ically striving  to  climb  New  York's  social  ladder  while 
encumbered  by  fashionably  tight  lacing  (fig.  23). 
One  of  Imbert's  more  unusual  popular  lithographs, 
which  combines  portraiture  and  social  commentary, 
depicts  the  formidable  Mr.  John  Roulstone  of  the 
New  York  Riding  School  (fig.  151).  Rendered  by  an 
anonymous  artist  and  printed  by  Imbert,  the  image 
depicts  the  imposing  figure  of  the  elegantly  dressed 
Roulstone.  The  inscription  below  the  scene,  which 
testifies  to  the  print's  preparation  "in  compliance  with 
the  unanimous  vote  of  the  class,"  expresses  the  high 
regard  of  Roulstone's  students  for  their  teacher.  The 
large  scale  of  the  lithograph  suggests  the  enormous 
resources  of  fashionable  New  Yorkers  put  through 
their  paces  by  Roulstone.  The  work  was  probably 
commissioned  by  students  of  the  riding  school,  and 


Fig.  151.  Mr.  John  Roulstone  of  the  New  Tork  Riding  School^  ca.  1829.  Lithograph  published  by 
Anthony  Imbert.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Print  Room 


the  cost  of  designing  and  printing  the  image  was 
passed  on  to  subscribers,  who  presumably  received  a 
portrait  of  their  beloved  instructor. 

Despite  the  fine  work  done  by  Imbert  and  other 
lithographers,  high-quality  printmaking  was  domi- 
nated by  aquatint  engraving.  An  intaglio  process, 
aquatint  achieves  effects  that  are  tonal  rather  than  linear, 
much  like  those  of  a  watercolor  wash.  To  effectively 
imitate  watercolors,  the  early  aquatints  created  in 
New  York  City  were  generally  prepared  with  black  or 
sepia  ink  and  later  hand  colored,  although  aquatints 
could  also  be  printed  in  colors.  Paul  Sandby,  father  of 
the  eighteenth-century  British  watercolor  school,  was 
the  first  artist  to  use  the  aquatint  process  in  England, 
having  learned  the  technique  from  a  friend  who  had 
purchased  the  secret  from  the  inventor,  Jean-Baptiste 
Le  Prince. Aquatint  was  promoted  vigorously  in 
London  by  print  publisher  Rudolph  Ackermann, 
whose  instruction  manuals  and  art  periodical,  the 
Repository  of  Arts,  Literature,  Fashions,  Manufactures, 
were  imported  into  the  United  States  during  the 
early  nineteenth  century  and  served  as  models  for 
aspiring  American  printmakers  and  publishers. 

By  1816  British-born  printmaker  John  Hill  had 
arrived  in  America,  where  he  fostered  the  popular- 
ity and  success  of  the  medium.  Hill,  who  began  his 
career  in  Philadelphia  that  year,  recognized  the  merits 


Bchr  &  Kahl's  Book  Store, 
359  Broadway;  Judah  Dobson, 
108  Chestnut-street,  Philadel- 
phia; Fielding  Lucas,  Balti- 
more.' "  See  also  Deak, 
Picturing  America,  p.  234. 

15.  See  Janet  Flint,  "The  American 
Painter-Lithographer*'  in  Art 
and  Commerce:  American 
Prints  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury. Proceedings  of  a  Confer- 
ence Held  in  Boston  May  8-10, 
I97S,  Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Boston,  Massachusetts  (Char- 
lottesville: University  Press  of 
Virginia,  1978),  p.  129,  for  the 
dating  of  the  two  Cole  litho- 
graphs, Distant  View  of  the 
Slides  That  Destroyed  the  Willey 
Family^  White  Mountains  and 
The  Falls  at  Catskill,  and  the 
likelihood  that  both  were 
printed  at  Imbert's  press. 

16.  Cole  wrote  in  his  journal:  "The 
sight  of  that  deserted  dwelling 
(the  Willee  House)  standing 
with  a  little  patch  of  green  in 
the  midst  of  that  dread  wilder- 
ness of  desolation  called  to 
mind  the  horrors  of  that  night 
(the  28th  of  August,  1826) 
when  these  mountains  were 
deluged  and  rocks  and  trees 
were  hurled  from  their  high 
places  down  the  steep  chan- 
nelled sides  of  the  mountains— 
the  whole  family  perished  and 


194    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  152.  John  Hill,  after  William  Guy  Wall,  PalisadeSj  1820,  issued  1823-24,  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio  (New  York:  Henry  J.  Megarey,  1821-25),  pi.  19.  Aquatint  with 
hand  coloring,  proof  before  letters.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.601 


yet  had  they  remained  in  the 
house  they  would  have  been 
saved— though  the  slides 
rushed  on  either  side  they 
avoided  it  as  though  it  had 
been  a  sacred  place.  A  strange 
mystery  hangs  over  the  events 
of  that  night.  .  .  .  We  looked 
up  at  the  pinnacles  above  us 
and  measured  ourselves  and 
found  ourselves  as  nothing  .  .  . 
it  is  impossible  for  description 
to  give  an  adequate  idea  of  this 
scene  of  desolation."  Flint, 
"The  American  Painter- 
Lithographer,"  p.  129. 

17.  See  Carbonell,  "Anthony 
Imbert,"  pp.  27-28;  and  Nancy 
Davison,  "E.  W.  Clay  and 

the  American  Political  Carica- 
ture Business,"  in  Prints  and 
Printmakers  of  New  Tork 
State,  pp.  91-110. 

18.  The  original  print  is  housed 
in  the  Print  Room  of  the 
New-York  Historical  Society. 
I  am  grateful  to  Wendy  Shad- 
well,  Curator  of  Prints, 

The  New-York  Historical 


of  aquatint  as  a  means  of  producing  a  series  of  printed 
scenes  that  could  be  used  as  models  for  aspiring  ama- 
teur painters  and  decorative  artists.  He  used  aquatint 
in  his  portfolio  Picturesque  Views  of  American  Scen- 
ery, 1821.  Inspired  by  the  success  of  Baltimore  pub- 
lisher Fielding  Lucas,  who  had  issued  an  extensively 
illustrated  drawing  book  in  1815,  Hill  also  produced 
thirteen  aquatint  plates  for  a  similar  manual  that  was 
published  by  Henry  J.  Megarey  in  New  York  City  in 
1 821.  A  popular  success.  Hill's  Drawing  Book  of  Land- 
scape Scenery:  Studies  from  Nature  established  his 
reputation,  and  he  was  soon  approached  by  Irish- 
born  watercolorist  William  Guy  Wall  to  engrave  the 
illustrations  for  a  project  in  aquatint,  The  Hudson 
River  Portfolio?^ 

The  success  of  early-nineteenth-century  aquatint 
endeavors  in  the  United  States  depended  upon  the 
close  collaboration  of  artist,  printmaker,  and  publisher. 
It  required  the  keen  eye  of  an  accomplished  print- 
maker  like  HiU  to  translate  the  watercolor  washes  of 
the  artist's  original  composition  as  black  and  white 


tones;  moreover,  the  printmaker  supervised  the  hand 
coloring  of  the  aquatints  to  ensure  their  close  resem- 
blance to  the  original  watercolors.  Regardless  of  the 
quality  of  the  final  prints,  the  publisher's  ability  to 
attract  subscribers  for  future  installments  and  to  sell 
the  works  in  the  marketplace  determined  the  ulti- 
mate success  or  failure  of  a  project.  Wall,  the  premier 
watercolorist  of  the  day,  whose  work  was  gready 
admired  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  interested  Megarey  in 
the  project  and  he  agreed  to  publish  Wall's  watercolor 
views  along  the  historic  Hudson. That  Wall  and 
Hill  worked  hand  in  glove  on  The  Hudson  River 
Portfolio  is  strikingly  clear.  Wall  had  initially  com- 
missioned John  Rubens  Smith  to  render  the  plates  for 
the  portfolio.  Although  he  was  an  accomplished  mez- 
zotint engraver.  Smith  found  that  aquatint  eluded  his 
talents,  and  he  abandoned  the  venture.  Hill  reworked 
several  of  Smith's  plates  and  devoted  himself  to  the 
project  for  the  next  five  years. 

The  resulting  suite  of  picturesque  vistas  selected 
from  vantage  points  along  the  315-mile  river  served 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:   PRINTS  195 


to  focus  public  attention  on  the  indigenous  American 
landscape,  setting  the  stage  for  the  development  of 
the  Hudson  River  School  of  landscape  painting. 
John  F.  Kensett,  a  second-generation  member  of  the 
school,  found  inspiration  for  his  series  of  paintings 
of  the  Shrewsbury  River  in  Wall  and  Hill's  Palisades 
(fig.  152),  with  its  distinctive  horizontality  and  glis- 
tening reflections  of  sailboats  on  the  surface  of  the 
water.  ^2  The  imagery  of  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio 
also  served  decorative  artists.  Given  the  crisp  appear- 
ance of  the  etched  lines  delineating  the  areas  of  aqua- 
tint tone,  the  scenes  could  be  readily  transferred  to 
porcelains.  Plate  20  in  the  Portfolio y  a  view  of  New 
York  City  from  Governors  Island,  appears  on  one  of 
a  pair  of  Paris  porcelain  vases  dating  from  the  iSgos,^^ 
complementing  a  scene  showing  the  Elysian  Fields, 
Hoboken,  on  the  other  vase  (fig.  266). 

In  1822,  at  the  urging  of  Megarey,  Hill  moved 
to  New  York  City  and  established  his  residence  and 
workroom  on  Hammond  Street,  which  he  depicted 
in  a  watercolor  dated  1825  (Metropolitan  Museum). 


Hill's  business  immediately  flourished  in  Manhattan. 
Although  he  alone  received  the  credit  and  commis- 
sions for  the  work,  he  relied  upon  his  wife  to  print  the 
plates  he  etched  and  on  his  daughters,  Caroline  and 
Catherine,  to  hand  color  the  prints  under  his  watch- 
ful eye.^s  Domestic  printshops  like  Hill's  would  be 
replaced  about  the  middle  of  the  century  by  large 
workshops,  such  as  those  owned  by  George  Endicott 
and  Nathaniel  Currier,  both  of  whom  employed 
numerous  artists,  printers,  and  colorists.  Hill  super- 
vised the  reissue  of  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio  plates 
throughout  the  late  1820s  and  early  1830s,  when  he 
worked  with  Megare/s  successor,  the  firm  of  G.  and  C. 
and  H.  Carvill.^^  He  also  trained  his  son,  John  William 
Hill,  who  became  a  successful  printmaker  and  artist  in 
his  own  right  in  New  York  City. 

Securing  patronage  for  large  printmaking  proj- 
ects like  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio  proved  chal- 
lenging. Several  extant  watercolors  associated  with 
prints  made  during  the  1820s  and  1830s  indicate 
that  artists  produced  finished  drawings  that  would 


Society,  for  her  assistance 
throughout  the  course  of 
this  project. 

19.  See  Dale  Roylance,  "Aquatint 
Engraving  in  England  and 
America,"  in  William  James 
Bennett:  Master  of  the  Aquatint 
View,  by  Gloria  Gilda  Deak 
(exh.  cat.,  New  York:  New 
York  IHiblic  Library,  1988),  p.  4. 

20.  For  a  thorough  discussion  of 
Hill's  career  and  his  involve- 
ment in  The  Hudson  River 
Portfolio,  see  Richard  J.  Koke, 
"John  Hill,  Master  of  Aqua- 
tint, 1770-1850,"  New-Tork 
Historical  Society  Quarterly  4j 
(January  1959),  pp-  5i-n7.  Koke 
notes  (p.  88)  that  on  Septem- 
ber 4, 1821,  Hill  brought  with 
him  to  Philadelphia  a  copy  of 
one  of  Wall's  original  draw- 
ings to  engrave. 

21.  Ibid.,  p.  86. 

22.  Elliot  Bostwick  Davis,  "Train- 
ing the  Eye  and  the  Hand; 
Drawing  Books  in  Nine- 
teenth-Century America" 
(Ph.D.  dissertation,  Columbia 


196    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  154.  William  James  Bennett,  Broadway  from  the  Bowling  Green,  ca.  1826.  Aquatint,  from  Me£[arefs  Street  Views  in  the  City  cfNew-Tork  (New  York:  Henry  J.  Megarey, 
1834).  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photographs,  The  Phelps  Stokes 
Collection,  Print  Collection  c.  1826-E-114 


University,  New  York,  1992), 
p.  256. 

23.  See  Alice  Cooney  Freling- 
huysen,  "Paris  Porcelain  in 
America,"  Antiques  153  (April 
1998),  p.  563  n.  44. 

24.  See  Koke,  "John  Hill,"  pp.  92- 
94,  for  the  various  residences 
of  the  Hill  family  before  they 
acquired  the  two-story  brick 
building  on  Tenth  Street  that 
the  artist  owned  until  his 
death,  in  1850. 

25.  Ibid.,  p.  97. 

26.  Ibid.,  p.  103. 

27.  For  the  original  documents, 
consult  the  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Manuscript  Division, 
Francis.  The  first,  a  form  of 
promissory  note,  is  dated  Feb- 
ruary 1834.  Also  quoted  in 
Stokes,  Icono^raphjy  vol.  3, 

pp.  625-27. 1  am  grateful  to  Mark 
Mitchell  of  Princeton  University 
for  obtaining  transcriptions  of 
the  documents. 


serve  not  only  as  models  for  the  engraver  but  also 
as  samples  to  attraa  subscribers.  Occasionally,  proofs 
were  used  for  the  same  purpose.  Wall  and  Hill's  Fdli- 
sades  is  likely  an  example  of  such  a  prepublication 
proof,  pulled  before  the  final  lettering  was  added  to 
the  plate  and  then  hand  colored.  A  highly  finished 
drawing  (fig.  153)  by  another  of  Hill's  collaborators, 
British-bom  Thomas  Hornor,  represents  a  similar 
effort  to  stimulate  interest  in  an  ambitious  plan  (never 
realized)  to  publish  several  large-scale  aquatint  views  of 
the  city.  Hornor  strengthened  his  drawing  with  fine 
oudines  in  pen  and  ink  to  suggest  the  look  of  the 
engraving  that  would  follow  (cat.  no.  123).  His  efforts 
to  attract  subscribers  are  recorded  in  an  exchange  of 
letters  with  Dr.  John  W.  Francis,  an  eminent  New 
York  physician  and  patron  of  the  arts.  In  one  of  the 
rare  documents  describing  the  terms  of  patronage  for 
a  print  produced  at  the  time,  Hornor  acknowledges 
receipt  of  a  loan  of  $500  from  Dr.  Francis  and  "several 


gentlemen"  for  his  view  of  New  York  Harbor  from 
the  East  River.  In  return,  Francis  and  the  other  con- 
tributors stood  to  receive  a  set  of  prints  "colored  in 
imitation  of  highly  finished  Drawings." 

Hill's  preeminence  as  master  of  the  printed  aqua- 
tint in  New  York  during  the  early  nineteenth  cen- 
tury was  threatened  only  by  William  James  Bennett, 
who  immigrated  to  New  York  from  Britain  in  1826, 
just  as  the  era  that  would  be  called  the  Golden  Age 
of  aquatint  was  reaching  its  peak.^^  Trained  in  Lon- 
don at  the  Royal  Academy  of  Arts,  Bennett  observed 
the  principles  of  the  British  watercolor  school  as 
practiced  at  its  highest  level  by  Thomas  Girtin, 
J.  M.  W.  Turner,  and  his  own  teacher,  Richard  West- 
all.  Through  his  association  with  Hill  in  England, 
where  they  both  produced  aquatint  illustrations  for 
Ackermann,  Bennett  was  swifidy  embraced  upon 
arrival  by  Hill's  circle  of  English  artist-friends  at  work 
in  New  York. 


THE   CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:   PRINTS  197 


Bennetfs  first  major  project  was  a  suite  of  New 
York  City  views  for  Megarey.  Like  many  other  print 
portfolios  of  the  early  nineteenth  century,  including 
The  Hudson  River  Portfolio  and  Views  of  the  Public 
Buildings  in  the  City  of  New-Tork,  Bennett's  proposal 
was  envisioned  on  a  scale  grander  than  could  be  sup- 
ported by  the  existing  market  for  prints.  Although 
Megarey 's  Street  Views  in  the  City  of  New-Tork  was  ini- 
tially conceived  as  a  group  of  twelve  prints  issued 
in  four  sets  of  three,  only  the  first  installment  ever 
appeared.  Recalling  British  precedents,  particularly 
the  view  of  Leicester  Square  published  in  Acker- 
mann's  Repository  of  Arts  (1812),  Bennett's  Broadway 
from  the  Bowling  Green  from  the  Megarey  project 
(fig.  154)  invests  New  York  City  with  all  the  trap- 
pings of  eighteenth- century  Georgian  towns  in  Brit- 
ain. For  this  view  of  about  1826,  Bennett  selected 
a  row  of  building  facades  along  a  cobbled  street  that 
suggests  the  graceful  curve  of  the  Royal  Crescent 
at  Bath.  Moreover,  like  Thomas  Thompson's  monu- 
mental New  Tork  Harbor  from  the  Battery  (cat.  no. 
121),  Bennett's  scene  is  populated  by  fashionably 
dressed  New  Yorkers  who  have  an  air  of  cosmo- 
politan elegance.  The  two  other  scenes  in  the  suite 
(cat.  nos.  119,  120)  show  New  York  City's  thriving 
waterfront  and  mercantile  districts  and  represent  Ben- 
nett's tribute  to  the  brash  and  busding  commercial 
life  of  his  new  home. 

Bennett's  aquatints  are  among  the  finest  of  the 
period,  owing  to  his  adeptness  at  imitating  the  appear- 
ance of  colored  washes,  a  skill  that  was  much  appre- 
ciated by  artists  who  wished  to  expand  the  market 
for  their  own  watercolors  by  issuing  prints  of  them. 
John  William  Hill  collaborated  with  Bennett  on  one 
of  the  most  spectacular  folio  views  of  New  York  from 
Brooklyn  Heights  (cat.  no.  128).  It  was  conceived  as 
the  piece  de  resistance  in  a  series  of  nineteen  views  of 
American  cities  published  by  Lewis  P.  Clover  and 
Megarey.  Several  other  artists  collaborated  with  Ben- 
nett to  create  scenes  of  major  American  ports  for  the 
series,  including  Mobile,  Alabama,  and  Charleston, 
South  Carolina— two  southern  cities  that  shipped 
their  goods  for  northern  markets  through  New  York. 
Bennett  and  his  publishers  undoubtedly  sought  the 
patronage  of  wealthy  merchants  in  all  three  cities 
whose  fortunes  swelled  owing  to  their  involvement 
in  the  cotton  trade.  Although  the  elevated  topogra- 
phy of  Brooklyn  Heights  had  long  attracted  early 
printmakers,  Hill  bested  them  by  climbing  upon  a 
rooftop  for  an  even  higher  vantage  point.  Hill's  sense 
of  humor  can  be  detected  in  the  central  foreground. 
As  though  to  underscore  the  lofty  elevation  of  the 


bird's-eye  view,  he  included  several  pigeons  roosting 
just  below. 

Inspired  by  the  Hudson  River  School  painters,  par- 
ticularly Cole,  Bennett  devoted  himself  to  rendering 
in  aquatint  the  atmospheric  effects  of  the  American 
landscape  as  captured  in  watercolor  by  British-born 
artist  George  Harvey.  Working  in  the  fifteenth-century 
Northern  Renaissance  tradition  of  depicting  land- 
scape at  different  times  of  the  day  and  year,  Bennett 
and  Harvey  planned  a  portfolio  of  forty  atmospheric 
studies  of  ancient  forests  in  Ohio  and  Canada  at  dif- 
ferent hours  and  seasons. Entitied  Harvey ^s  Amer- 
ican Scenery,  the  first  installment  of  four  aquatints 
and  a  titie  page  (fig.  155)  was  published  with  an 
accompanying  text  by  Washington  Irving  in  1841.  The 
prints  were  rendered  with  great  refinement  and 
treated  with  carefully  stippled  applications  of  hand 
coloring  in  a  labor-intensive  process  that  resulted  in 
a  close  approximation  of  Harvey's  watercolors.  To 
rally  support  for  the  publication,  the  American  Art- 
Union  offered  ten  sets  in  its  annual  lottery,  but  the 
project  fotmdered,  suggesting  that  interest  in  aqua- 
tinted  views— a  field  dominated  by  British-born  art- 
ists and  engravers— had  begun  to  decline  in  the  New 
York  City  print  world. 

The  reputation  of  one  British- born  printmaker, 
Robert  Havell  Jr.,  preceded  his  arrival  in  New  York 
City  in  1839  and  remained  elevated  owing  to  the 
popularity  of  the  double-elephant-folio  engravings 
with  aquatint  and  hand  coloring  he  had  made  after 
John  James  Audubon's  watercolors  for  The  Birds 
of  America  (1827-38).  Havell  produced  two  color- 
ful panoramas  of  New  York  Harbor  from  the  North 
and  East  rivers  before  midcentury  (cat.  no.  129; 
fig.  156). ^3  That  this  artist's  American  prints  were 
known  in  England  is  suggested  by  his  collaboration 
with  Rudolph  Ackermann,  the  name  and  address  of 
whose  firm  appear  on  the  fifth  state  of  Havell's  Pano- 
ramic View  of  New  Tork  (Taken  from  the  North  River), 
The  popularity  of  Havell's  scenes  of  New  York  Har- 
bor inspired  Italian-born  Nicolino  Calyo,  who  settied 
in  New  York  City  about  1835,  to  produce  copies  of  the 
prints  as  gouache  drawings.^'''  Calyo  is  best  known  to- 
day for  his  gouaches  of  the  Great  Fire  (cat.  nos.  no, 
in)  and  his  charming  studies  of  peddlers  crying  their 
wares  on  the  streets  of  New  York  (see  fig.  25). 

Several  British-born  dealers  ran  successful  print- 
shops  in  New  York  City  beginning  in  the  1820s.  One 
of  the  most  important  of  these  emporiums  was  estab- 
lished by  George  Melksham  Bourne,  who  in  1828 
was  responsible  for  republishing  the  popular  Wall 
views  New  Tork  from  the  Heights  near  Brooklyn  (fig.  i) 


28.  See  Deak,  William  James  Ben- 
nett, p.  28;  and  Koke,  "John 
Hill"  pp.  69, 109. 

29.  Deak,  Picturing  America, 
pp.  238,  244-45- 

30.  Deak,  William  James  Bennett, 
p.  30. 

31.  T>tik^  Picturing  America, 
pp.  315-18.  See  also  Barbara  N. 
Parker,  "George  Harvey  and 
His  Atmospheric  Landscapes," 
Bulletin  of  the  Museum  of  Fine 
Arts  (Boston)  41  (February 
1943),  p.  8;  and  Donald  A. 
Shelley,  "George  Harvey  and 
His  Atmospheric  Landscapes 
of  North  America,"  New-Tork 
Historical  Society  Quarterly  32 
(April  1948),  p.  106. 

32.  Those  who  received  sets  are 
listed  in  Cowdrey  and  Sizer, 
American  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts  and  American  Art- 
Union,  vol.  I,  Introduction^ 
P-  173- 

33.  Sit^  Dtik^  Picturing  America, 
p.  336. 

34.  I  am  grateful  to  Leonard  L. 
Milberg  for  bringing  these 
works  to  my  attention. 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


If? 


Kg  155  WiUiam  James  Bennett,  after  George  Harvey,  Title  page  to  Harvey's  American  Scenery,  Representing  Dgerent  Atmospheric  ^ects  at 
Different  Times  of  Day  (New  York:  Printed  by  Charles  Vinten,  1841),  1841.  Aquatint  with  hand  coloring.  The  New  York  Pubhc  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D.  WaUach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photographs,  The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print  CoUecoon 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  199 


Fig.  156.  Robert  Havell  Jr.,  Panoramic  View  of  New  York,  from  the  East  Rtver^  1844.  Engraving  and  aquatint  with  hand  coloring.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.643 


and  New  York  from  Weehawk  (Weehawken),  first 
printed  by  Hill  in  1823.^^  Bourne,  who  also  sold  sta- 
tioners' and  artists'  supplies  from  his  store  at  359 
Broadway,  was  probably  the  shop  owner  targeted  for 
criticism  by  the  New-Tork  Mirror,  which  devoted  an 
entire  column  to  the  "obscenity  of  printshop-win- 
dows"  in  1833,  only  two  years  before  Durand  created 
his  controversial  large-scale  engraving  of  John  Van- 
derlyn's  nude  Ariadne  Asleep  on  the  Island  of  Naxos 
(cat.  no.  125).  Americans  were  not  yet  ready  to  accept 
nudes— either  in  paintings,  prints,  or,  for  that  matter, 
sculptures— as  suitable  subjects  for  contemplation  by 
the  public.  According  to  the  anonymous  journalist 
who  wrote  the  Mirror  article:  "Immoralities,  so  obvi- 
ous and  so  gross,  demand  the  prompt  attention  of 
every  conductor  of  a  public  press  ."^^  So  great  was  his 
outrage  that  he  actually  envisioned  a  situation  in 
which  Mrs.  Trollope  might  constructively  criticize 
American  society  (the  English  writer's  Domestic  Man- 
ners of  the  Americans  had  been  published  in  England 
the  previous  year) : 

If  Mrs.  Trollope,  instead  of  caricaturing!  the  poor 
or  the  uneducated  people,  scattered  over  half  settled 
tracts  of  country,  had  held  up  a  few  of  the  New- 
Tork  printshop -windows  to  the  astonishment  and 
disgust  of  the  British  public,  she  would  have  wan- 
dered less  from  the  truth,  and  the  notoriety  of  the 
facts  would  have  kept  us  dumb,  or  been  testified  to 
by  all  her  countrymen  as  well  as  our  own.  We  trust, 
hereafter,  to  see  this  loathsome  and  insolent  trash 
withdrawn.  Shall  decency  be  thus  outra£feously  vio- 
lated, in  the  most  frequented  promenades  of  the  city, 
merely  that  the  attention  may  be  attracted  of  now 
and  then  half  a  dozen  customers,  who  are  willing  to 


encourage  impropriety"^.  Such  an  impudent  insult  to 
men,  as  well  as  to  women  and  children,  has  been 
endured  long  enough. ^'^ 

For  the  most  part,  British  engravers  in  New  York 
concentrated  their  efforts  on  high-quality  aquatints 
for  connoisseurs;  American  engravers,  meanwhile, 
were  honing  their  skills  by  producing  prints  for  the 
popular  and  commercial  markets.  Based  in  Newark, 
New  Jersey,  Peter  Maverick  rose  to  prominence  as  the 
most  important  American  printmaker  to  New  York 
City  during  the  early  decades  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  To  support  himself  and  his  large  family, 
which  included  sixteen  children  by  1822,  Maverick 
diversified  his  output,  making  engravings  for  illus- 
trated books,  maps,  banknotes,  and  trade  cards.  He 
also  trained  many  apprentices  who  eventually  set 
up  shop  in  the  metropolitan  region.  In  181 6,  as  a 
tribute  to  Maverick's  personal  achievements  and  his 
dedication  to  training  students,  Archibald  Robert- 
son invited  the  master  printer  to  join  the  American 
Academy  of  Arts  (later  known  as  the  American  Acad- 
emy of  the  Fine  Arts).  Like  Robertson,  who  taught 
drawing  at  his  own  New  York  Academy,  Maverick 
engraved  plates  for  a  book  of  elementary  exercises 
for  apprentices. 

Among  Maverick's  most  important  pupils  was 
Asher  B,  Durand,  an  artist  who  would  later  domi- 
nate the  field  of  engraving  and  landscape  painting 
in  New  York  City.  After  finding  his  way  to  Mav- 
erick's Newark  shop  as  a  young  man,  Durand  set  to 
work  lettering  Maverick's  plates  and  copying  from 
prints.  At  the  end  of  his  apprenticeship,  in  1817, 
Durand  entered  into  partnership  with  Maverick  and 
by  October  of  that  year  had  established  himself  in 


35.  Koke, "John Hill" pp.  loo,  103. 

36.  New-Tork  Mirror,  August  10, 
183?,  p.  47. 

37.  Ibid. 

38.  Sec  Stephens,  The  Mavericks, 
p.  48. 


200    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  157.  Asher  B.  Durand,  after  John  Trumbull,  The  Declaration  of  Independence^  1821.  Engraving,  second  state.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest 
of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924  24.90.1514 


39.  Ibid.,  p.  53- 

40.  For  a  more  cttcmivc  descrip- 
tion of  die  rebtionship  between 
banknote  engraving  and  paint- 
ing of  the  period,  see  Maybclle 
Mann,  ''The  Arts  in  Banknote 
Engraving,  1836-1864,"  Imprint 
4  (April  1979),  pp.  29-36. 

41.  See  William  H.  DiUistin, 
"National  Bank  Notes  in  the 
Early  Years  "  The  Numismatist, 
December  1948,  pp.  796-97. 

42.  I  am  particulariy  grateful  to 
Mark  D.  Tomasko  for  sharing 
with  me  his  expertise  on  Amer- 
ican banknotes  and  the  New 
York  banknote  industry.  See 
Mark  D.  Tomasko,  Security 
far  the  World:  Two  Hundred 
Tears  of  American  Bank  Note 
Company  (exh.  cat..  New 
York:  Museum  of  American 
Financial  History,  i995). 


New  York  City  in  the  business,  renamed  Maverick 
and  Durand.  It  was  there  in  1820  that  the  history 
painter  and  portraitist  John  Trumbull  inquired  about 
commissioning  an  engraving  to  promote  his  paint- 
ing The  Declaration  of  Independence  (fig.  157),  a  propo- 
sition Durand  accepted;  in  so  doing  he  engendered 
the  wrath  of  Maverick,  who  severed  their  partnership.^^ 
Since  commissions  to  reproduce  paintings  were 
few  and  far  between,  Durand  concentrated  on  the 
bread-and-butter  business  of  banknote  engraving  in 
order  to  sxirvive,  as  did  other  leading  American  art- 
ists of  the  period,  including  Durand's  own  pupil 
John  Casilear,  as  well  as  James  Smillie  and  Kensett. 
Between  1836  and  1863,  when  there  were  no  federal 
regulations  or  standards  for  printed  paper  money, 
New  York  City  emerged  as  a  mecca  for  banknote 
engravers."*^**  Even  after  Congress  authorized  a  na- 
tional currency  in  1863,  paper  money  continued  to 
be  printed  by  private  companies  in  New  York  imtil 


1875,  when  the  work  was  divided  between  the  Conti- 
nental Bank  Note  Company  in  New  York,  which 
printed  the  green  backs  of  the  bills,  and  the  Colum- 
bian Bank  Note  Company  in  Washington,  D.C., 
which  printed  the  black  fronts  and  seal  of  the  Bureau 
of  Engraving  and  Printing. 

Banknote  engravers  were  expected  to  supply  fanci- 
ftd  vignettes  of  allegorical  figures,  detailed  portraits, 
and  an  elaborate  array  of  calligraphic  strokes.  These 
were  executed  with  a  tool  called  the  graver,  which 
the  artist  had  to  wield  with  virtuoso  skill  in  order 
to  foil  coimterfeitcrs.  With  the  advent  of  black-and- 
white  photography  in  1840,  counterfeiters  could  cre- 
ate photographic  reproductions  of  bills,  but  printers 
kept  one  step  ahead  of  them  by  printing  the  bills 
in  colored  inks.  Green  was  eventually  selected  as  the 
color  for  federal  currency  because  it  was  the  most 
difficult  to  simulate  when  color  photography  was  in 
its  infancy. 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:  PRINTS  20I 


Between  1824  and  1833  Asher  Durand  and  his 
brother  Cyrus  dedicated  themselves  to  designing 
paper  currency.  Benefiting  from  the  technical  expert- 
ise of  Cyrus  and  of  Asa  Spencer,  who  are  credited 
with  inventing  the  geometric  lathe  for  engraving  the 
intricate  linear  designs  on  banknotes,"^^  Asher  formed 
a  partnership  in  1828  with  Jacob  Perkins,  a  technolog- 
ical innovator  of  the  steel  die  and  cylinder  diesinker.^ 
One  of  Durand's  sample  sheets  dating  from  the 
years  when  he  was  associated  with  Perkins  illus- 
trates his  inventiveness  and  facility  as  an  engraver 
and  attests  to  his  command  of  the  current  technol- 
ogy (cat.  no.  116).  The  sample  sheet  is  a  display  of 
vignettes,  many  in  the  form  of  allegorical  figures 
and  their  attributes.  It  was  mailed  around  the  coun- 
try to  bankers  responsible  for  selecting  the  motifs 
and  designs  for  bills  issued  by  the  institutions  they 
represented  (see  cat.  no.  115).  The  creases  on  the  sam- 
ple reflect  the  folding  and  unfolding  that  occurred  as 
the  sheet  made  its  way  through  the  mail  service,  a 
means  of  marketing  prints  that  would  be  exploited 
later  in  the  century  to  maximum  efiect  by  the  popu- 
lar New  York  lithographer  Currier  and  Ives. 

In  1830  Durand  tested  the  market  for  high-quality 
reproductive  engravings  after  paintings  by  Ameri- 
can artists.  He  engraved  two  of  Bennett's  oils,  Wee- 
hawkm  from  Turtle  Grove  (fig.  158)  and  The  Tails  of 
Sawkillj  near  Milford,  Pike  County,  Pennsylvania^ 
for  a  project  entided  The  American  Landscape.  Poet 
William  Cullen  Bryant  was  to  provide  the  text,  and 
Durand  planned  to  execute  sixty  engravings  after 
works  by  the  leading  landscape  painters  of  the  day  to 
fill  ten  volumes  of  six  prints  each.  A  writer  for  the 
New-Tork  Mirror,  which  was  instrumental  in  culti- 
vating an  audience  for  print  production  in  New 
York  City,  endorsed  Durand's  project  in  the  follow- 
ing terms: 

To  those  who  are  fond  of  the  charms  of  nature  in 
all  her  grandeur,  loneliness,  and  magn^cence, 
as  well  as  in  her  softer  features;  to  those  who  feel 
their  hearts  warm  and  expand  at  the  contempla- 
tion of  American  scenery,  pictured  by  American 
artists,  and  embellished  by  American  writers,  we 
warmly  recommend  this  production.  It  would 
r^ect  disgrace  on  the  taste  as  well  as  the  patriotism 
of  our  countrymen  were  it  to  fall  to  the  ground  for 
want  ofpatronage,^^ 

Although  The  American  Landscape  was  abandoned 
after  publication  of  the  first  installment  of  six  prints, 
the  New-Tork  Af*>r<?r  reproduced  Bennett's  two  designs 


for  engravings  by  Durand  in  1833  along  with  accom- 
panying descriptions  by  Bryant. 

In  the  early  1830s  Durand  began  work  on  an 
engraving  after  John  Vanderlyn's  oil  of  1812,  Ariadne 
Asleep  on  the  Island  of  Naxos,  an  important  American 
painting  with  a  classical  theme,  which  he  had  pur- 
chased with  the  intention  of  copying  it  as  a  print. 
When  Durand's  large  engraving  appeared  in  1835,  it 
received  high  praise  from  a  small  circle  of  New  York 
artists  and  connoisseurs,  notably  the  avid  print  col- 
lector Henry  Foster  Sewall,  who  purchased  several 
of  the  progressive  proofs  (see  cat.  no.  125),'*^  But 
despite  its  virtuosity,  Durand's  Ariadne  was  a  finan- 
cial failure,  most  likely  because  of  its  controversial 
subject,  matter,  a  female  nude.  Thereafter  Durand 
turned  his  attention  to  painting,  executing  only  an 
occasional  engraving,  such  ^  a  fe>v  small  plates  for 
James  Barton  Longacre  and  James  Herring's  monu- 
mental National  Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished 
Americans.  Although  Durand  failed  to  interest  suffi- 
cient individual  collectors  in  purchasing  prints  of 
Ariadne,  he  set  a  high  standard  for  the  American 
engravers  who  followed  him  in  the  1840s  and  1850s, 
when  the  market  for  reproductive  prints  of  American 
paintings  blossomed  with  the  support  of  the  Apollo 
Association  and  its  successor  organization,  the  Amer- 
ican Art-Union. 


43.,  See  Alice  Newiin,  "Asher  B. 
Duiand,  American  Engravcrf 
Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art  Bulletin,  n.s.,  i  (January 
iSM-3))  PP- 165-^0.  See  also 
John  Durand,  The  Life  and 
Times  of  A.  B.  Durand  (New 
York:  C.  Scribncr's  Sons, 
1894),  pp.  70-72. 

44.  See  Newlin,  "Asher  B.Durandf 
pp.  165-70.  Newlin  writes 
(p.  167):  "Pciidns  substituted 
steel  for  copper,  which  had 
previously  been  the  standard 
material  for  engraved  plates. 
The  small  bank-note  designs 
were  engraved  on  separate 
plates  of  soft  steel,  vtdiidi  were 
then  hardened  by  a  process 
he  invented.  These  intaglio 
designs  were  transfisrred,  under 
heavy  pressure,  in  a  transfer 
press  to  a  soft  Steel  cylinder, 
from  one  half  to  three  inches 
wide,  on  which  the  designs 
then  appeared  in  relief  The 
cylinders,  or  transfer  rolls,  were 
in  turn  hardened  and  served 
as  dies  fiom  which  a  complete 
inta^o  plate  for  a  bank  note 
could  be  rolled  out  in  the 
press  by  combining  a  number 
o£  vignettes,  portraits,  or  deco- 
rative aiKl  denominational 
designs  in  any  variety  desired." 
See  also  Henry  Meier,  "The 
Origin  of  die  Printing  and 
Roller  Press,"  Print  CoUector's 


202    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Quarterly  28  (1941),  pp.  9-55; 
and  Barbara  Gallati,  "Asher  B, 
Durand  as  an  Engraver,"  in 
Asher  B.  Durand,  an  Engrav- 
er's and  a  Farmer's  Art  (exh. 
cat.,  Yonkers:  Hudson  River 
Mmeum,  1983),  p.  16. 
45-  New -York  Mirror,  January  8, 
1831,  p.  214,  as  quoted  in 
Deak,  William  James  Bennett, 
pp.  34-35- 

46.  The  American  Monthly  Maga- 
zine (5  [April  1835],  pp.  159-60) 
exalted  Durand's  achievement 
in  the  medium  of  engraving, 
which  had  already  begim  to  fall 
out  of  favor  in  Manhattan. 

47.  Edward  K.  Spann,  The  New 
Metropolis:  New  Tork  City, 
1840-1857  (New  York:  Colum- 
bia University  Press,  1981), 
PP-  37-38.  Harper's  inexperi- 
ence, however,  contributed  to 
his  becoming  "the  first  in  a 
long  line  of  reform-minded 
mayors  who  vanished  from 
government  almost  as  quickly 
as  they  came." 

48.  For  an  excellent  discussion  of 
the  National  Portrait  Gallery 
and  its  context,  see  Gordon  M. 
Marshall,  "The  Golden  Age  of 
Illustrated  Biographies,"  in 
American  Portrait  Prints:  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Tenth  Annual 
American  Print  Conference, 
edited  by  Wendy  Wick  Reaves 
(Charlottesville:  University 
Press  of  Virginia,  for  the  Na- 
tional Portrait  Gallery,  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  1984), 

pp.  29-82;  and  Robert  G.  Stew- 
art, A  Nineteenth-Century 
Gallery  of  Distinguished  Amer- 
icans (exh.  cat.,  Washington, 
D.C:  National  Portrait  Gallery, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  1969). 

49.  Edwin  G.  Burrows  and  Mike 
Wallace,  Gotham:  A  History  of 
New  Tork  City  to  1898  (New 
York:  Oxford  University  Press, 
1999),  p.  433- 

50.  For  an  excellent  overview  of 
the  role  of  the  popular  press 
in  portraying  the  nineteeth- 
century  American  city,  see  Sally 
Lorensen  Gross,  Toward  an 
Urban  View:  The  Nineteenth- 
Century  American  City  in 
Prints  (exh.  cat.,  New  Haven: 
Yale  University  Art  Gallery, 
1989). 

51.  In  a  lengthy  article  entided 
*A  History  of  Wood  Engrav- 
ing," by  An  Amateur  Artist, 
Graham's  noted:  "It  may  not 
probably  be  known  to  ordinary 
readers  that  while  a  copper- 
plate-engraving begins  to  fail 
after  two  or  three  thousand 
copies  have  been  taken  from  it, 
and  is  worthless  after  six  or 


The  financial  panic  of  1837  notwithstanding,  New 
York  City's  mercantile  class  prospered,  and  with  pros- 
perity came  leisure  and  a  desire  to  cultivate  literary 
and  cultural  pursuits.  New  Yorkers  began  to  stock 
their  private  libraries  with  books,  many  of  which 
were  temptingly  illustrated  with  engravings.  That 
a  background  in  book  publishing  was  considered 
not  unworthy  of  a  political  leader  was  reflected  in 
the  overwhelming  victory  in  the  mayoral  election  in 
April  1844  of  James  Harper,  founder  of  Harper  and 
Brothers  publishing  house."^^  New  York  offered  fertile 
ground  for  major  printing  houses,  which  required 
large-scale  presses,  a  steady  supply  of  paper,  and  a 
substantial  workforce.  With  the  rise  of  the  printing 
trade,  the  city  began  to  rival  Philadelphia  and  Boston 
as  a  major  center  for  publishing  of  all  kinds.  One  of 
the  first  important  illustrated  books  produced  during 
the  Empire  City's  development  into  a  major  printing 
and  publishing  center  was  the  National  Portrait  Gal- 
lery of  Distinguished  Americans,  a  collaborative  effort 
between  Philadelphia  artist  Longacre  and  New  York 
artist  Herring  (see  cat.  no.  122A,  b).  Before  securing 
the  full  financing  he  required,  Longacre  began  work 
in  late  1830  or  early  1831  on  a  project  he  had  long 
dreamed  of  realizing,  a  book  of  illustrated  biographies 
of  distinguished  Americans. When  Herring  issued 
his  own  prospectus  for  a  similar  project  in  October 
18  31,  it  came  as  a  complete  shock  to  Longacre  that 
there  existed  a  rival  in  a  field  he  believed  was  his 
alone.  The  two  artists  joined  forces,  however,  and 
together  they  planned  a  publication  that  resembled 
Herring's  proposal  for  a  literary  portrait  gallery  of 
figures  from  America's  past  and  present  that  would 
commemorate  their  contributions  to  the  rising  nation. 
Attempting  to  reach  as  broad  an  audience  as  possible, 
the  partners  issued  the  series  in  several  formats,  utiliz- 
ing papers  of  different  qualities  and  several  bindings, 
including  both  cloth  and  special  embossed  plaque 
bindings  of  long-grained  green  or  red  morocco,  as 
well  as  imbound  sheets.  Despite  various  financial  set- 
backs, the  National  Portrait  Gallery,  produced  in 
four  volumes  between  1833  and  1839,  stands  among 
the  highest  achievements  of  American  engravers  dur- 
ing the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Along  with  magazines  and  books,  newspapers 
flourished  in  New  York,  and  they  were  increasingly 
accompanied  by  illustrations.  Since  1818  packet  boats 
had  been  departing  on  a  regular  schedule  from  New 
York  Harbor  to  Liverpool  and  Le  Havre,  bringing 
international  news  and  publications  back  to  the  city."^^ 
As  the  distance  between  New  York  and  the  rest  of 
the  world  narrowed,  readers  of  the  popular  press 


began  to  expect  the  latest  reportage.  Illustrated  news- 
papers thrived  as  editors  realized  that  stories  were 
more  titillating  when  accompanied  by  spectacular  pic- 
tures of  people  and  current  events. 

Most  popular  newspapers  and  periodicals  were  il- 
lustrated with  wood  engravings,  which  were  consid- 
ered technologically  imsophisticated  by  metal-plate 
engravers,  who  were  assured  a  place  above  the  salt  in 
the  hierarchy  of  printmakers.  There  were  several  prac- 
tical reasons  why  wood  engravings  supplanted  engrav- 
ings on  steel  in  the  popular  press.  Paramount  was  the 
fact  that  wood  engravings  could  be  printed  at  the 
same  time  as  movable  type  and  on  both  sides  of 
a  sheet  of  paper;  they  were  thus  cheaper  and  more 
efficient  to  use  than  metal  engravings,  which  had 
to  be  printed  on  a  different  kind  of  press  and  on  sep- 
arate pages  from  the  type.  Moreover,  the  end-grain 
blocks  on  which  wood  engravings  were  cut  were 
tougher  than  copperplates  and  nearly  as  durable  as 
steel  plates. ^1  Further  tipping  the  scales  in  favor  of 
wood  engravings  was  the  fact  that  large  illustrations 
could  be  prepared  quickly  by  dividing  the  composi- 
tion among  several  blocks  and  farming  them  out  to  a 
fleet  of  cutters,  who  worked  simultaneously  on  small 
portions  of  the  image.  When  all  the  blocks  had  been 
completed  and  were  bolted  together,  the  master  cut- 
ter was  responsible  for  joining  the  lines  between  them 
to  form  one  continuous  composition.  The  aesthetics 
of  the  himible  and  ubiquitous  wood  engraving  also 
had  its  admirers;  Gleason^s  Pictorial  Drawing-Room 
Companion  published  the  following  assessment  of 
the  technique  in  1852: 

The  taste  for  wood  engraving  has,  .  .  .  constantly 
grown,  and  now  gives  employment  to  a  host  of 
admirable  artists,  both  as  designers  and  as 
engravers.  .  .  .  The  number  of  periodicals,  espe- 
cially weekly  ones,  that  are  now  illustrated  by 
wood  engravings  is  great.  The  great  beauty,  taste 
and  finish  of  the  illustrations,  and  the  spirit  with 
which  all  the  important  passing  events  are  seized 
upon,  and  by  which  whole  galleries  of  scenes  of 
the  hour  are  given,  making  the  chief  personages  of 
the  day,  and  the  places  in  which  they  perform  their 
public  duties,  or  pursue  their  pleasures,  as  familiar 
to  the  eye,  as  the  press  does  to  the  mind,  deserve 
particular  notice, ^'^ 

Innumerable  wood-engraved  illustrations  of  a  vast 
range  of  subjects  were  produced  in  New  York  City 
between  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Civil  War.  This  is  in  part  attributable  to 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  203 


Fig.  159.  John  Gads  by  Chapman,  Christ  Healing  Bartimeus,  frontispiece  to  the  New  Testament.  Wood  engraving,  from  The  Illuminated  Bible, 
Containing  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  Translated  Out  of  the  Original  Tongues,  and  with  the  Former  Translations  Dili£fently  Compared  and 
Revised  (New  York:  Harper  and  Brothers,  Publishers,  1846).  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1939  39.93 


204    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


I"  t  K  'J-  V         I  V  K. 


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Fig.  i6o.  John  Gadsby  Chapman,  Perspective  in  a  Marine  Scene,  from  The  American  Drawing- 
Book:  A  Manual  for  the  Amateur  and  Basis  of  Study  for  the  Professional  Artist  (1847;  New  York: 
W.  J.  Widdleton,  1864),  p.  144.  The  Metropolitan  Museimi  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane 
Dick  Fund,  1954  54.425.2 


improvements  in  technology  that  made  it  possible  to 
reproduce  both  wood  engravings  and  text  by  means 
of  stereotyped  plates.  Bailouts  Pictorial  Dmwin^f- 
Room  Companion  noted  in  1857  that  the  American 
public's  hunger  for  pictures  was  becoming  insatiable: 
'The  demand  for  pictures  and  engravings  is  gradually 
increasing  among  the  people  of  our  coimtry  as  the 
means  for  procuring  them  becomes  more  abimdant." 
The  more  pictures  and  illustrations  there  were  avail- 
able, the  more  of  them  people  wanted. 

One  of  the  most  successful  graphic  artists  in  New 
York  City,  John  Gadsby  Chapman,  produced  two 
books  with  wood- engraved  illustrations  that  appealed 
to  a  wide  audience  and  sold  so  well  that  the  artist 


was  able  to  retire  to  Italy.  The  Illuminated  Bible  (see 
fig.  159),  which  Chapman  undertook  in  1836,  was 
issued  in  1846  and  carried  the  imprint  of  Harper  and 
Brothers,  the  largest  publishing  house  in  New  York 
City.  The  artist  rendered  the  images  so  skillfiilly  and 
in  such  fine  detail  that  the  illustrations  resemble  prints 
pulled  from  copper  or  steel  plates.  The  publication 
was  thus  produced  by  the  most  economically  efficient 
means  and  offered  exceptionally  good  value  because 
metal-plate  engravings  were  thought  at  the  time  to 
bestow  distinction  on  illustrated  books. 

In  1847,  at  the  height  of  a  crusade  to  mandate  draw- 
ing instruction  in  public  schools.  Chapman's  Ameri- 
can Drawing-Book  was  published  in  New  York  City, 
where  it  received  high  praise.  Soon  after  the  first  install- 
ment appeared,  the  Literary  World  issued  a  lengthy 
notice  encouraging  readers  to  accept  as  an  "axiom 
of  education"  Chapman's  motto  "Any  one  who  can 
learn  to  write  can  learn  to  draw."^^  Fq^.  expanded 
edition  of  this  comprehensive  drawing  book,  pub- 
lished initially  in  1858,  Chapman  enlisted  Durand  to 
render  one  of  the  landscape  illustrations  (cat.  no.  132). 
The  American  Drawin£f-Book  was  widely  favored  by 
school  boards  for  use  in  public  schools  and  also  served 
aspiring  amateur  and  professional  artists  who  did  not 
have  access  to  formal  training.  Self-taught  artists  such 
as  Fitz  Hugh  Lane  used  the  wood-engraved  illus- 
trations in  The  American  Drawing-Book  as  the  basis 
for  their  own  drawings  and  oils.^^  Many  of  Lane's 
panoramic  seascapes  of  Boston,  as  well  as  his  view  of 
New  York  Harbor  (cat.  no.  35),  recall  Chapman's  dia- 
grams for  rendering  perspective  in  a  marine  scene,  for 
instance.  The  popularity  of  The  American  Drawing- 
Book  ultimately  cultivated  among  American  artists 
and  their  patrons  a  taste  for  marine  pictures  that 
could  be  analyzed  according  to  Chapman's  specific 
drawing  instructions  (see  fig.  160). 

Daguerreotyped  portraits  became  popular  during 
the  1840s,  replacing  more  expensive  oil  portraits 
in  bourgeois  households,  although  not  among  the 
wealthy  or  socially  prominent.  Recognizing  a  new 
source  of  illustrative  material  to  please  their  readers, 
the  editors  of  newspapers  and  books  began  to  com- 
mission wood  and  steel  engravings  after  daguerreo- 
types and  print  them  along  with  stories  printed  with 
steel  type.  One  noteworthy  example  of  an  engraving 
appeared  as  the  frontispiece  of  the  first  edition  of 
Walt  Whitman's  Leaves  of  GrasSy  published  in  1855 
(cat.  no.  146).^^  By  virtue  of  its  association  with  the 
increasingly  ubiquitous  medium  of  daguerreotypy 
(see  cat.  no.  163),  the  portrait  would  have  suggested 
to  the  readers  of  Whitman's  book  of  poems  that  the 


THE   CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  205 


Fig.  i6i.  After  Winslow  Homer,  The  Ladies'  Skating  Pond  in  the  Central  Fark,  New  York.  Wood  engraving,  from  Harper's  Weekly, 
January  28,  i860.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1928  28.111.1  (3) 


author  was  a  man  of  the  people.  Whitman's  uncon- 
ventionality  and  informality  are  conveyed  by  his  open 
collar,  broad-brimmed  hat,  and  air  of  approachability, 
in  contrast  to  the  stiff  poses  and  costumes  of  the  sub- 
jects of  the  traditional  portraits  engraved  on  steel  in 
the  National  Portrait  Gallery. 

Manhattan  gradually  eclipsed  Boston  and  Philadel- 
phia as  a  destination  for  aspiring  artists  seeking  gain- 
ful employment  in  printmaking.  Winslow  Homer's 
early  career  as  a  printmaker  illustrates  this  shift  in 
opportunities  during  the  final  decade  before  the  Civil 
War.  From  the  1830s  until  the  1850s,  Boston  was 
home  to  several  active  print  workshops  that  employed 
apprentices.  Between  1855  and  1857  the  firm  of  John 
H.  Bufford,  who  was  an  acquaintance  of  Homer's 
father,  trained  the  young  artist  in  lithography.  Homer 
described  his  life  at  BufFord's,  churning  out  litho- 
graphs to  illustrate  sheet  music  and  books,  as 
"bondage"  and  "slavery."  After  completing  his 
apprenticeship.  Homer  set  up  on  his  own  in  Boston 
as  a  freelance  illustrator  for  a  number  of  popular 
periodicals.  Designing  wood  engravings  based  on 
sketches  from  life  became  his  strong  suit,  and  in 
1857  he  began  working  for  Harper Weekly.  After 
producing  several  illustrations  for  the  rising  New 


York  periodical,  Homer  moved  to  Manhattan  in  1859. 
The  following  year  he  took  a  studio  at  the  main  build- 
ing of  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York  in 
Washington  Square.  The  first  drawing  based  on 
New  York  City  life  he  submitted  to  Harper^s  Weekly 
shows  the  elegant  crowd  that  gravitated  on  crisp  win- 
ter days  to  the  newly  opened  Central  Park  Skating 
Pond  (fig.  161).  Charles  Parsons  made  a  brilliant  litho- 
graph of  the  same  subject  about  1861  for  Currier  and 
Ives  (cat.  no.  153).  As  if  to  announce  his  arrival  in  New 
York  City's  art  world.  Homer  boldly  inscribed  his 
signature  below  the  figure  of  a  graceful  and  dynamic 
male  skater;  the  artist's  calligraphic  flourishes  ren- 
dered on  the  wood  block  move  with  the  same  ease  as 
the  young  man's  blade  on  the  ice. 

While  engraved  illustrations  proliferated  in  the 
popular  press,  the  market  for  reproductions  of  major 
American  and  European  paintings  also  strengthened. 
In  1835  Durand's  engraving  of  Vanderlyn's  Ariadne 
Asleep  on  the  Island  of  Naxos  had  been  a  financial 
failure,  chiefly  because  of  its  subject  matter,  but  also 
because  a  class  of  newly  sophisticated  urban  pluto- 
crats had  not  yet  come  into  existence  in  the  United 
States.  By  i860  there  were  115  millionaires  in  New  York 
City,  and  they  and  other  wealthy  business  leaders 


eight  thousand,  fifty  or  sixty 
thousand  can  be  taken  from 
wood-blocks,  and  yet  more 
from  steel,  without  detriment." 
Graham's  American  Monthly 
Magazine  of  Literature,  Art, 
and  Fashion  41  (December 
1852),  p.  568. 

52.  "Thomas  Bewick,"  Gleason^s 
Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Com- 
panion, March  6,  1852,  p.  156. 

53.  "Something  about  Pictures," 
Ballou's  Pictorial  Drawing- 
Room  Companion,  Novem- 
ber 21, 1857,  p.  333.  There  was  a 
simultaneous  increase  in  the 
number  of  wood  engravings 
that  accompanied  advertise- 
ments published  in  periodicals. 
Rita  S.  Gottesman  has  observed 
that  from  the  publication  of 
the  first  newspaper  in  New 
York  City  in  1725  until  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  only 
eighty-four  newspaper  adver- 
tisements were  accompanied  by 
wood  engravings.  See  Rita  S. 
Gottesman,  "Early  Commercial 
Art,"  Art  in  America  43  (De- 
cember 1955),  p.  34- 

54.  Sinclair  Hamilton,  Early 
American  Book  Illustrators  and 
Wood  Engravers,  1670-1S70 
(Princeton:  Princeton  Univer- 
sity Press,  1968),  pp.  90-91. 


206    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


55.  "How  to  Leam  to  Draw" 
Literary  World,  February  12, 
1848,  p.  29. 

56.  For  a  more  detailed  discussion 
of  Chapman's  drawing  book 
and  its  impact  on  Lane,  see 
Elliot  Bostwick  Davis,  Train- 
ing the  Eye  and  the  Hand:  Fitz 
Hujh  Lane  and  Nineteenth 
Century  American  Drawing 
Books  (exh.  cat.,  Gloucester, 
Massachusetts:  Cape  Ann  His- 
torical Association,  1993). 

57.  The  caption  states  that  the 
engraving  is  based  on  a 
daguerreotype;  however,  the 
original  has  never  come 

to  light. 

58.  As  quoted  in  Nicolai  Cikovsky 
Jr.,  'The  School  of  War,"  in 
Winslow  Homer,  by  Nicolai 
Cikovsky  Jr.  and  Franklin  Kel- 
ley  (exh.  cat.,  Washington, 
D.C.:  National  Gallery  of  Art, 
1995),  p- 17. 

59.  See  Spann,  New  Metropolis,  esp. 
chap.  9,  "Wealth,"  pp.  205-41. 

60.  The  prints  were:  General 
Marion  Inviting  a  British 
Officer  to  Dinner,  engraved 
by  John  Sartain  after  John 
Blake  White  (1840),  and  The 
Artist's  Dream,  engraved  by 
John  Sartain  after  George  H. 
Comegys  (1841);  for  illustra- 
tions, see  Maybelle  Mann, 


Fig.  162.  John  Casilear,  after  Daniel  Huntington,  A  Sibyly  1847. 
Engraving  published  by  the  American  Art-Union.  Courtesy  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  Philadelphia,  John  S. 
Phillips  Collection  1876.9.32b 


were  ready  to  spend  lavishly,  on  works  of  art  as  well 
as  on  clothing,  jewehy,  furniture,  and  entertainment. 
The  middle  class,  too,  had  become  more  sophisti- 
cated and  was  eager  to  acquire  the  trappings  of  cul- 
ture. Reproductive  engravings  on  steel  found  a  new 
market,  and  new  avenues  opened  up  for  their  distri- 
bution and  sale. 

Each  year,  beginning  in  1840,  the  Apollo  Asso- 
ciation, a  New  York  institution  engaged  in  promot- 
ing American  art,  offered  its  members  a  print  of  a 
painting  by  an  American  artist.  In  1840  and  1841  the 
association's  gifts  to  its  membership  were  standard 
fare:  engravings  depicting  a  scene  of  the  Revolution- 
ary War  and  an  allegory  tided  The  Artistes  Dream.^^ 
In  1842  the  selection  committee  favored  what  was 
then  considered  "high  art":  an  engraving  by  Stephen 
Alonzo  Schoff  after  Vanderlyn's  painting  Caius  Mar- 
ius  on  the  Ruins  of  Carthage,  Their  choice  was  lauded 
in  the  popular  press  as  "one  of  the  finest  specimens  of 
art  in  its  kind  ever  produced  in  this  country." 

Five  years  later  the  association,  which  had  been 
renamed  the  American  Art-Union  in  1842,  pubUshed 
a  resolution  in  its  Bulletin  that  described  the  criteria 
used  to  select  prints  for  distribution  among  its  mem- 
bers: "Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  this  Association 
to  use  its  influence  to  elevate  and  purify  public  taste, 


and  to  extend  among  the  people,  the  knowledge  and 
admiration  of  the  productions  of 'high  art.'"^^  It 
seemed,  however,  to  the  editor  of  the  Bulletin^  Wil- 
liam J.  Hoppin,  that  the  committee's  selection  that 
same  year  of  a  mezzotint  after  George  Caleb  Bing- 
ham's Jolly  Flatboatmen  (cat.  no.  127)  failed  to  reflea 
the  principles  expressed  in  the  resolution.  The  very 
name  of  the  print,  he  claimed,  "gives  a  death  blow  to 
all  one's  preconceived  notions  of  'high  art.'"*^^ 
Hoppin  singled  out  for  praise  the  other  print  offered 
to  subscribers  that  year,  Casilear's  1847  engraving  after 
Daniel  Htmtington's  painting  A  Sibyl  (fig.  162), 
describing  it  as  a  work  that  'Svill  amply  atone  for  all 
that  the  other  may  lack."^  In  fact,  Bingham's  pyra- 
midal composition  is  based  on  one  of  Raphael's  great 
altarpieces,  but  his  subject  of  boatmen  dancing  and 
singing  on  the  Mississippi  was  so  authentically  Amer- 
ican and  so  candidly  presented  that  it  seemed  naive 
to  many  critics.  In  contrast,  Huntington's  portrait 
of  a  sibyl  is  a  pastiche  and  its  sources  are  obvious: 
Michelangelo's  sibyls  painted  for  the  Sistine  Chapel 
and  Federico  Barocci's  proto-Baroque  madonnas  with 
eyes  cast  heavenward.  A  debate  about  what  consti- 
tuted "high  art"  ensued,  and  since  the  New  York  art 
world  tended  to  favor  European  reproductive  engrav- 
ings, which  were  considered  to  be  in  that  exalted  cate- 
gory, the  latter  began  to  flood  the  marketplace  as 
more  and  more  European  dealers  established  a  foot- 
hold in  Manhattan. 

The  ability  of  the  American  Art-Union  to  attract 
subscribers  derived  not  so  much  from  its  annual  gift 
of  prints  as  from  the  lotteries  of  important  oil  paintings 
by  American  artists  held  annually  on  the  association's 
Broadway  premises.  A  lithograph  by  French-born 
Francis  D'Avignon  showing  the  distribution  of  prizes 
at  an  1846  Art-Union  lottery  documents  the  social 
importance  of  these  occasions  (fig.  163).  In  1848  the 
association's  membership  doubled  because  the  offer- 
ing that  year  consisted  of  four  well-known  paintings. 
Cole's  Voyage  of  Life  series  (see  figs.  49, 60).  The  Lit- 
erary World  described  the  excitement  that  gripped 
New  York  during  the  weeks  before  the  drawing: 

Everybody  is  the  friend  of  the  Art-Union  .  .  .  In  the 
shifting  panorama  of  dress,  action,  expression,  and 
character,  [one]  would  find  a  complete  epitome  of 
the  city  life  .  .  .  gentlemen  .  ,  .  who  drop  in  between 
nine  and  ten  in  the  morning  .  .  .  are  merchants 
in  South  and  Front  Street .  .  .  Lawyers,  brokers, 
stockjobbers,  and  financiers  there  are  too,  who  on 
their  ^down  town^  way,  give  five  minutes  to  the 
arts .  .  .  [in]  the  middle  of  the  day,  [the]  scene 


£frows  brighter  with  bevies  of  ladies  .  .  .  it  is  in 
the  evening  .  .  .  that  the  Art  Union  is  in  all  its 
glory  .  .  .  Here  they  all .  .  .  are^  from  the  million- 
aire ofsth  Avenue,  to  the  B^hoy  [tough]  of  the  irdy 
from  the  disdainful  beauty  of  Fourteenth  Street .  .  . 
to  the  belle  of  the  Bowery  ,  .  ,  all .  .  .  are  unani- 
mous in  their  amazement  at  the  stupendous  real- 
ization to  somebody's  five  dollars,  which  will  be 
afforded  in  Cole's  four  famous  pictures. 

As  Art-Union  members  became  more  savvy  about 
American  painting,  they  demanded  greater  variety  in 
the  subscription  prints.  As  the  Boston  Daily  Adver- 
tiser expressed  it  in  1848: 

The  public  have,  long  ago,  seen  quite  too  much 
of  ^^The  Jolly  Flat-boat  Men,  '\  .  .  On  every  other 
center  table  will  be  Darky's  illustrations  [cat. 
nos.  i33y  134 ]y  in  every  other  parlor  will  hang  the 
picture  of  Queen  Mary  [The  Signing  of  the 
Death  Warrant  of  Lady  Jane  Grey] ....  There  is, 
therefore,  really  no  inducement  for  a  subscriber 
to  induce  his  friends  to  subscribe  with  him,  for 
they  will  all  together  become  weary  of  the  pictures 
which  meet  them  every  day  as  they  pass  from  house 
to  house  in  friendly  intercourse.^^ 

Since  the  process  of  producing  a  large  engraving  such 
as  James  Smillie's  Voyage  of  Life:  Touth  after  Cole  (cat. 
no.  130)  was  labor-intensive,  it  was  in  fact  advan- 
tageous for  the  Art-Union  to  diversify  its  offerings. 
In  1850  the  association  distributed  a  suite  of  smaller 
engravings  to  its  members.  The  subjects  reflect  a 
range  of  interests  among  subscribers,  including 
genre  scenes  ( The  Card  Players,  engraved  by  Charles 
Burt  after  Richard  Caton  Woodville,  and  The  New 
Scholar,  engraved  by  Alfred  Jones  after  Francis  William 
Edmonds),  historical  subjects  {The  Image  Breaker, 
engraved  by  Alfred  Jones  after  Emanuel  Leutze),  and, 
for  the  first  time,  landscapes  {The  Dream  of  Arcadia, 
engraved  by  Smillie  after  Cole,  and  Dover  Plains, 
engraved  by  Smillie  after  Durand).  The  selection  was 
highly  acclaimed  in  the  Literary  World,  which  called 
the  prints  "pictorial  treasures,  now  transmitting  to 
thousands  of  homes  through  the  country,  making  our 
painters  among  the  authors  and  their  books  of  the 
country,  by  the  extent  and  character  of  difftision."^^ 

The  American  Art-Union  was  eventually  brought 
down  by  its  lottery  system,  which  was  declared  illegal. 
When  the  institution  closed  in  1853,  it  had  inculcated 
in  the  American  public  an  appreciation  for  native 
art.^^  At  the  same  time,  Americans  were  becoming 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:   PRINTS  207 


Fig.  163.  Francis  D'Avignon,  after  T.  H.  Matteson,  Distribution  of  the  Amerimn  Art-Union  Prizes 
at  the  Tabernacle,  Broadway,  New  Tork,  December  24, 1846.  Lithograph  printed  by  Sarony  and 
Major  and  published  by  John  P.  Ridner,  1847.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W. 
C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1056 


more  sophisticated  about  European  art,  as  reproduc- 
tive engravings  arrived  from  foreign  ports  on  New 
York  City^s  wharves  each  day  and  were  rapidly  pur- 
chased by  dealers  and  auction  houses.  The  demand 
for  European  prints  was  so  great  that  New  York- 
ers were  willing  to  compromise  on  quality.  As  New 
York  art  connoisseur  and  print  publisher  Shearjashub 
Spooner  recounted,  "I  have  seen  thousands  of  mock- 
proofs  sold  at  auction  in  New  York,  from  which,  if 
they  were  mezzotints,  the  bloom  was  entirely  worn 
off.  .  .  .  The  London  Art  Journal  frequently  comes 
to  us  so  much  worn  as  to  be  useless  except  for  the 
designs.  They  send  us  pastiches,  or  imitations  of  the 
old  masters,  and  we  buy  them  and  hang  them  up  in 
our  rooms,  and  invite  the  connoisseur  to  see  them,  to 
excite  his  pity  or  contempt 

British  print  purveyors  continued  to  thrive  in  New 
York  City  throughout  the  1840s  and  1850s,  although 
during  those  years  Manhattan  came  of  age  as  a  cen- 
ter for  print  publication  and  began  to  compete 
successfully  for  prime  projects  initiated  abroad.  In 
several  widely  publicized  incidents  that  document 
New  York's  rivalry  with  London's  printing  establish- 
ments, original  English  copperplates  of  famous  works 
were  shipped  to  New  York  City  and  used  to  produce 
American  editions.  In  1852  Spooner,  who  was  an  avid 


The  American  Art-Union, 
rev.  ed.  (exh.  cat.,  Jupiter, 
Florida:  Distributed  by  ALM 
Associates,  1987),  pp.  36-37. 

61.  Quoted  in  ibid.,  p.  5.  See  also 
Jay  Cantor,  "Prints  and  the 
American  Art-Union,"  in 
Prints  in  and  of  America  to 
iSso,  pp.  300-301. 

62.  Quoted  in  Mann,  American 
Art-Union,  p.  15. 

63.  Quoted  in  ibid. 

64.  Quoted  in  ibid.,  citing  Literary 
World,  April  3, 1847,  p.  209,  as 
the  source  of  Hoppin's  article. 

65.  Literary  World,  November  25, 
1848,  p.  853,  as  quoted  in  Mann, 
American  Art-Union,  p.  19. 

66.  Quoted  in  Cantor,  "Prints  and 
the  American  Art-Union," 

p.  314. 

67.  "The  Gallery  of  the  American 
Art-Union,"  Literary  World, 
May  10, 1851,  p.  380.  See  also 
Literary  World,  November  30, 
1850,  p.  432;  and  Mann,  Amer- 
ican Art-Union,  pp.  23-24. 

68.  According  to  Charles  E.  Baker, 
the  following  precepts  for  an 
American  school  of  art  were  is- 
sued in  the  various  publications 
of  the  American  Art-Union: 
"Break  the  shackles  of  the  past  / 
Renounce  subservience  to 
Europe  /  Develop  individuality  / 
Paint  native  subject  matter." 


208    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  164.  Alphonse-Leon  Noel,  after  William  Sidney  Mount,  The  Power  of  Music,  1847.  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring  published 
by  Goupilj  Vibert  and  Company.  The  Museums  at  Stony  Brook,  Stony  Brook,  New  York,  Museum  Purchase,  1967  67.12.1 


See  Charles  E.  Baker,  "The 
American  Art-Union"  in  Cow- 
drey  and  Sizer,  American  Acad- 
emy of  Fine  Arts  and  American 
Art-Union,  pp.  65-68.  This 
passage  is  quoted  in  Mann, 
American  Art-Union,  p.  22. 

69.  Shearjashub  Spooner,  ^» 
Appeal  to  the  People  of  the 
United  States  in  Behalf  of  Art, 
Artists,  and  the  Public  Weal 
(New  York:  J.  J.  Reed,  Printer, 
1854),  p.  12. 

70.  The  American  Edition  of  Boy- 
dell's  Illustrations  of  the  Dra- 
matic Works  of  Shakespeare, 
by  the  Most  Eminent  Artists 
of  Great  Britain.  Restored 
and  Published  with  Original 
Descriptions  of  the  Plates  (New 
York:  Shearjashub  Spooner, 
1852),  The  print  of  West's  Kin^ 
Lear  reproduced  a  painting  that 
Robert  Fulton  had  acquired 
together  with  West's  Ophelia 
for  his  art  collection  housed  in 
New  York  City.  See  Carrie  Reb- 
ora,  "Robert  Fulton's  Art  Col- 
lection," American  Art  Journal 
22,  no.  3  (1990),  pp.  41-63. 


print  collector,  issued  the  first  American  edition  of 
John  and  Josiah  Boydell's  Shakespeare  Gallery  using 
the  original  plates  that  the  English  engravers  had  pre- 
pared in  London  from  162  oil  paintings  of  scenes 
from  Shakespeare's  plays,  including  an  engraving  after 
Benjamin  West's  Kifj^  Lear  (cat.  no.  156;  fig.  ^9)-'^^ 
Praising  John  Boydell  as  "the  father  of  engraving  in 
England,"  Spooner  decried  British  attempts  to  sabo- 
tage his  own  efforts.  After  British  journalists  sought 
to  libel  his  work  in  popular  illustrated  English  news- 
papers that  circulated  widely  in  the  United  States, 
Spooner  obtained  his  own  certificate  of  approbation, 
signed  in  1848  by  numerous  members  of  New  York 
City's  inner  circle  of  art  connoisseurs,  who  heartily 
endorsed  his  efforts  to  attract  American  subscribers.^^ 
The  copperplates  engraved  by  British  artist  Havell  for 
American  naturalist  John  James  Audubon's  double- 
elephant  portfolio  of  The  Birds  of  America,  which  had 
been  published  in  London,  traveled  with  Audubon  to 
New  York  City  in  1839.^^  Two  decades  later,  working 
with  the  original  copperplates,  which  had  suffered 
damage  in  a  fire,  as  well  as  with  the  hand-colored 


Havell  engravings,  German  immigrant  Julius  Bien 
combined  forces  with  Audubon's  son  John  Wood- 
house  Audubon  to  produce  a  double-elephant-folio 
edition  of  color  lithographs  offered  at  half  the  price 
of  the  original  edition  (see  cat.  no.  149). 

During  the  1840s  French  print  dealers  found  the 
New  York  marketplace  increasingly  responsive  to 
their  wares.  In  1846  Michael  Knoedler  traveled  to 
"the  American  Athens"  to  establish  a  branch  for  his 
employer,  Adolphe  Goupil,  and  the  following  year  he 
was  joined  there  by  Leon  Goupil  and  William  Schaus.^^ 
In  October  1848  the  New  York  press  announced  the 
opening  of  the  firm— Goupil,  Vibert  and  Company 
(later  Goupil  and  Company)— which  began  to  com- 
pete directly  with  the  American  Art-Union  for  the 
privilege  of  publishing  engravings  after  foremost 
works  by  American  artists.  In  1848  William  Schaus 
established  the  International  Art-Union  for  Goupil, 
Vibert,  ostensibly  to  cultivate  a  taste  for  European 
masterpieces  in  America  but  also  to  disperse  its  stock 
of  contemporary  French  paintings,  which  were  not 
popular  abroad  but  appealed  to  a  New  York  audience 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:   PRINTS  209 


eager  for  European  sophistication/''^  In  1851  Goupil 
and  Company  symbolically  undercut  the  American 
Art-Union,  an  avid  promoter  of  Leutze's  work,  when 
it  purchased  the  second  version  of  Leutze's  monu- 
mental painting  Washington  Crossing  the  Delaware 
(fig.  71)  direcdy  from  the  artist  for  $6,ooo7^  Goupil 
also  wooed  American  artist  William  Sidney  Moimt, 
who  produced  several  lithographs  after  his  own  paint- 
ings with  the  French  publisher,  most  notably  The 
Power  of  Music  (fig.  164),  which  was  advertised  in 
Goupil's  French  catalogue  in  1850.^^  Mount,  who  did 
not  have  the  opportunity  to  travel  abroad,  favored 
Goupil's  International  Art-Union,  and  observed  in 
1850:  "I  have  long  had  a  desire  to  see  France,  her 
great  painters  are  dear  to  me.  The  works  of  Le  Sueur, 
Le  Brun,  Poussin,  Claude,  Guerin,  Regnault,  Perrin, 
Jouvenet,  Lairesse,  David,  and  latterly,  the  Vernets, 
Delaroche,  Scheffer,  Debuffe  [sic]^  etc.,  all  have  given 
me  instruction  and  pleasure  (principally  through 
engravings  of  their  works)." 

Periodicals  of  the  era  devoted  to  art  are  replete  with 
the  latest  offerings  to  be  found  at  Goupil.  Indeed,  the 
French  dealer  played  a  leading  role  in  developing  a  taste 
in  America  for  nineteenth-century  French  painting, 
and  it  is  likely  thanks  to  Goupil  that  an  engraving 
after  Paul  Delaroche's  Hemicycle  received  a  silver 
medal  at  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  in 
1853.  In  1854  Spooner  noted,  probably  in  reference  to 
Goupil's  Broadway  establishment  (see  fig.  55),  "There 
are  not  only  frequent  day  sales,  where  a  catalogue  of 
150  or  200  pictures  are  offered,  but  there  are  two 
establishments  in  Broadway  where  French  pictures  and 
prints,  books,  &c.,  are  sold  every  evening."  Spooner 
estimated  that  "New  York  alone  cannot  pay  less  than 
half  a  million  annually"  on  French  prints  and  pictures, 
a  sum  that  reflects  the  universality  of  the  fashion  since 
the  consumers  who  bought  prints  were  frequendy  on 
a  more  limited  budget  than  those  who  bought  paint- 
ings. In  1855  Goupil  offered  two  engraved  reproduc- 
tions of  paintings  by  nineteenth-century  French 
artists  that  were  received  by  the  New  York  press  with 
great  acclaim:  Joseph  Sold  by  His  Brothers  after  Horace 
Vernet,  and  Dante  and  Beatrice  after  Ary  Scheffer 
(fig.  165).  Goupil  encouraged  New  York  collectors  to 
find  virtue  in  these  literary  pictures,  and  they  did  in 
droves.  In  October  1855  Putnam^s  Monthly^  which 
exhorted  readers  to  see  the  Scheffer  engraving,  reported 
that  the  work  on  view  at  Goupil  was  "finer"  than  the 
painting,  which  had  been  much  admired  by  New 
York  audiences  when  it  was  exhibited  there  in  1848.^*^ 

Since  the  seventeenth  century,  reproductive  prints 
depicting  major  monuments  of  Western  art  had 


Fig.  165.  Narcisse  Lecomte,  after  Ary  Scheffer,  Dante  and  Beatrice,  1855.  Engraving,  proof  before 
letters.  The  MetropoUtan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Alice  G.  Taft,  Miss  Hope 
Smith,  Mrs.  Marianna  F.  Taft,  Mrs.  Helen  Bradley  Head,  and  Brockholst  M.  Smith  45.78.10 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Spooner,  Appeal,  p.  23.  The 
certificate  published  the  follow- 
ing assessment  of  the  proofs 
pulled  by  Spooner:  "We,  the 
undersigned,  having  examined 
some  of  the  original  copper- 
plates of  ^BoydelVs  Illustrations 
of  Shakspeare,  ^  and  compared 
the  proofs  taken  from  them  by 
Boydcll  himself,  with  those 
taken  by  Dr.  S.  Spooner,  within 
the  last  few  weeks,  fi^om  a 
number  of  the  plates  restored 
by  him,  give  it  as  our  deliber- 
ate opinion  and  judgment,  that 
his  efforts  to  restore  this  mag- 
nificent work,  have,  so  far, 
proved  entirely  successful;  and 
we  heartily  recommend  it  to 
the  American  public  as  being  in 
every  respect  worthy  of  their 
liberal  patronage,  and  as  emi- 
nendy  calculated  not  only  to 
gratify  those  who  may  become 
its  possessors,  but  also,  to 
encourage  and  promote  the 
advancement  of  the  Fine 
Arts  in  our  countryf 
The  bibliography  on  Audubon 
is  extensive.  See  especially 
Waldemar  H.  Fries,  TTje  Dou- 
ble Elephant  Folio:  The  Story  of 
Audubon's  Birds  of  America 
(Chicago:  American  Library 
Association,  1973);  Peter  C. 
Marzio,  "Mr.  Audubon  and 
Mr.  Bien:  An  Early  Phase  in 
the  History  of  American  Chro- 
molithography,"  Prospects,  1975, 
pp.  138-54;  Ann  Lee  Morgan, 
"The  American  Audubons: 
Julius  Bien's  Lithographed 
Edition,*'  Print  Quarterly  4 
(December  1987),  pp.  362-78; 
and  Annette  Blaugrund,  "John 
James  Audubon:  Producer, 
Promoter,  and  Publisher," 
Imprint  21  (March  1996), 
pp.  11-19. 

Helcne  Lafont-Couturier,  "Xe 
bon  livre'  ou  la  portee  Educa- 
tive des  images  editees  et  pub- 
lic par  la  maison  Goupil," 
in  Etat  des  lieux  (Bordeaux: 
Musee  Goupil,  1994),  pp.  30- 
31. 1  am  grateful  to  Richard 
Macintosh  of  the  Carnegie 
Museum,  Pittsburgh,  and 
Pierre-Lin  Renie  of  the  Musee 
Goupil  for  their  generous 
assistance  in  locating  Goupil 
prints  and  for  bringing  this  cat- 
alogue to  my  attention. 
Ibid.,  p.  31.  See  International 
Art  Union,  Prospectus  (New 
York:  Printed  by  Oliver  and 
Brother,  1849). 

Cantor,  "Prints  and  the  Ameri- 
can Art-Union,"  p.  20.  See 
also  John  K.  Howat,  "Wash- 
ington Crossing  the  Delaware," 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 


Fig.  166.  Raphael  Morghen,  after  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  The  Last  Supper,  1800.  Engraving,  fifth  state.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Lucy  Chauncey,  in  memory  of  her  father,  Henry  Chauncey,  1935  35.85.94 


provided  American  artists  with  a  basis  for  their  train- 
ing. Three  art  institutions  in  New  York— the  Ameri- 
can Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts  (founded  in  1802);  the 
National  Academy  of  Design  (founded  in  1825);  and 
the  Cooper  Union  for  the  Advancement  of  Science 
and  Art  (founded  in  1859)— maintained  collections  of 
reproductive  prints  for  the  use  of  artists  and  amateurs 
who  were  unable  to  travel  abroad  to  view  the  Euro- 
pean masters  firsthand.  The  stipulation  in  the  1817 
bylaws  of  the  American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts 
that  the  "tracing  or  chalking"  of  prints  was  strictiy 
forbidden  provides  evidence  for  the  common  prac- 
tice among  artists  of  copying  prints.^^  The  National 
Academy  of  Design  established  a  library  as  one  of 
its  initial  projects,  and  in  1838  its  council  appro- 
priated $400  to  be  used  by  the  academy's  presi- 
dent, Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  for  the  purchase  of  books 
and  engravings  during  his  forthcoming  sojourn  in 
Europe.  The  Cooper  Union,  which  initiated  regular 
drawing  classes  and  opened  a  free  reading  room  in 
November  1859,  allowed  both  men  and  women  access 
to  books  and  current  periodicals  illustrated  with 
prints  between  the  hours  of  eight  in  the  morning 
and  ten  at  night,  in  order  to  fulfill  the  dream  of 
founder  Peter  Cooper,  who  hoped  to  draw  workers 
from  "less  desirable  places  of  resort."  The  impor- 
tance of  the  role  of  reproductive  engravings  in  New 
York  art  academies  is  expressed  by  a  gesture  of  Morse, 
who  was  often  considered  an  American  Leonardo 
because  of  his  artistic  talent  and  scientific  inventions. 
When  he  left  his  post  as  president  of  the  National 


Academy,  Morse  presented  his  successor,  Durand, 
with  Raphael  Morghen's  engraving  after  Leonardo's 
Last  Supper  (fig.  166).^"^ 

Connoisseurs,  perhaps  anxious  to  temper  their  con- 
spicuous consumption  with  social  acceptability,  em- 
phasized the  role  of  prints  in  cultural  edification. 
Spooner,  for  example,  observed  that  collecting  prints 
was  a  useful  activity,  elevating  personal  taste  gener- 
ally and  combining  entertainment  and  instruction. 
In  his  introduction  to  A  Biqgmphicdl  and  Critical 
Dictionary  of  Painters,  En^fravers,  Sculptors,  and 
Architects  (1852),  this  keen  colleaor  wrote  that  his 
passion  afforded  "an  interesting  amusement  for  every 
stage  in  life.  ...  As  with  a  masterful  painting,  so 
with  the  engraving,  more  beauties  will  constantiy 
be  discovered;  so  that  a  portfolio  of  fine  prints  is  a 
source  of  endless  instruction,  amusement,  and  gratifi- 
cation—not only  to  the  possessor,  but  to  his  friends 
and  acquaintance[s]."*^  In  his  Appeal  to  the  People 
of  the  United  States  of  1854,  in  which  he  requested 
government  support  for  his  proposal  to  execute 
engravings  after  the  major  masterpieces  of  Western 
art  housed  in  the  Musee  du  Louvre,  Spooner  attested 
that  "these  works  were  intended  as  a  great  treasury  of 
art;  from  which  not  only  artists,  but  the  whole  world 
might  derive  instruction  and  profit." 

Like  Spooner,  the  wealthy  art  amateur  Luman 
Reed,  who  assembled  the  foremost  private  New  York 
collection  of  American  art  during  the  period,  found 
prints  a  source  of  endless  instruction,  amusement, 
and  gratification.  Reed,  who  never  traveled  abroad. 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE: 


PRINTS  211 


gathered  a  large  quantity  of  reproductive  engravings 
after  the  great  painters  of  the  Italian  Renaissance, 
which  he  used  to  hone  his  powers  of  discrimination 
(see  cat.  no.  155;  fig.  167).  Eager  to  share  his  collec- 
tion with  American  artists  and  the  public,  who  could 
visit  his  residence  at  13  Greenwich  Street  once  a  week, 
Reed  commissioned  print  connoisseur  and  architect 
Alexander  Jackson  Davis  to  design  his  picture  gallery. 
Davis  created  a  setting  in  which  visitors  could  enjoy 
prints  along  with  the  paintings.  In  addition  to  two 
ottomans  and  twelve  mahogany  chairs,  the  gallery 
was  furnished  with  "long,  low  mahogany  tables  .  .  . 
where  the  large  books  of  engravings  could  be  conve- 
niendy  laid  and  examined."  In  this  room,  Cole  may 
have  consulted  Reed's  impression  of  an  engraving 
after  Rubens's  Amazons  on  the  Moravian  Brid^fCy  1623 
(New-York  Historical  Society),  an  inspiration  for  the 
batding  figures  displayed  in  the  foreground  of 
Destruction^  one  of  the  five  paintings  in  The  Course 
of  Empire  series  Reed  commissioned  from  the  artist 
(see  figs.  91-95)- 

Although  many  of  the  private  print  collections 
formed  between  1825  and  1861  in  New  York  are  now 


dispersed,  extant  auction  catalogues  and  inventories 
of  print  collections  that  entered  public  institutions 
reveal  certain  preferences  among  the  city^s  print  con- 
noisseurs of  those  years.  Attributions  made  in  these 
lists  to  the  great  Italian  Renaissance  masters  Leo- 
nardo, Raphael,  and  Michelangelo  would  be  consid- 
ered more  than  generous  today.  Art  patrons  who  had 
taken  the  Grand  Tour  of  Europe— John  Allan  and 
Spooner,  for  example— acquired  reproductive  engrav- 
ings after  major  monuments  no  doubt  as  souvenirs 
of  their  firsthand  experience  of  European  art.  In  addi- 
tion to  Italian  Renaissance  art  (see  cat.  no.  155;  fig.  167), 
the  national  schools  that  are  most  strongly  repre- 
sented are  the  Flemish  and  Dutch  (see  cat.  no.  154), 
French  (see  cat.  no.  158),  British  (see  cat.  nos.  156, 157), 
and  German.  Within  those  schools  there  was  a  marked 
preference  for  eighteenth-  and  nineteenth- century 
British  mezzotints  and  reproductive  engravings  and 
fine  Northern  Renaissance  woodcuts  and  engrav- 
ings, especially  by  the  masters  Albrecht  Diirer  (see 
fig.  64)  and  Lucas  van  Leyden.  When  prints  are  listed 
separately  in  the  catalogues  and  inventories,  a  prefer- 
ence for  intaglio  prints,  whether  original  works  or 


Fig.  167.  Conrad  Metz,  after  Michelangelo  Buonarroti,  Detail  from  the  ^Last  Jud^imentj^  iSoS-16.  Soft-ground  etching.  Collection 
of  The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858.92.069 


Bulletin  26  (March  1968), 
pp.  292-93.  As  Howat  notes: 
'The  Bulletin  of  the  American 
Art-Union  for  April  1851  could 
not  hide  its  displeasure  with 
Leutze  over  his  willingness  to 
deal  with  Goupil,  reminding  its 
readers  that  the  American  Art- 
Union  had  'done  a  great  deal 
to  advance  Mr.  Leutze  to  the 
position  he  now  occupies.'  The 
Bulletin  went  on  to  comment 
dryly:  'Mr.  Goupil,  it  is  said,  is 
one  of  the  best  judges  of  art  in 
Europe.  He  visited  Diisseldorf 
on  purpose  to  see  this  picture, 
and  bought  it  immediately 
upon  Leutze's  own  terms,  viz., 
10,000  thalers— about  $6,000 
of  our  money.'" 

76.  Lafont-Couturier,  '"Le  bon 
livre,'"  p.  33. 

77.  William  Sidney  Mount  to 
Goupil,  Vibert  and  Co., 
Feb[ruary]  14, 1850,  New-York 
Historical  Society,  quoted  in 
Georgia  Brady  Barnhill,  "Print 
Collecting  in  New  York  to  the 
Civil  War,"  delivered  at  the  Eigh- 
teenth North  American  Print 
Conference,  New  York,  April 
1986,  p.  14;  and  reproduced  in 
Alfred  Frankenstein,  William 
Sidney  Mount  (New  York: 
Harry  N.  Abrams,  1975),  p.  160. 
Goupil  was  successful  in  pro- 
moting Mount's  genre  paintings 
abroad  through  his  prints,  espe- 
cially those  rendered  on  stone 
by  French  lithographers.  One 
of  several  lithographs  of  min- 
strels executed  by  Mount  with 
French  printmakers.  Just  in 
Tune  was  published  as  a  two- 
color  lithograph,  included  as  the 
third  plate  of  a  drawing  book 
entided  Etudes  de  portraits  et 
£iroupes  (1850).  See  Lafont- 
Couturier,  "'Lc  bon  livre,"'  p.  35. 

78.  Spooner,  Appeal,  p.  11. 

79.  Ibid. 

80.  ''VXzstic  hnl'' Putnam's  Monthly 
6  (October  1855),  p.  448;  Liter- 
ary World  3  (December  1848), 
p.  983. 

81.  The  Charter  and  By-laws  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts,  Instituted  February  12, 
1802  under  the  Title  of  the 
American  Academy  of  the  Arts. 
With  an  Account  of  the  Statues, 
Busts,  Paintings,  Prints,  Books, 
and  Other  Property  Belon^in^ 
to  the  Academy  (New  York: 
David  Longworth,  1817),  p.  20. 
See  Davis,  "Training  the  Eye 
and  the  Hand,"  chap.  3,  "Draw- 
ing Books  and  Art  Academies 
in  the  United  States,"  esp. 

pp.  40-41:  "The  initial  provi- 
sions allowed  no  book  or  print 
to  be  removed  from  the  library. 


212    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


although  every  Academician 
and  Associate  was  allowed  free 
access  to  the  materials,  and 
Hipon  application  to  the  Keeper 
of  the  Academy  or  Librarian' 
was  'permitted  to  make  sketches 
from  the  books  or  prints.'" 

82.  Eliot  C.  Clark,  History  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design, 
I82S-I9S3  (New  York:  Columbia 
University  Press,  1954),  pp.  18- 
19.  See  also  Archives  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design, 
Constitution  and  Bylaws  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design 
with  a  Catalogue  of  the  Library 
and  Property  of  the  Academy 
(New  York:  I.  Sackett,  1843), 
pp.  27-30. 

83.  Thomas  Micchelli,  "Ex  Libris 
Anno  1859:  Books  from  the 
Original  Cooper  Union  Read- 
ing Room,"  exhibition  mounted 
December  10, 1998,  through 
February  19,  i999- 1  am  gratc- 
fril  to  Dana  Pilson,  Adminis- 
trative Assistant,  Department 
of  American  Paintings  and 
Sculpture,  Metropolitan 
Museum,  for  calling  this  ref- 
erence to  my  attention. 

84.  Studies  in  Oil  by  Asher  B. 
Durand,  N.A.,  Deceased.  En- 
gravings by  Durand,  Raphael 
Morghen,  Turner,  W.  Sharp, 
Bartolozzi,  Wille,  Strange,  and 
Others,  . . .  (Executor's  sale, 
Ortgies'  Art  Gallery,  845  and 
847  Broadway,  New  York, 
April  13-14, 1887),  lot  54. 

85.  A  Biographical  and  Critical 
Dictionary  of  Painters,  Engrav- 
ers, Sculptors,  and  Architects 
from  Ancient  to  Modern  Times; 
with  Monograms,  Ciphers,  and 
Marks  Used  by  Distinguished 
Artists  to  Certify  Their  Works 
(New  York:  George  P.  Putnam, 
1852),  p.  xi.  I  am  grateftil  to 
Georgia  Brady  Bamhill  for  this 
quotation,  which  she  cites  in 
"Print  Collecting  in  New  York 
to  the  Civil  War,''  as  an  insert 
between  pages  10  and  11. 

86.  Spooner,  Appeal,  p.  5. 

87.  Mrs.  Jonathan  Sturges  [Mary 
Pemberton  Cady],  Reminis- 
cences of  a  Long  Life  (New 
York:  E  E.  Parrish  and  Com- 
pany, 1894),  quoted  in  Ella  M. 
Foshay,  "Luman  Reed,  a  New 
York  Patron  of  American  Art," 
Antiques  138  (November 
1990),  p.  1076. 

88.  I  am  indebted  to  Georgia 
Brady  Bamhill  for  generously 
lending  me  a  typescript  of  her 
lecture  on  New  York  print 
collections. 

89.  Quoted  in  Foshay,  "Luman 
Reed,"  p.  1078. 

90.  I  am  indebted  to  Sue  Reed, 


reproductions,  is  evident.  Only  the  occasional  litho- 
graph appears,  usually  a  portfolio  reproducing  Euro- 
pean scenery. 

The  general  interest  in  both  the  Italian  Renaissance 
masters  and  the  Dutch  and  Flemish  schools  was 
encouraged  by  British  art  pundits,  including  John 
Burnet,  whose  popular  instruction  manual  intended 
for  professional  and  amateur  artists,  A  Fmctical 
Treatise  on  Tmnting^  in  Three  Parts  (London,  1828), 
was  read  by  collector  Reed  and  artist  Mount,  among 
others.  Burnet  advised  that  "painters  should  go  to 
the  Dutch  school  to  learn  the  art  of  painting,  as  they 
would  go  to  a  grammar  school  to  learn  languages. 
They  must  go  to  Italy  to  learn  the  higher  branches 
of  knowledge  ."^^ 

The  largest  private  print  collection  assembled  in 
New  York  between  1825  and  1861  that  survives  rela- 
tively intact  is  Henry  Foster  Sewall's;  his  twenty-five 
thousand  impressions  became  the  core  of  the  print 
holdings  at  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston. 
Sewall,  whose  goal  in  building  his  collection  was 
comprehensiveness,  sought  prints  by  the  Northern 
Renaissance  school  and  acquired  a  fine  selection  of 
works  by  Rembrandt  (see  cat.  no.  154),  Diirer,  and 
Lucas,  among  others.  He  also  purchased  a  substantial 
group  of  contemporary  American  prints,  among  them 
Alexander  Jackson  Davis's  lithographic  portfolio 
Views  of  the  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork 
(see  cat.  nos.  70-72)  and  proofs  representing  several 
states  of  Durand's  engraving  Ariadne  (cat.  no.  125). 

The  popularity  of  American  genre  scenes  at  mid- 
century  is  reflected  in  the  number  of  subjects  in  this 
category  published  by  the  American  Art-Union.  At 
the  same  time  an  interest  in  European  genre  scenes 
prevailed  among  print  connoisseurs.  One  important 
New  York  collector  living  in  Europe  between  1829 
and  1850,  Thomas  Jefferson  Bryan  (fig.  75),  became 
infatuated  with  Jean-Antoine  Watteau's  distinctive 
presentation  of  the  fete  galante.  Pursuing  an  interest 
unusual  among  his  contemporaries,  he  acquired  sev- 
eral fine  examples  of  etchings  after  that  French  master 
to  round  out  his  collection  of  paintings,  which  were 
exhibited  at  the  Cooper  Union  beginning  in  1858, 
when  they  were  highly  acclaimed  in  the  Cosmopolitan 
Art  Journal.^^  Moimt  found  inspiration  in  prints 
after  paintings  by  the  Scottish  genre  artist  David 
Wilkie,  whose  influence  was  bolstered  by  the  British 
popular  press.  One  of  the  most  widely  read  European 
art  publications  in  New  York,  the  London  Art  Jour- 
naly  provided  an  engraving  after  Wilkie's  Blind  Fid- 
dler (cat.  no.  157)  as  a  premium  for  subscribers,  one 
of  whom  may  have  presented  a  copy  to  Moimt.^^ 


Catching  the  wave  of  interest  in  European  repro- 
ductive engravings  as  it  trickled  down  to  those  of 
more  modest  means,  Andrew  Jackson  Downing  rec- 
ommended them  as  interior  decoration  in  his  influen- 
tial book  of  1850,  The  Architecture  of  Country  Houses: 
"Nothing  gives  an  air  of  greater  refinement  to  a 
cottage  than  good  prints  or  engravings  hung  upon 
its  parlor  walls.  In  selecting  these,  avoid  the  trashy, 
coloured  show-prints  of  the  ordinary  kind,  and 
choose  engravings  or  lithographs,  after  pictures  of 
celebrity  by  ancient  or  modern  masters.  The  former 
please  but  for  a  day,  but  the  latter  will  demand 
our  admiration  forever."  During  the  decade  that 
followed,  many  New  Yorkers  took  Downing's  sug- 
gestion, whether  they  were  living  in  a  country  or  an 
urban  residence. In  i860  a  Washington  Square 
dealer  named  H.  Smith,  who  stocked  large  and  small 
reproductive  lithographs  of  "single  heads,  groups, 
small  and  large  full-length  figures,  flowers,  fruit,  and 
sacred  subjects,  by  Portals,  Chazal,  Brochart,  Rosa 
Bonheur,  and  others,  colored  by  Carrie  A.  Rowand 
(Frost),"  reminded  the  public  that  "scarcely  any  draw- 
ing-room is  considered  furnished  without  one  or 
more  paintings  of  this  description." 

Already  by  1857,  when  Bailouts  Pictorial  Drawing- 
Room  Companion  published  an  article  tided  "Some- 
thing about  Pictures,"  engravings  of  the  highest  quality 
were  within  the  means  of  middle-class  New  Yorkers 
despite  the  financial  panic  of  that  year: 

Colored  and  plain  engravings  are  also  another 
great  means  of  pictorial  pleasure  and  profit  to 
our  people;  and  here  too  we  are  struck  with  the 
great  increase  which  there  has  been  of  late  years 
in  the  demand  for  these  works.  Formerly,  a  few 
engravings  piled  up  in  one  corner  of  booksellers^ 
stores,  supplied  the  whole  demand,  and  were 
regarded  as  a  drug  by  the  trade,  in  consequence 
of  their  slow  sale.  Now  there  are  large,  commodious 
stores  in  all  our  cities  and  large  towns,  devoted 
exclusively  to  the  sale  of  engravings,  and  the  busi- 
ness fiords  ample  present  returns,  and  favorable 
prospects  of  steady  increase.  And  with  this  great 
increase  in  the  demand  there  has  been  a  corre- 
sponding improvement  in  the  character  of  the 
pictures,  so  that  fine  engravings  which  informer 
days  were  scarce,  and  of  such  high  cost  as  to  be 
found  only  in  the  portfolios  of  the  rich,  are  now  by 
improvements  in  the  art,  and  a  more  extended 
market  for  them,  made  so  cheap  and  plenty,  as  to 
put  it  within  the  reach  of  our  citizens  of  moderate 
means  to  adorn  their  dwellings  with  them.'^^ 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  213 


As  Bailouts  further  observed:  "Side  by  side  widi  the 
growth  of  the  business  in  engravings,  we  witness 
also  the  increased  demand  for  paintings.  Almost  every 
one  now  decorates  his  walls  with  oil  paintings,  and 
at  a  very  moderate  expense,  and  there  is  a  constant 
change  for  the  better  going  on  in  the  quality  of 
these  pictures." 

For  those  who  desired  oil  paintings  but  could 
afford  only  prints,  engravings  were  colored  by  hand 
in  the  New  York  printshops.  The  process  was  expe- 
dited by  using  stencils  to  apply  broad  swaths  of 
color;  nonetheless,  applying  pigment  to  create  the 
fine  details  required  precision  and  time.  To  meet  the 
demand  for  inexpensive  colored  prints,  a  huge  lithog- 
raphy industry  developed  in  the  city.^^  Although 
lithographic  stones  were  more  expensive  initially 
than  metal  plates,  the  rapidity  and  ease  with  which 
designs  could  be  drawn  on  the  stones  ultimately 
made  lithographs  cheaper  than  intaglio  prints,  which 
were  prepared  by  the  more  laborious  process  of 


engraving  a  metal  plate.  Recognizing  that  by  virtue 
of  its  speed  and  cheapness  lithography  served  the 
masses,  the  young  Nathaniel  Currier  described  his 
fledgling  New  York  lithographic  firm— which  he 
founded  in  1835  and  ran  in  partnership  after  1857  with 
James  Ives— as  purveyors  of  "Colored  Engravings 
for  the  People."  From  1857  until  1907— the  lifetime 
of  the  firm— approximately  seven  thousand  subjects 
were  issued,  and  hundreds  of  each  were  sold  to  Amer- 
icans in  all  walks  of  life. 

Following  the  lead  of  the  American  Art-Union, 
Currier  and  Ives  built  a  national  distribution  system 
that  enabled  the  firm  to  dominate  the  marketplace 
for  prints  suitable  for  framing.  The  working  parts 
of  this  well-oiled  print-selling  machine  included  the 
"traveling  agent-peddler,  the  inscrutable  fancy-goods 
middleman,  the  direct  mail-order  systems,  the  risky 
branch  showrooms,  and  the  fiercely  competitive 
premium  systems  of  national  magazines."  The 
numerous  subject  categories  for  lithographs  produced 


LEXINGTON 


Shelley  Langdale,  ClifFord  Ack- 
ley,  and  Patrick  Murphy  of  the 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston, 
for  their  generous  assistance 
with  researching  Sewall,  whose 
prints,  which  were  purchased 
for  the  museum  with  fiinds 
from  the  Parker  Bequest,  are 
listed  in  four  volumes  housed 
in  the  Department  of  Prints, 
Drawings,  and  Photographs. 

91.  "Some  Notices  of  Metropoh- 
tan  Art- Wealth,"  Cosmopolitan 
Art  Journal:  A  Record  of  Art 
Criticism,  Art  Intelligence^ 
and  Biography,  and  Repository 
of  Belle-Lettres  Literature  3 
(1858-59),  p-  85,  published  the 
following  assessment  of  Bryan's 
collection:  "Next  in  value  and 
interest  is  the  Bryan  collection 
of  Old  Masters,  now  in  the 
Cooper  Institute  building,  on 
free  exhibition.  This  gallery  is 
also  the  fruits  of  the  efforts  of 
one  man,  Mr.  Bryan,  who  has 
devoted  a  large  fortune  to  the 
purchase  of  undoubted  origi- 
nals by  the  old  painters,  of  the 
Italian,  Spanish,  Dutch,  Flem- 
ish and  French  Schools,  with 

a  very  few  by  the  early  English 
artists.  .  .  .  Some  public  institu- 
tion ought  to  be  possessed  of 
this  superb  collection.  It  is 
barely  possible  that  the  worthy 
proprietor  and  the  noble  Peter 
Cooper  may  place  it  upon  the 
basis  of  a  perpetual  charity, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  School 
of  Design  for  Women,  now 
in  successful  operation  in 
the  Institute." 

92.  An  example  of  the  Wilkie 
engraving  published  by 
the  London  Art  Journal  is 
housed  in  the  Department 
of  Drawings  and  Prints, 
Metropolitan  Museum. 

93.  A.  J.  Downing,  "Treatment  of 
Interiors,"  in  The  Architecture 
of  Country  Houses  (New  York: 
D.  Appleton  and  Co.,  1850; 
facsimile  ed.,  with  a  new  intro- 
duction by  J.  Stewart  lohnson. 
New  York:  Dover  Publications, 
1969),  p-  372. 

94-  See  also  E.  McSherry  Fowble, 
"Currier  &  Ives  and  the  Ameri- 
can Parlor,"  Imprint  15  (autumn 
1990),  pp.  14-19. 


Fig.  168.  Nathaniel  Currier,  Awful  Conflagration  of  the  Steamboat  ^Lexin^ton'^  in  Lon^  Island  Sound  on  Monday  Evening,  January  13, 
1840 J  by  which  Melancholy  Occurrence  over  100  Persons  Perishedy  1840.  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring,  published  by  Napoleon  Sarony. 
Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


214    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  169.  Louis  Maurer,  Preparing  for  Market^  1856.  Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand  coloring  by  Currier.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of  Adele  S.  Colgate,  1962  63.550.548 


95.  "Large  and  Small  Crayon 
Lithographs,"  Godey's  Lady's 
Book  and  Magazine  60  (June 
i860),  p.  565. 

96.  "Something  about  Pictures," 
Bailouts  Pictorial  Drawing- 
Room  Companion,  Novem- 
ber 21, 1857,  p.  333. 

97.  Ibid. 

98.  For  a  thorough  discussion  of 
the  early  years  of  chromolithog- 
raphy  in  the  United  States,  see 
Marzio,  Democratic  Art,  esp. 
chaps.  1-4. 

99.  The  Currier  and  Ives  bibliogra- 
phy is  extensive.  See  Harry  T. 
Peters,  Currier  &"  Ives:  Print- 
makers  to  the  American  People. 
A  Chronicle  of  the  Firm,  and 
of  the  Artists  and  Their  Work, 
with  Notes  on  Collecting;  Repro- 
ductions of  142  of  the  Prints 
and  Originals,  Formin£f  a  Pic- 
torial Record  of  American  Life 
and  Manners  in  the  Last  Cen- 
tury; and  a  Checklist  of  All 
Known  Prints  Published  by 

N.  Currier  and  Currier  & 
Ives,  2  vols.  (Garden  City: 
Doubleday,  Doran  and  Com- 
pany, 1929-31);  and  Currier 
and  Ives:  A  Catalogue  Raisonne. 
A  Comprehensive  Catalogue  of 


by  Currier  and  Ives— Views,  Political  Cartoons  and 
Banners,  Portraits,  Historical  Prints,  Certificates, 
Moral  and  Religious  Prints,  Sentimental  Prints, 
Prints  for  Children,  Country  and  Pioneer  Home 
Scenes,  Humor,  Sheet  Music  Covers,  Mississippi 
River  Prints,  Railroad  Scenes,  Emancipation,  Specu- 
lation, Horse  Prints,  and  Sporting  Events— attest  to 
the  firm's  resourcefulness  and  thoroughness  in  leaving 
no  stone  unturned  by  their  lithographers.^**^  As  the 
saying  goes,  fires  always  sell  newspapers,  and  they  cer- 
tainly sold  prints  in  a  city  frequendy  ravaged  by 
flames.  After  establishing  himself  as  a  lithographer  in 
New  York,  Currier  rapidly  made  his  early  reputation 
with  a  lithograph  of  the  burning  of  the  Merchants' 
Exchange  and  reinforced  it  with  the  Awful  Confla- 
£iration  of  the  Steamboat  ^Lexin^fton,^  Uhistratmg  a 
disaster  that  occurred  on  Long  Island  Sound  in  Jan- 
uary 1840  (fig.  168). 

Although  several  account  books  that  record  the 
firm's  transactions  sxirvive,  the  edition  sizes  of  par- 
ticular prints  are  unknown.  The  only  example  that 
has  been  documented  is  a  print  in  a  series  designed 
by  Thomas  Worth  tided  Darktown  Comics,  which 
was  published  in  an  edition  of  73,000. ^^'^  Given  the 


number  of  prints  that  survive  today,  it  is  reasonable  to 
assume  that  the  editions  were  large;  the  range  of  sub- 
jects was  broad  enough  to  ensure  mass  appeal.  Astute 
at  marketing.  Currier  and  Ives  essentially  produced 
prints  on  speculation  and  maintained  a  large  inven- 
tory. One  1851  sales  catalogue  indicates  that  the  com- 
pany had  on  hand  22,364  impressions. i**"^ 

Currier  and  Ives  implemented  two  types  of  print 
production.  Whereas  early  lithographers  such  as 
Imbert  worked  closely  with  a  single  artist  or  patron 
to  produce  a  print  in  an  edition  of  perhaps  fifty  to  one 
hundred  copies.  Currier  and  Ives  was  obliged  to  hire 
a  group  of  artists  and  colorists  to  work  together  in  a 
factory-like  setting.  ^^'^  For  maximum  efficiency,  the 
shop  was  organized  so  that  designers  were  responsi- 
ble for  developing  compositions  and  drawing  them 
on  the  stones;  after  the  Uthographs  were  printed  in 
black  ink,  they  were  colored  in  assembly-line  fashion, 
as  described  by  Currier  and  Ives  scholar  Harry  Peters, 
based  on  his  discussions  with  former  members  of 
the  firm: 

The  ^^stock  prints^  were  colored,  in  the  [work]  shop 
on  the  fifth  floor  at  33  Spruce  Street,  by  a  staff  of 


THE   CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  215 


Fig.  170.  George  Endicott,  after  J.  Penniman,  Novelty  Iron  Works,  1841-44.  Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand  coloring. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.588 


about  twelve  youn0  women  and ^irlsy  all  trained 
eolorists  and  mostly  of  German  descent.  They  worked 
at  long  tableSyfrom  a  model.  Many  of  these  models 
were  colored  by  Mr.  Maurer  and  Mrs.  Palmer,  and 
all  were  first  approved  by  one  of  the  partners.  The 
model  was  put  in  the  middle  of  the  table,  in  a  posi- 
tion that  made  it  visible  to  all.  Each  colorist  would 
apply  one  color,  and  then  pass  the  print  on  to  the 
next  colorist,  and  so  on  until  the  print  had  been 
fully  colored.  It  would  then  go  to  the  woman  in 
charge,  who  was  known  as  the  fi^nisher,^^  and  who 
would  touch  it  up  where  necessary. '^^^ 

Outside  the  workshop  Currier  and  Ives  supported  a 
cottage  industry  of  print  designers  and  artists  who 
submitted  sketches  for  compositions  and  performed 
hand  coloring,  much  of  which  was  done  by  women 
working  at  home. 

Before  any  print  went  into  production,  it  was  sub- 
ject to  final  approval  by  one  of  the  partners,  and  thus, 
despite  their  varied  subjects  and  formats,  lithographs 
by  Currier  and  Ives  displayed  a  characteristic  appear- 
ance. Whether  one  considered  their  coloring  brilliant 
or  gaudy,  that  they  appealed  to  a  popular  audience 


was  undisputed.  None  other  than  Charles  Dickens 
alluded  to  their  ubiquitous  presence  in  New  York 
when  he  recalled  in  his  American  Notes  of  1842: 

So  far,  nearly  every  house  is  a  low  tavern;  and  on 
the  barroom  walls,  are  colored  prints  of  Washing- 
ton, and  Queen  Victoria  of  England,  and  the 
American  Eagle.  .  .  .  [And]  as  seamen  frequent 
these  haunts,  there  are  maritime  pictures  by  the 
dozen:  of  partings  between  sailors  and  their  lady- 
loves, portraits  of  William,  of  the  ballad,  and  his 
Black-eyed  Susan;  of  Will  Watch,  the  Bold  Smug- 
gler; of  Paul  Jones  the  Pirate,  and  the  like:  on 
which  the  painted  eyes  of  Queen  Victoria,  and  of 
Washington  to  boot,  rest  in  as  strange  companion- 
ship, as  on  most  of  the  scenes  that  are  enacted  in 
their  wondering  presence.  ^^'^ 

Dickens's  observations  are  consistent  with  Currier 
and  Ives's  own  advertisements,  which  touted  its  pic- 
tures as  "most  interesting  and  attractive  features  for 
Libraries,  Smoking  Rooms,  Hotels,  Bar  and  Billard 
Rooms,  Stable  offices  or  Private  Stable  Parlors.  Also, 
for  display  by  dealers  in  Harness,  Carriages,  and  House 


the  Lithographs  of  Nathaniel 
Currier,  James  Merritt  Ives, 
and  Charles  Currier,  Includ- 
ing Ephemera  Associated  with 
the  Firm,  1834-1907  (Detroit: 
Gale  Research,  1984). 

100.  Peter  C.  Marzio,  "Chromo- 
lithography  as  a  Popular  Art 
and  an  Advertising  Medium: 

A  Look  at  Strobridge  and  Com- 
pany of  Cincinnati"  in  Prints 
of  the  American  West:  Papers 
Presented  at  the  Ninth  Annual 
North  American  Print  Con- 
ference, edited  by  Ron  Tyler 
(Fort  Worth:  Amon  Carter 
Museum,  1983),  p.  109- 

101.  Peters,  Currier  &  Ives, 
pp.  209-ro. 

102.  See  James  Brust  and  Wendy 
Shadwell,  "The  Many  Versions 
and  States  of  The  Awful  Con- 
flagration of  the  Steam  Boat 
Lexington,^  Imprint  15  (autumn 
1990),  pp.  2-13. 

103.  Peters,  Currier  &  Ives,  p.  42. 

104.  Ibid.,  p.  49. 

105.  Ibid.,  pp.  33-34. 

106.  Ibid. 

107.  Charles  Dickens,  American 
Notes  for  General  Circulation 
(London:  Chapman  and  Hall, 
1842),  chap.  6,  pp.  137-38,  as 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


X 


jLttKA-VUtll  AI^H  SI«»ICA¥MII  til  ti* 

£111)  liiueluTbaclicv6, 


X 


f34 


I? 


mt 


Ah  fU  iirjj      .  ] 

'1 


Fig.  171.  George  and  William  Endicott,  after  "Spoodlyks"  (possibly  George  T.  Sanford),  Santa  Clauses  QuadrilleSy  1846.  Lithograph.  Courtesy 
of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  217 


Furniture  of  all  descriptions ."^^^  In  short,  they  were 
considered  suitable  decoration  for  a  variety  of  pub- 
lic and  commercial  settings  and  were  displayed  in 
much  the  same  way  as  other  popular  lithographs  of 
the  period,  such  as  those  by  the  firms  of  Endicott  and 
Fay  (see  figs.  170, 173). 

Among  the  designers  who  worked  for  Currier  and 
Ives,  those  who  demonstrated  superior  draftsmanship 
—Fanny  Palmer,  Parsons,  Worth,  and  Louis  Maurer— 
were  frequendy  permitted  to  sign  their  names  on  the 
stone  or  include  them  in  the  margin  of  a  print.  That 
selective  distinction  likely  served  not  only  to  enhance 
the  value  of  particular  prints  but  also  to  reward  and 
retain  such  artists,  who  otherwise  might  have  severed 
ties  with  the  firm.  Maurer's  Preparing  for  Market 
(fig.  169)  represents  the  cream  of  popular  lithographic 
production  in  New  York  and  shows  Currier  at  its 
best.^*^^  Urban  dwellers  besieged  by  grit,  noise,  and 
busding  activity  pined  for  the  idyllic  agrarian  exis- 
tence portrayed  in  many  of  the  firm's  characteristic 
prints,  such  as  this  one  of  1856.  Maurer,  who  was  often 
the  draftsman  chosen  to  design  the  trotting  scenes 


Fig,  172.  Adam  Weingartner, 
The  New  Tork  Elephant^  from 
The  American  Museum  (New 
York,  1 851),  pi.  3.  Lithograph. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold  CoUection  of 
New  York  Prints,  Maps, 
and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold, 
1954  54.90.1310  (3) 


quoted  in  Peters,  Currier  & 
Ives  J  pp.  41-42. 

108.  "Portraits  of  the  Great  Trotters, 
Pacers,  and  Runners;  Currier 
&  Ives'  Celebrated  Cheap  Pop- 
ular Edition,"  as  quoted  in 
Marzio,  Democratic  Art,  p.  6i. 

109.  Harry  S.  Newman,  Best  Fifty 
Currier  &  Ives  Litho^raphsy 
Lar^e  Folio  Size  (New  York: 
Old  Print  Shop,  1938);  and 
Currier  <&  Ives:  The  New  Best 
Fifty  (Fairfield,  Connecticut: 
American  Historical  Print  Col- 
lectors Society,  1991)- 


Fig.  173.  Augustus  Fay,  Temperance^  but  No  Maine-Law,  1854.  Lithograph.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1054 


2l8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  174.  James  A.  Walker,  The  Storming  of  ChapultepeCy  September  13, 1847, 1848.  Chromolithograph  with  hand  coloring,  published  by  Sarony, 
Major  and  Knapp.  Amon  Carter  Museum,  Fort  Worth,  Texas  1974.48 


no.  For  an  excellent  and  thorough 
discussion  of  the  firm  of  George 
Endicott  and  its  successors,  see 
Georgia  Brady  Bumgardner, 
"George  and  William  Endicott: 
Commercial  Lithography  in 
New  York,  1831-51,"  in  Prints 
and  Printmakers  of  New  Tork 
State,  pp.  43-66.  On  Endicott's 
contribution  to  lithographic 
portraiture  and  his  image  of 
Fanny  Elssler,  in  particular 
(cat.  no.  126),  see  Wendy  Wick 
Reaves,  "Portraits  for  Every 
Parlor:  Albert  Newsam  and 
American  Portrait  Lithogra- 
phy" in  American  Portrait 
Prints,  pp.  83-134. 

nr.  See  Peters,  America  on  Stone, 
pp.  171-79- 

112.  Spann,  New  Metropolis,  p.  405. 

113.  Burrows  and  Wallace,  Gotham, 
p.  435  n.  i;  the  authors  observe 
that  cheap  docks  "kept  wharf- 
age rates  down,  enhancing  the 
port's  competitiveness." 


that  became  increasingly  popular  after  midcentury, 
displays  his  mastery  of  eqmne  anatomy  front  and  cen- 
ter in  this  composition;  moreover,  the  unmatched 
pair  of  farm  horses,  one  dapple  gray  and  one  black, 
exhibit  to  full  effect  his  ability  to  coax  the  widest 
range  of  tones  from  the  lithographic  crayon.  The 
bountiful  display  of  produce  from  the  farm,  proudly 
exhibited  in  the  foreground,  would  have  undoubtedly 
caught  the  eye  of  sawy  New  York  consumers,  who 
were  accustomed  to  choosing  the  best  from  a  large 
selection  of  goods  spread  out  to  tempt  them  along 
the  emporiimi  of  Broadway. 

Although  Currier  and  Ives  dominates  the  story 
of  lithography  in  New  York  City,  the  firm  was  not 
without  its  share  of  competition.  Beginning  in  1839 
George  Endicott  ran  a  highly  respected  printing 
establishment,  often  employing  the  same  artists  as 
Currier  and  Ives.  In  addition  to  a  steady  business  in 
printing  sheet-music  covers,  George  Endicott,  the 
firm  later  named  G.  and  W.  Endicott  and  Endicott 
and  Company,  produced  fine  promotional  litho- 
graphs printed  in  colors.  While  located  at  22  John 
Street  in  New  York,  Endicott  issued  Novelty  Iron 


Works  (fig.  170),  a  lithograph  that  likely  served  to 
aggrandize  the  manufacturer,  m  The  quality  of  the 
draftsmanship  and  the  details  of  the  activities  at  the 
wharf  suggest  that  the  image  may  have  appealed  to 
both  suppliers  and  clients  of  the  factory,  which  was 
the  largest  manufacturer  of  steam  engines  in  New 
York.^^^  The  lithographer  vividly  conveys  New  York 
City's  ability  to  facilitate  light  manufacturing  owing 
to  its  superior  port  and  warehouses.  The  extent  to 
which  dock-front  activity  supported  a  whole  host  of 
industries  is  charmingly  represented  in  the  fore- 
ground, where  several  workers  are  dwarfed  by  the 
scale  of  a  cast-iron  wheel. 

Endicott  and  other  New  York  lithographers  also 
supplied  popular  lithographs  for  sheet-music  covers 
that  would  appeal  to  prospective  purchasers  and  look 
attractive  when  displayed  on  the  piano  in  a  domestic 
setting.  One  such  example  of  thousands  produced  by 
the  firm  shows  an  early  picture  of  Santa  Claus,  who, 
after  the  fashion  of  Saint  Nicholas,  prepares  to  climb 
down  a  chimney.  Produced  by  Endicott  in  1846  and 
drawn  by  an  artist  identified  only  as  "Spoodlyks,"  the 
print  (fig.  171)  recalls  an  engraving  published  in  the 


THE  CURRENCY  OF  CULTURE:   PRINTS  219 


Fig.  175.  Otto  Bottischer,  Turnout  of  the  Employees  of  the  American  Express  Company,  1858.  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring  printed 
by  Sarony  and  Major.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints, 
Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.763 


New-Tork  Mirror  in  1841,  purportedly  the  earliest 
depiction  of  Santa  Claus  in  the  United  States.  ^^"^ 

Another  acknowledged  master  of  lithography  in 
the  Empire  City  was  Francis  D'Avignon,  who,  in  col- 
laboration with  Mathew  B.  Brady,  produced  one  of 
the  finest  illustrated  biographies  of  the  time.  The 
Gallery  of  Illustrious  Americans  (1850),  which  cele- 
brated national  unity  by  highlighting  the  virtues  of 
twelve  eminent  Americans  from  every  region  of  the 
Union.  Considered  without  equal  in  the  field,  even 
in  Europe,  D'Avignon's  portraits  (see  cat.  no.  165A), 
based  on  daguerreotypes  by  Brady,  were  praised 
by  New  York  lithographer  Charles  Hart  as  "highly 
finished,  and  classical  in  style,  possessing  all  the 
beauty  of  the  very  best  schools  of  lithographic  art.''^^^ 
The  book  included  biographical  descriptions  by 
Charles  Edwards  Lester  that  cast  the  twelve  subjects 
as  present-day  republicans  true  in  spirit  to  the  ideals 
of  ancient  Rome  and  America's  Founding  Fathers. 
Regally  boimd  in  royal  blue  cloth  stamped  in  gold 
(cat.  no.  165B),  the  volume  took  the  "first  prize  away 
from  all  the  world"  at  the  1851  Crystal  Palace  exhibi- 
tion in  London. 


The  firm  of  Nagel  and  Weingartner  produced  not 
only  important  commemoratives  of  the  Crystal  Palace 
exhibition  in  New  York  but  also  sarcastic  caricatures 
in  the  spirit  of  the  British  periodical  Punch  and  the 
French  Charivari.  A  previously  unpublished  litho- 
graphic pamphlet  bearing  the  monogram  of  one  of 
the  firm's  partners,  Adam  Weingartner,  reflects  that 
artist's  special  talent  for  caricature  and  inventiveness. 
Issued  on  April  Fool's  Day,  1851,  the  pamphlet  vividly 
pokes  fun  at  life  in  New  York  City.  In  one  scene  Wein- 
gartner alludes  to  P.  T.  Barnum's  curiosities  on  view 
at  the  American  Museum  at  Broadway  and  Ann 
Street:  forming  the  body  of  an  elephant  representing 
Gotham  are  stonemasons  and  street  people  of  every 
type  found  on  Broadway  (fig.  172). 

Popular  lithographers  frequendy  produced  prints 
with  a  political  message.  Currier  and  Ives  contributed 
numerous  examples,  many  of  which  were  drawn  by 
Worth.  On  occasion,  political  caricature  achieved  a 
scale  and  a  level  of  finish  more  typical  of  fine  prints. 
An  example  is  Augustus  Fay's  lithograph  of  the 
Gem  Saloon  at  the  corner  of  Broadway  and  Worth 
(formerly  Anthony)  Street.  Bearing  the  inscription 


114.  For  discussion  of  the  New- 
Tork  Mirror  frontispiece  by 
Roberts  after  Ingham,  see  Jock 
Elhott,  M  Hal  Christmas'': 
An  Exhibition  of  Jock  Elliott's 
Christmas  Books  (exh.  cat., 
New  York:  Grolier  Club,  1999), 
pp.  44-45.  Elliott  suggests  that 
the  image  in  the  New-Tork 
Mirror  actually  appeared 
before  the  same  image  was 
published  in  the  Dollar  Maga- 
zine: A  Monthly  Gazette  of 
Current  American  and  For- 
eign Literature^  Fashion,  Music, 
and  Novelty  i  (January  1841). 

115.  See  Charles  Hart,  "Lithogra- 
phy, Its  Theory  and  Practice, 
Including  a  Series  of  Short 
Sketches  of  the  Earliest  Litho- 
graphic Artists,  Engravers,  and 
Printers  of  New  York,"  1902 
manuscript,  p.  175,  Manuscript 
Division,  New  York  Public 
Library.  For  a  thorough  dis- 
cussion of  D'Avignon,  see  Wil- 
liam F.  Stapp,  "Daguerreotypes 
onto  Stone:  The  Life  and 
Work  of  Francis  D'Avignon," 
in  Reaves,  American  Portrait 
Prints,  pp.  194-231. 

116.  In  his  description  of  Daniel 
Webster,  for  example,  Lester 
associates  the  great  orator 
with  none  other  than  General 
George  Washington  in  the  fol- 
lowing passage:  "July  4, 1826, 
our  greatest  festival,  just  half 

a  century  after  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  two  patriarchs 
of  Freedom  [Jefferson  and 
Adams]  left  their  blessing  on 
the  Nation,  and  died  almost  at 
the  same  hour.  The  day  was  hal- 
lowed by  a  holier  consecration; 
and  Webster  commemorated 
the  services  of  the  ascended 
patriots.  Finally,  on  the  22nd 
of  February,  1832,  which  com- 
pleted the  century  of  Washing- 
ton, he  portrayed  the  character 
of  the  great  deliverer.  With  these 
August  names  and  occasions, 
the  genius  of  Webster  is  linked 
forever."  Charles  Edwards  Les- 
ter, The  Gallery  of  Illustrious 
Americans  .  .  .  (New  York: 
M.  B.  Brady,  F.  D'Avignon, 
C.  E.  Lester,  1850),  Webster 
biography.  I  am  gratefiil  to 
Peter  Barberie  of  the  Prince- 
ton University  graduate  semi- 
nar on  American  prints  for  his 
research  on  TTje  Gallery  of 
Illustrious  Americans 

117.  Reflecting  upon  his  achieve- 
ments in  an  article  published  in 
The  World  in  189 1,  Brady  re- 
called his  work  on  The  Gallery 
of  Illustrious  Americans:  "In 
1850  I  had  engraved  on  stone 
twelve  great  pictures  of  mine, 
all  Presidential  personages  like 


220    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Scott,  Calhoun,  Clay,  Webster, 
and  Taylor;  they  cost  me  $ioo 
a  piece  for  the  stones,  and  the 
book  sold  for  $30.  John  How- 
ard Payne,  the  author  of 
'Home,  Sweet  Home,'  was  to 
have  written  the  letter-press, 
but  Lester  did  it.  In  1851 1 
exhibited  at  the  great  Exhibi- 
tion of  London,  the  first  exhi- 
bition of  its  kind,  and  took 
the  first  prize  away  firom  all 
the  world."  George  Alfired 
Townsend,  "A  Man  Who  Has 
Photographed  More  Promi- 
nent Men  Than  Any  Other 
Artist  in  the  Country— Inter- 
esting Experiences  with  Well 
Known  Men  of  Other  Days 
Look  Pleasant,"  The  World, 
April  12, 1891,  p.  26. 

118.  Spann,  New  Metropolis^ 
pp.  348-49. 

119.  Peters,  America  on  Stone, 

p.  351;  and  Marzio,  Democratic 
Art,  pp.  49-51. 

120.  Quoted  in  Peters,  America  on 
Stone,  p.  356. 

121.  Hart,  "Lithography,  Its  Theory 
and  Practice,"  as  quoted  in 
Marzio,  "Chromolithography 
as  Popular  Art,"  p.  106. 

122.  Marzio,  Democratic  Art,  p.  92. 


'Temperance,  but  No  Maine-Law,"  Fay's  print  of 
1854  (fig.  173)  displays  a  New  York  City  barroom  in 
all  its  glory.  Businessmen  at  their  leisure  gulp  down 
oysters,  seal  a  deal  with  a  handshake,  gaze  at  the  taxi- 
dermy display  under  glass,  or  dine  in  semiprivaty 
within  a  curtained  banquette.  The  tavern,  famous  for 
housing  the  largest  mirror  in  Manhattan,  reflects 
one  New  York  saloonkeeper's  aspiration  to  sophis- 
tication expressed  in  the  heavily  encrusted  ornamen- 
tation on  the  frame  and  the  front  panel  of  the  bar. 
The  men  imbibing  spirits  support  the  inscription, 
which  expresses  opposition  to  a  proposal— vigorously 
debated— to  shut  down  all  saloons  or  at  least  to 
enforce  the  laws  requiring  drinking  establishments 
to  close  on  Sundays. 

Along  with  political  caricatures,  New  York  lithog- 
raphers offered  a  range  of  popular  illustrations  of  con- 
temporary events  at  home  and  abroad.  Napoleon 
Sarony,  who  became  one  of  the  most  successful 
lithographic  publishers  in  New  York,  established  his 
reputation  with  Currier's  print  of  the  burning  of  the 
steamboat  Lexington  in  1840  (fig.  168).^^^  Sarony 
excelled  at  creating  large  compositions  populated  by 
numerous  figures,  such  as  the  folio-sized  prints  of  the 
Mexican  War  produced  in  partnership  with  Henry 
B.  Major,  who  had  also  worked  with  Currier  (see 
fig.  174).  The  partners  rose  to  prominence  printing  the 
four  folio  prints  of  Commodore  Perry's  expedition  to 
Japan  in  1853.  Sarony  also  worked  with  military 
lithographer  Lieutenant  Colonel  Otto  Bottischer, 
who  drew  on  stone  an  animated  scene  of  the  top- 
hatted  employees  of  the  American  Express  Company 
sitting  on  the  rapid  stagecoaches  for  which  the  com- 
pany was  known  (fig.  175).  By  1859  Sarony  and  Major 
were  dueling  with  Currier  and  Ives  for  preeminence 
as  the  leading  lithographic  firm  in  New  York,  pro- 
claiming in  one  four-page  advertisement  that  the 
company  occupied  four  floors  at  49  Broadway,  had 
forty  presses,  and  produced  work  "better  than  any 
done  in  this  country,  equalling  that  done  abroad." 

Following  the  European  upheavals  of  the  1848  Revo- 
lution, a  number  of  German  lithographers,  notably 
John  Bachmann,  Charles  Magnus,  and  Julius  Bien, 
traveled  to  New  York  City,  where  they  could  take 
advantage  of  higher  wages,  "securing  two  dollars  a 
day  against  forty  and  fifty  cents  a  day  in  Germany." 
The  desperate  need  for  skilled  lithographers  was 
reflected  in  United  States  immigration  laws,  which 
favored  artisans  trained  in  the  field  and  encouraged 
them  to  join  American  firms.  Although  immigrant 
lithographers  were  allowed  to  bring  in  their  own 
tools  and  other  equipment  duty  free,  they  were  not 


Fig.  176.  Nagel  and  Weingartner,  Inscription  page  for  John 
James  Audubon's  Birds  of  America,  1840-44.  Lithograph  with 
hand  coloring.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Arthur  S.  Vemay 


allowed  exemptions  on  "machinery  or  other  articles 
imported  for  use  in  any  manufacturing  establish- 
ment," since  these  would  enable  them  to  compete 
with  established  American  lithographic  firms. 

Bachmann,  who  frequendy  published  with  the  litho- 
graphic mapmaker  Magnus,  was  an  innovator  of  the 
bird's-eye  view  of  Manhattan  and  a  staunch  promoter 
of  the  image  of  New  York  as  the  Empire  City.  Typical 
of  the  earlier  city  views  that  presented  the  pano- 
rama of  bustling  New  York  Harbor  from  sea  level 
or  slighdy  above  it  are  examples  by  Bennett  (cat. 
no.  128)  and  Havell  (cat.  no.  129).  Henry  Papprill,  who 
with  John  William  Hill  made  a  spectacular  aquatint 
of  New  York  City  from  the  steeple  of  Saint  Paul's 
Chapel  (cat.  no.  135),  took  New  Yorkers  fascinated 
with  city  views  to  new  heights  from  a  traditional 
vantage  point,  the  church  steeple.  In  1851  Williams, 
Stevens  and  Williams,  the  Broadway  print  dealer, 
advertised  a  "splendid  Bird's-Eye  View  of  the  Empire 
City"  in  a  commercial  register  published  in  New  York. 
According  to  the  advertisement,  "To  the  mind  of  a 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  221 


Fig.  177.  Napoleon  Sarony,  The  Horse  FaiVj  after  the  Celebrated  Painting  by  Rosa  Bonheur,  1859.  Lithograph  printed  in  colors,  published  by  Sarony,  Major  and  Knapp. 
Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


stranger,  this  picture  at  once  conveys  a  perfect  idea  of 
the  exact  location  of  New-York,  with  reference  to  sur- 
rounding parts,  making  it  a  most  desirable  acquisi- 
tion to  the  Counting  House  of  the  Merchant,  and  a 
very  satisfactory  description  to  a  friend  abroad  "^^^  In 
1855  William  Wellstood  and  Benjamin  R  Smith  Jr. 
went  higher  still  to  view  southern  Manhattan  from 
the  "Heaven-kissing  peak"  of  Latting  Observatory 
(cat.  no.  143). i^'^  The  same  year,  perhaps  inspired  by 
Honore  Daumier's  lithograph  of  French  photogra- 
pher Nadar  sailing  above^  Paris  in  a  balloon,  Bach- 
mann  produced  a  sky-high  view  of  the  Empire  City, 
in  which  a  flying  machine  hovers  at  the  center  of 
the  uppermost  margin  (cat.  no.  145).  Bachmann  later 
produced  the  most  impressive  antebellum  view  of 
Manhattan  in  his  circular  image  New  Tork  City  and 
Environs  (cat.  no.  150).  He  artfully  distorted  the  land- 
mass  of  the  island  to  resemble  the  shape  of  North 
and  South  America,  configuring  New  Jersey,  to  the 
west,  as  Asia  and,  to  the  east,  Brooklyn  and  Queens 
as  Europe  and  Africa.  In  Bachmann's  image  New  York 
City  looms  at  the  center  of  the  world. 

Until  the  late  1840s  lithographs  were  printed  in 
black  and  white  and  carefully  colored  by  hand.  Pro- 
duction of  popular  lithographs  increased  dramatically 


when  skilled  printers  could  effectively  print  in  color 
using  tint  stones.  By  inking  a  stone  with  a  single 
color,  such  as  blue  for  the  sky  or  brown  for  the  build- 
ings, broad  areas  of  color  could  be  printed  in  a  single 
pass  through  the  press.  In  the  case  of  DeWitt  Clin- 
ton Hitchcock's  Central  Park,  Looking  South  from 
the  Ohservatoryy  1859  (cat.  no.  151),  for  example,  the 
swaths  of  grass  made  possible  by  the  Greensward  Plan 
for  the  park  and  the  urban  sprawl  surrounding  it  were 
printed  on  tint  stones  of  green  and  brown. 

With  the  advent  of  chromolithography  came  elabo- 
rately illustrated  gift  books.  During  the  midcentury 
decades,  about  one  thousand  of  these  presentation 
volumes  were  produced.  ^^'^  New  York  City  competed 
fiercely— although  not  always  successfully— with  Bos- 
ton and  Philadelphia  for  prime  commissions,  which 
previously  were  colored  by  hand.  Between  1845  ^d 
1854,  Philadelphia  printer  John  T.  Bowen,  for  example, 
managed  to  edge  out  New  York  lithographers  in  the 
competition  for  the  job  of  printing  the  hand-colored 
elephant-folio  and  octavo  editions  of  John  James 
Audubon's  Viviparous  Quadrupeds  of  North  America, 
produced  in  collaboration  with  the  artisf  s  sons,  Victor 
and  John  Woodhouse  Audubon,  who  resided  in 
Manhattan.     New  York,  however,  did  achieve  one 


United  States  Commercial 
Register  Containing  Sketches  of 
the  Lives  of  Distin^fuished  Mer- 
chants, Manufacturers,  and 
Artisans  with  an  Advertising 
Directory  at  Its  Close  (New 
York:  George  Prior,  185 1),  New 
York  Advertisements,  p.  2, 
describes  the  print  as  follows: 
"Just  completed.  The  only  accu- 
rate and  comprehensive  View 
of  New-York  City  &  Environs. 
This  VIEW  is  taken  from  oppo- 
site the  easterly  side,  over  Wil- 
liamsburgh,  and  presents  the 
entire  length  and  breadth  of 
the  great  city  of  new-york, 
delineating  the  outline  of  the 
Jersey  Shore— showing  Jersey 
City  and  Hoboken,  the  North 
River,  Governor's  and  Staten 
Islands,  the  extensive  Bay  and 
the  Narrows:  on  the  left,  a  large 
portion  of  Brooklyn— the  Navy 
Yard  and  Williamsbur^ih  in 
the  foreground.  Against  New- 
Tork  reposes  the  forest  of  Ship- 
ping—its great  Commercial 
stamp;  while  the  River  is 
studded  with  Steamers  and 
Sailing  Vessels. 

DRAWTsi  with  the  most  care- 
ful regard  to  accuracy  of  posi- 
tion and  perspective,  in  the 
relative  location  and  height 


222    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


of  every  prominent  object,  it 
combines  an  admirable  view 
and  an  interesting  picture." 
I  am  grateful  to  Austen  Barron 
BaiUy,  Research  Assistant, 
Department  of  American  Paint- 
ings and  Sculpture,  Metropol- 
itan Museum,  and  Brandy 
Gulp,  Research  Assistant, 
Department  of  American 
Decorative  Arts,  Metropolitan 
Museum,  for  providing  me 
with  this  reference. 

124.  Frank  LesHe^s  Illustrated  News- 
paper,  September  13, 1856, 

p.  214. 

125.  For  European  nineteenth- 
century  bird's-eye  views  and 
panoramas,  see  Ralph  Hyde, 
Panoramania!  The  Art  and 
Entertainment  of  the  ^All- 
Embracin^^  View  (London: 
Barbican  Art  Gallery  and  Tre- 
foil Publications,  1988);  and 
Stephan  Oettermann,  The 
Panorama:  History  of  a  Mass 
Medium,  translated  by  Debo- 
rah L.  Schneider  (New  York: 
Zone  Books,  1997). 

126.  For  the  rise  of  chromolithog- 
raphy  in  New  York  City,  see 
Marzio,  Democratic  Art,  esp. 
chap.  3,  "New  York  and  Diis- 
seldorf:  Mecca  and  Inspira- 
tion," and  chap.  4,  "The  Giants 
of  New  York  Lithography," 
pp.  41-63. 

127.  Sec  Daniel  Francis  McGrath, 
"American  Colorplate  Books, 
1800-1900"  (Ph.D.  disserta- 
tion. University  of  Michigan, 
Ann  Arbor,  1966),  p.  104;  and 
Ralph  Thompson,  American 
Literary  Annuals  and  Gift 
Books  (New  York:  H.  W.  WU- 
son  Company),  1936,  p.  i. 

128.  William  S.  Reese,  Stamped 
with  a  National  Character: 
Nineteenth  Century  American 
Color  Plate  Booh  (exh.  cat.. 
New  York:  Grolier  Club, 
1999),  pp.  56-61. 

129.  McGrath,  "American  Colorplate 
Books,"  p.  104,  as  quoted  in 
Thompson,  American  Literary 
Annuals  and  Gifi  Books,  p.  i. 

130.  McGrath,  "American  Color- 
plate Books,"  p.  105. 

131.  Ibid.,  p.  112. 

132.  Much  has  been  published  on 
Audubon's  Birds  of  America. 
See  especially  Fries,  Double  Ele- 
phant Folio;  and  Blaugrund, 
"Audubon:  Producer,  Promoter, 
and  Publisher,"  pp.  11-19. 

133.  Marzio,  "Chromolithography 
as  Popular  Art,"  p.  116.  Marzio 
notes  that  the  practice  of  tint- 
ing chromolithographic  photo- 
graphs was  common  among 
firms  such  as  Louis  Prang  of 
Boston,  P  S.  Duval  of  Phila- 


Fig.  178.  Felix  Octavius  Carr  Darley,  The  Bee  Hunter.  Steel 
engraving,  from  The  Cooper  Vignettes  (New  York:  James  G. 
Gregory,  1862).  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Collection,  The  Elisha  Whittejsey 
Fund,  1964  64.667 


notable  first  in  the  field  of  chromolithographic  book 
illustration.  The  first  American  book  with  tinted  lith- 
ographs was  produced  there  in  1848:  Squier^s  Ancient 
Monuments  of  the  Mississippi  Valleyy  with  pictures  by 
lithographer  Sarony  working  with  two  tint  stones. 
Some  of  the  finest  gift  books  of  the  1840s  and  1850s 
were  published  in  New  York.  They  include  Thomas 
W.  G.  Mapleson's  Lays  of  the  Western  World  (1848) 
and  Son^s  and  Ballads  of  Shakespeare  (1849).^^*^  From 
1852  to  1856  Charles  Mason  Hovey's  Fruits  of  Amer- 
ica, published  simultaneously  in  Boston  and  New 
York,  established  a  standard  for  quality  chromo- 
lithography  in  an  American  book.^^^  The  volume 
offered  an  unprecedented  number  of  plates— ninety- 
six  in  all— and  demonstrated  the  strength  of  the  me- 
dium in  its  ability  to  render  color  brilliantly. 

In  1858  Bien  attempted  one  of  the  most  ambitious 
chromolithographic  projeas  ever— the  replication  of 
Havell's  hand-colored  aquatints  and  engravings  for 
Audubon's  Birds  of  America.^^^  Bowen's  smaller, 
oaavo  version  of  The  Birds  with  hand-colored  litho- 
graphs (1826-39)  had  proved  so  popular  that  New 
Yorkers  chose  a  set  of  the  volumes  to  present  to  Jenny 


Lind  following  the  Swedish  singer's  Manhattan  debut 
at  a  concert  in  1850  to  benefit  the  widows  and  orphans 
of  the  city's  firemen  (see  cat.  no.  239;  fig.  176).  In  col- 
laboration with  John  Woodhouse  Audubon,  Bien  cre- 
ated 105  chromolithographs  based  on  150  of  the  elder 
Audubon's  original  compositions,  doubling  up  on  a 
single  sheet  smaller  birds  drawn  to  scale.  Through  a 
variety  of  painstaking  applications  of  color  that  mixed 
during  the  printing  process,  Bien  managed  to  re-create 
on  large  lithographic  stones  the  texture  of  the  metal 
plates  Havell  had  meticulously  prepared.  This  monu- 
mental undertaking  brought  Bien  litdc  financial 
reward,  since  subscribers  reneged  on  their  commit- 
ment at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War,  despite  the  high 
quality  of  the  first  plate,  Wild  Turkey  (cat.  no.  149). 
Bien  nonetheless  persevered  as  a  printer,  later  focus- 
ing his  efforts  on  custom-made  "chromos"  executed 
for  publishers  and  art  dealers,  chromolithographic 
illustrations  to  accompany  federal  geological  surveys, 
and  tinted  chromolithographic  photographs. 

Chromolithographs  on  a  scale  befitting  the  Empire 
City  and  promoting  its  image  as  the  cultural  capital  of 
the  United  States  were  displayed  in  Manhattan.  For 
example,  in  1858  the  major  art  and  print  dealer  Wil- 
liams, Stevens  and  Williams  advertised  its  exhibition 
of  eminent  landscape  painter  Frederic  E.  Church's  oil 
painting  Niagara  (fig.  50)  along  with  facsimile  of 
this  celebrated  Picture,  beautifiilly  printed  in  colors, 
after  the  original."  ^^"^  No  project  seemed  to  be  too 
large  for  New  York  lithographers  to  consider.  While 
Bien  was  at  work  reproducing  Audubon's  watercolors 
for  The  Birds  of  America  as  color  lithographs,  Sarony 
and  Major,  who  by  then  had  invited  Joseph  Knapp  on 
board  as  a  third  partner,  took  on  the  reproduction  of 
Rembrandt  Peale's  celebrated  twenty-four-foot-long 
painting,  the  Court  of  Death,  as  a  large  color  litho- 
graph. Printed  in  1859,  the  work  was  praised  by  Peaie 
himself  shordy  before  his  death:  "The  Drawing  is 
correct,  and  the  Coloviring  (considering  the  difficulty 
of  the  process  and  its  cheapness)  gives  a  good  idea  of 
the  Painting."  Popular  as  well  were  chromolitho- 
graphic reproductions  of  European  oil  paintings, 
among  them  the  monumental  Horse  Fair  by  the 
French  artist  Rosa  Bonheur  (cat.  no,  51;  fig.  i77), 
which  was  also  printed  just  before  the  Civil  War  by 
Sarony,  Major  and  Knapp. 

While  hthographers  were  enticing  readers  with 
color  illustrations,  engravers  were  busy  perfecting 
their  illustrations  to  accompany  writings  by  Amer- 
ican and  European  authors.  Many  aspiring  artists  pro- 
duced engraved  book  illustrations  to  supplement 
their  incomes  until  they  could  establish  themselves  as 


THE  CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  223 


painters.  Others,  such  as  New  York  engraver  Felix 
Octavius  Carr  Darley,  devoted  themselves  to  the 
medium,  creating  banknotes,  reproductive  engrav- 
ings, and  some  of  the  finest  book  illustrations  pro- 
duced prior  to  the  Civil  War.^^^  Darley  played  a  major 
role  in  creating  the  cult  of  George  Washington 
through  his  immensely  popular  steel  and  wood 
engravings  for  Washington  Irving's  five-volume  Life 
of  Geor£fe  Washin^tofiy  published  between  1857  and 
1859  by  George  P.  Putnam,  a  leading  New  York  pub- 
lisher. Correcdy  anticipating  good  sales,  Putnam  sup- 
ported Darky's  proposal  to  produce  large  prints  for 
the  biography,  including  a  monumental  engraving 
tided  The  Triumph  of  Patriotism  (1858),  in  which 
Washington  is  shown  leading  his  troops  into  New 
York  City  in  1783  with  all  the  confidence  of  a  Roman 
emperor.  Following  the  publication  of  Darky's  suc- 
cessful lithographic  oudine  illustrations  for  Sylvester 
Judd's  novel  Margaret  and  for  two  of  Washington 
Irving's  best-loved  tales  of  Knickerbocker  New  York, 
'The  Legend  of  Sleepy  Hollow"  and  ''Rip  van  Win- 
kle" (see  cat.  nos.  133,  134),  W.  A,  Townsend  and 
Company  of  New  York  City  commissioned  the  artist 
to  produce  illustrations  for  James  Fenimore  Cooper's 
complete  works,  which  were  published  between  1859 
and  1861.  The  Cooper  Vignettes  (see  fig.  178)  swiftly 
became  de  rigueur  volumes  for  a  proper  New  York 
library.  Advertised  by  Townsend  as  a  "monument  of 


American  Art,"  Darky's  work  consisted  of  64  steel 
engravings  and  120  wood  engravings  dispersed  among 
32  volumes. 

As  private  libraries  multiplied  in  New  York  City, 
many  fine  binderies  sprang  up  to  meet  the  demand 
for  beautiful  books.  Enhancing  the  visual  appeal  of 
gift  books  were  richly  colored  bindings  stamped  in 
gold.^^^  Each  year  The  Garland,  a  popular  gift  book 
published  between  1847  and  1855,  offered  the  purchaser 
a  choice  of  three  different  gilt  bindings  stamped  on 
either  scarlet  or  purple  morocco,  for  a  total  of  six 
different  volumes,  each  of  which  included  different 
chromolithographed  decorations,  such  as  a  page  for  a 
personal  inscription.  Gift  books  were  snatched  up 
by  a  largely  female  audience,  who  bestowed  them 
on  family  members  and  friends  to  mark  holidays  and 
special  occasions.  Especial  favorites  for  the  Christmas 
season  were  Dickens's  A  Christmas  Carol  in  Prose 
(1844)  and  later  imitations  of  it,  such  as  W.  H.  Swep- 
stone's  Christmas  Shadows,  a  Tale  of  the  Poor  Needle 
Woman  (cat.  no.  138),  its  accompanying  blue  binding 
stamped  in  gold  with  a  picture  of  a  poor  needle- 
worker  appearing  as  an  apparition  before  her  miserly 
employer.  Washington  Irving's  History  of  New-Tork 
of  1809,  written  under  the  pseudonym  of  its  fictitious 
protagonist,  Diedrich  Knickerbocker,  was  issued  in 
many  subsequent  editions,  including  one  produced 
by  Putnam  in  1850  (cat.  no.  137).  Centered  on  the 


delphia,  and  Strobridge  of 
Cincinnati. 

134.  "At  Williams,  Stevens,  Wil- 
liams &  C().'s,"  The  Inde- 
pendent, September  30,  1858, 
p.  5.  On  May  2, 1857,  The 
Albion  reported  on  Niagara 
(p.  213):  "With  spirit  and  judg- 
ment, Messrs.  Williams  &  Co. 
have  stepped  in  and  become 
purchasers  of  this  rare  work, 
their  intention  being  to  carry 
it  to  London,  (where  it  will 
undoubtedly  create  a  sensa- 
tion,) and  have  it  there  drawn 
and  printed  in  colours  by  the 
chromo-lithographic  process. 
They  have  paid  Mr.  Church, 
we  understand,  $4,500,  for  the 
picture  and  the  copyright; 
and  he  is  further  to  receive 
one  half  the  price  at  which  it 
may  be  finally  sold." 

135.  Rembrandt  Peale  to  Tristram 
Coffin,  July  3,  i860,  Joseph 
Downs  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts and  Printed  Ephemera, 
The  Winterthur  Library,  Henry 
Francis  Du  Pont  Winterthur 
Museum,  Winterthur,  Dela- 
ware, as  quoted  in  Marzio, 
Democratic  Art,  p.  51. 

136.  See  Nancy  Finlay,  Invent- 
ing the  American  Past:  The 
Art  ofF.O.C.  Darley,  with 

a  foreword  by  Roberta  Waddell 
(exh.  cat.,  New  York:  New 
York  Public  Library,  1999). 
I  am  grateful  to  Nancy  Finlay, 


Fig.  J79.  George  Loring  Brown,  Bdy  of  New  Tork,  1861.  Etching.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York 


224    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Roberta  Waddell,  Elizabeth 
WycofF,  and  the  entire  staff 
of  the  Prints  Division  of  the 
library  for  their  assistance 
with  this  project. 

137.  Ibid.,  p.  20. 

138.  For  an  excellent  discussion 
of  innovations  in  nineteenth- 
century  American  book- 
binding, see  Sue  Allen, 
"Machine-Stamped  Bookbind- 
ings, 1834-1860,"  Antiques  115 
(March  1979),  p-  567.  For 
American  bookbindings,  see 
especially  Edwin  Wolf,  From 
Gothic  Windows  to  Peacocks: 
American  Embossed  Leather 
Bindings,  i82s-i8ss  (Philadel- 
phia: Library  Company  of 
Philadelphia,  1990). 

139.  McGrath,  "American  Color- 
plate  Books,"  p.  108. 

140.  Burrows  and  Wallace,  Gotham, 
p.  417. 

141.  Marzio,  Democratic  Art,  p.  83. 

142.  For  the  technological  transfor- 
mation of  the  chromolitho- 
graphic  industry  during  the 
1860S,  see  ibid.,  esp.  chap.  5, 
"Tools,  Techniques,  and  Tar- 
iffe,"  pp.  64-93. 

143.  Spann,  New  Metropolis,  p.  406. 

144.  Marzio,  Democratic  Art, 
pp.  17-18.  Marzio  notes  that 
Sarony  and  Bien  in  New  York 
and  British-bom  printmaker 
William  Sharp,  who  immi- 
grated to  Boston  about  1830, 
practiced  photography  as 
well  and  became  involved  in 
reproducing  photographs 
lithographically. 

145.  See  CiiflFord  S.  Ackley,  "Syl- 
vester Rosa  Koehler  and  the 
American  Etching  Revival," 
in  Art  and  Commerce:  Amer- 
ican Prints  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century:  Proceedings  of  a 
Conference  Held  in  Boston, 
May  8-10,  ip7S  (Charlottesville: 
University  Press  of  Virginia, 
1978),  pp.  143-51;  Maureen  C. 
O'Brien  and  Patricia  C.  F. 
Mandel,  The  American  Painter- 
Etcher  Movement  (exh.  cat., 
Southampton,  New  York:  Par- 
rish  Art  Museum,  1984);  and 
Thomas  P.  Bruhn,  The  Amer- 
ican Print:  Originality  and 
Experimentation,  1790-1890 
(exh.  cat.,  Storrs:  William  Ben- 
ton Museum  of  Art,  University 
of  Connecticut,  1993). 


binding  of  the  front  cover  is  a  silhouette  of  Diedrich, 
whose  surname,  derived  from  the  Dutch  words 
knicker  (to  nod)  and  boeken  (books),  came  to  identify 
Irving's  circle.  ^"^^^  The  larger  format  of  the  1855  edition 
of  The  Knickerbocker  Gallery  (cat.  no.  140)  was  prob- 
ably intended  to  appeal  to  men  as  well  as  the  usual 
audience  of  women.  This  publication  was  offered  in  a 
wide  selection  of  leathers  stamped  with  motifs  rang- 
ing from  floral  borders  to  an  image  of  Washington 
Irving's  home  Sunnyside,  near  Tarrytown,  a  popular 
gathering  place  for  Knickerbocker  writers. 

Even  before  the  Civil  War,  the  steam-operated  press 
was  beginning  to  challenge  the  handpress,  particu- 
larly in  the  realm  of  printing  popular  lithographs.  In 
1859  New  York  lithographer  Charles  Hart  recalled  an 
incident  that  refleaed  the  intense  competition 
between  man  and  machine  that  would  dominate  the 
post-Civil  War  print  world: 

[The  printers]  then  came  up  to  the  tMe,  by  the 
windows^  where  the  steam  press  and  hand  press 
work  were  lyin£  side  by  side,  and  while  the  excited 
printers  were  pointing  out  the  superiority  of  the 
hand  press  work  [the  operator  of  the  steam  press] 
.  .  .  placed  his  hands,  one  under  each  pile  of  work, 
and  lifting  them  suddenly  mixed  both  lots  of  work 
in  one  indistinguishable  mass  upon  the  table. 
^Now  gentlemen^  [he  said],  .  .  .  ^^Separate,  if  you 
can,  the  handpress  from  the  steam  press  work.^^ 
That  was  an  impossibility.  Great  indeed  was  the 
indignation  of  the  printers.  .  .  .  But  they  still 
declared  the  hand  press  work  was  the  better.^"^^ 

In  the  late  1850s  chromolithography  was  on  the  brink 
of  evolving  from  the  skilled  craft  of  creating  hand- 
tooled  prints,  such  as  those  made  by  Bien,  to  the 
mechanized  industry  it  would  become  as  the  steam- 
driven  presses  took  over  at  the  end  of  the  1860s.  ^"^^ 

As  New  York  City  developed  into  the  commercial 
capital  of  the  United  States,  printing  firms  became  in- 
creasingly specialized.  By  1861  the  city  was  responsible 
for  30  percent  of  the  nation's  printing  and  publishing; 
the  industry  employed  more  than  five  thousand  print- 
ers, bookbinders,  engravers,  typefounders,  and  others 
needed  to  meet  the  demand  for  printed  materials  and 
pictures,  i"*^^  As  the  steam-driven  presses  and  stamp- 
ing machines  enabled  New  York  printers  to  produce 
ever  larger  editions  of  prints  and  books,  printing 
giants  such  as  Currier  and  Ives  and  Harper  and 
Brothers  were  able  to  outstrip  the  competition. 
Smaller  printmaking  firms  were  forced  to  specialize  in 


popular  advertisements  and  custom-printing  jobs.  At 
the  outset  of  the  period  covered  in  this  catalogue, 
printmakers  worked  in  a  variety  of  mediums,  includ- 
ing engravings  on  wood  and  metal  as  well  as  litho- 
graphs. After  the  Civil  War  two  major  New  York 
printers,  Sarony  and  Bien,  developed  their  businesses 
by  reproducing  photographs  lithographically. 

By  1861  the  oudook  of  New  Yorkers  had  become 
cosmopolitan,  thanks  to  their  easy  access  to  books, 
periodicals,  and  printed  works  of  art  and  to  a  grow- 
ing interest  in  foreign  travel.  With  the  support  of 
newly  wealthy  art  connoisseurs,  many  New  York 
artists  were  able  to  go  abroad,  and  there  they  devel- 
oped a  growing  appreciation  of  prints  as  original 
works  of  art  rather  than  as  reproductions.  During 
their  Grand  Tours  of  Europe,  bourgeois  Americans 
had  an  opportunity  to  see  great  works  of  art  firsthand 
and  they,  too,  became  increasingly  disenchanted  with 
reproductive  engravings  after,  for  instance,  the  Italian 
Renaissance  masters,  which  had  been  so  eagerly  sought 
by  New  York  art  patrons  at  midcentury.  The  travelers 
began  to  favor  original  etchings  of  familiar  European 
sights  that  they  could  bring  back  to  New  York  City  as 
souvenirs  of  their  tours. 

Two  Americans  who  created  such  etchings  for  the 
New  York  market  are  the  expatriate  John  Gadsby 
Chapman  (see  cat.  no.  147),  who  retired  to  Italy  and 
became  a  leader  of  the  circle  of  Americans  living  in 
Rome,  and  the  Boston  landscapist  George  Loring 
Brown  (see  cat.  no.  131).  By  1861  the  American  Etch- 
ing Revival,  which  would  dominate  printmaking  in 
New  York  City  during  the  1870s  and  1880s,  was 
under  way.^^^  When  H.R.H.  the  Prince  of  Wales 
visited  New  York  in  October  i860,  he  was  presented 
with  a  monumental  painting  of  Manhattan  by  Brown, 
and  the  painting  was  widely  reproduced  as  an  etch- 
ing (fig.  179). 

The  New  York  Etching  Club  was  established  in  the 
city  in  1877  to  celebrate  the  new  preference  among 
connoisseurs  for  original  etchings  over  engravings 
and  lithographs.  The  next  generation  of  New  York 
print  lovers  would  form  the  Society  of  Iconophiles 
and  seek  to  assemble  large  collections  of  views  of 
Manhattan,  expressing  their  fascination  with  Ameri- 
can printmaking  and  with  the  rise  of  the  United 
States  on  the  international  stage  following  World 
War  I.  As  their  predecessors  had,  early-twentieth- 
century  business  magnates  often  chose  Curriers  and 
views  of  old  New  York  to  decorate  their  Manhattan 
ofl[ices  and  clubs,  and  many  of  those  collections  of 
fine  nineteenth-century  prints  may  still  be  seen  in 


THE   CURRENCY  OF   CULTURE:   PRINTS  225 


their  original  settings.  Among  them,  Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold's  collection  of  approximately  2,500  prints, 
maps,  and  pictures  of  New  York  City  at  the  Metro- 
politan Museum  remains  one  of  the  most  outstand- 
ing examples  in  Manhattan,  along  with  those  formed 
by  Isaac  Newton  Phelps  Stokes  and  Amos  R  Eno, 
both  of  which  are  now  at  the  New  York  Public 
Library.  ^''^^  The  enthusiastic  efforts  of  the  Icono- 
philes  to  recover  many  of  the  splendid  prints  of 
New  York  during  its  flowering  as  the  Empire  City 


were  forgotten  during  World  War  II,  when  the  Works 
Progress  Adrninistration's  Federal  Art  Project  sup- 
ported an  innovative  printmaking  division  in  New 
York  City  that  forged  an  interest  in  lithography  and 
silkscreen.  The  scope  of  the  present  exhibition  per- 
mits only  a  fleeting  glimpse  of  the  wealth  of  prints 
produced  in  New  York  City  between  1825  and  1861;  it 
would  be  difficult  to  imagine  or  comprehend  the 
ascent  of  the  Empire  City  without  the  rich  store  of 
images  that  rolled  off  its  presses  during  those  years. 


146.  Sec  Stokes,  Iconography  of 

Manhattan  Island,  vol.  i  (1915), 
pp.  xiii,  xxi,  where  many  of 
the  other  print  collectors  in 
Stokes's  circle  are  listed. 


1^ 

1 

m 

Palace  for  the  Sun^^:  Early  Photography 
in  New  Tork  City 

JEFF  L.  ROSENHEIM 


Wonderful  wonder  of  wonders!!  Vanish  equa-tints 
and  mezzotints — as  chimneys  that  consume  their 
own  smoke,  devour  yourselves.  Steel  engravers,  copper 
engravers,  and  etchers,  drink  up  your  aquafortis, 
and  die!  There  is  an  end  of  your  black  art .  .  . 
The  real  black  art  of  true  magic  arises  and  cries 
avaunt.  All  nature  shall  paint  herself-^elds, 
rivers,  trees,  houses,  plains,  mountains,  cities,  shall 
all  paint  themselves  at  a  bidding,  and  at  a  few 
moments  notice, 

— The  Corsair,  April  13, 1839 

In  1825— when  that  marvel  of  engineering  the 
Erie  Canal  opened,  and  when  goods  of  all  vari- 
eties began  to  flow  into  New  York  and  to  trans- 
form it  from  a  small  city  into  the  financial  capital  of 
America— photography  did  not  exist.  Even  the  word 
"photography*'  would  not  be  coined  for  another 
decade  and  a  half  The  first  successful  photographic 
experiments  with  cameras  and  light-sensitive  silver 
materials  were  still  years  away,  and  the  idea  itself 
had  only  begun  to  germinate  in  the  minds  of  a  few 
isolated  scientists  in  Europe.  It  is  remarkable  that  by 
the  start  of  the  Civil  War,  just  over  twenty  years  after 
the  medium's  birth  in  1839,  photography  had  emerged 
as  the  most  common  form  of  visual  language  in 
America,  present  in  even  the  most  humble  of  homes 
and  used  to  record  the  features  not  only  of  statesmen, 
poets,  and  industrial  tycoons  but  also  of  soldiers,  urban 
laborers,  mothers,  infants,  and  the  recendy  deceased. 
In  New  York  City  hundreds  of  photographers  vied 
with  one  another  for  clients,  offering  lavish  studios 
(often  referred  to  as  "temples")  on  the  upper  floors  of 
buildings  on  and  just  off  Broadway. 

The  story  of  this  remarkable  revolution  begins  in 
October  1832,  when  Samuel  R  B.  Morse,  New  York's 
most  celebrated  portrait  painter  of  the  age,  had  an 
epiphany,  not  of  the  artistic  but  of  the  technological 
sort.  Bound  for  New  York  from  France  aboard  the 
packet  ship  Sully,  he  conceived  of  a  new  form  of  long- 
distance communication  based  on  magnetism  and 
electricity.  By  1835,  when  he  was  appointed  Professor 


of  the  Literature  of  the  Arts  of  Design  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  the  City  of  New  York,  Morse  the  painter  had 
traded  his  brush  for  a  metal  lathe  and  had  become  an 
inventor.  He  had  developed  and  constructed  the  first 
telegraph  machine,  an  apparatus  that  used  electrical 
impulses  to  transmit  a  coded  message  from  one  place 
to  another.  Rather  than  actively  continuing  his  paint- 
ing career,  Morse  directed  most  of  his  creative  energy 
during  the  subsequent  years  to  refining  the  electric 
telegraph,  "which  produced  a  revolution  in  his  life, 
and  on  the  commerce  and  intercourse  of  mankind."^ 

Despite  the  rearrangement  of  his  priorities,  Morse 
still  relied  on  art  to  support  himself  Using  fees  paid 
by  his  art  students  for  instruction  in  painting  and  aes- 
thetics, Morse  continued  to  improve  on  his  invention 
until  August  1837,  when  he  publicly  exhibited  the  tele- 
graph in  the  large  hall  of  his  university.  This  was 
immediately  followed  by  an  application  to  the  patent 
office  and  by  a  formal  presentation  to  Congress  in  the 
winter  of  1837-38.  Although  he  remained  dedicated 
to  the  arts  as  both  professor  and  president  of  the 
National  Academy  of  Design,  Morse  believed  that 
the  telegraph  would  bring  him  wealth  and  fame.  Sur- 
prisingly, he  was  unsuccessful  in  his  attempt  to  con- 
vince the  United  States  government  to  subsidize  his 
experiments;  the  small  amount  of  money  he  received 
fell  far  short  of  the  funding  required  to  produce  the 
large  coils  of  wire  across  which  his  telegraph  would 
communicate.  Nor  could  his  meager  income  as  a  pro- 
fessor meet  the  expenses  required  to  promote  the  tele- 
graph and  create  the  necessary  infrastructure. 

Seeking  capital,  Morse  traveled  in  late  1838  and  1839 
to  England  and  France,  hoping  to  sell  the  patent 
rights  to  his  invention.  He  had  no  success  in  England, 
as  competitors  there  were  developing  their  own  ideas 
about  how  to  use  electromagnetism.  When  he  arrived 
in  France  in  the  spring  of  1839  he  made  his  presenta- 
tion to  the  Academic  des  Sciences,  where  just  a  few 
months  earlier  another  painter  and  inventor,  Louis- 
Jacques-Mande  Daguerre,  the  proprietor  of  the  Paris 
Diorama  theater,  had  shown  an  equally  astonishing 
invention— a  seemingly  magical  process  that  held  an 


This  essay  is  dedicated  to  Malcolm 
Daniel,  my  colleague  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  Photographs.  Without  his 
wisdom,  generous  spirit,  and  superb 
organizational  skills, "  'A  Palace  for 
the  Sun' "  would  still  be  latent— hke 
the  earliest  photographic  experi- 
ments, a  half-formed  image  without 
any  real  substance.  For  the  kind  invi- 
tation to  participate  in  this  grand 
endeavor  to  celebrate  the  "Great 
Emporium,"  I  thank  John  K.  Howat 
and  Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger. 
Their  dedication  and  patience  pro- 
vided encouragement  when  it  was 
most  needed.  Like  many  research 
projects,  this  one  was  greatly  enriched 
by  a  team  of  assistants  who  photo- 
copied volumes  of  original  docu- 
ments and  read  through  hours  of 
microfilm.  I  especially  thank  Suzan- 
nah  Schatt,  who  performed  this 
grueling  work  as  an  indefatigable 
volunteer  research  assistant.  The 
quotation  that  introduces  this  chap- 
ter is  taken  from  "The  Pencil  of 
Nature:  A  New  Discovery,"  The 
Corsair^  April  13, 1839,  pp.  70-71. 

I,  Samuel  Irenaeus  Prime,  The  Life 
of  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  LL.D., 
Inventor  of  the  Electro-ma^inetic 
Recording  Telegraph  (New  York: 
D.  Appleton  and  Company, 
1875),  p.  249. 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  190 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Ibid.,  pp.  400-401. 
For  further  details  on  the  date  of 
the  first  daguerreotype  produced 
in  New  York,  see  Intake,  Jour- 
nal of  Photography  of  the  George 
Eastman  House  i  (January  1952). 
Seagar  also  gave  the  first  public 
lecture  and  demonstration  on 
the  daguerreotype  process  in  the 
United  States.  This  took  place  at 
the  Stuyvesant  Institute  on 
October  5, 1839.  See  the  adver- 
tisement in  the  Morning  Herald 
(New  York),  October  3, 1839. 
Prime,  Life  of  Morse,  p.  403. 
The  Corsair,  February  22,  1840, 
p.  794. 

Prime,  Life  of  Morse,  p.  403. 
Ibid.,  p.  401. 


image  permanently  on  a  silver-plated  sheet  of  cop- 
per. It  was  suggested  that  Morse  meet  France's  own 
inventor  of  the  moment,  and  he  soon  received  an 
invitation  to  Daguerre's  studio  on  March  5.  Morse 
was  highly  impressed  by  the  images  he  saw  and  wrote 
in  a  letter  to  his  brother:  "You  have  perhaps  heard  of 
the  Daguerreotype,  so  called  from  the  discoverer, 
M.  Daguerre.  It  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  discov- 
eries of  the  age.  .  .  .  they  resemble  aquatint  engrav- 
ings, for  they  are  in  simple  chiaro-oscuro  and  not  in 
colors.  But  the  exquisite  minuteness  of  the  delinea- 
tion cannot  be  conceived.  No  painting  or  engraving 
ever  approached  it.  .  .  .  The  impressions  of  interior 
views  are  Rembrandt  perfected."^  Morse  in  turn 
invited  Daguerre  to  a  demonstration  of  the  electric 
telegraph,  and  on  the  very  day  that  they  met  this  sec- 
ond time,  Daguerre's  Diorama— and  with  it  his  notes 
and  early  daguerreotypes— burned  to  the  ground. 
This  tragic  coincidence  forever  linked  the  fate  of  these 
two  figures  and  ingratiated  Daguerre  to  Morse. 

Morse  returned  to  America  in  spring  1839  dazzled 
by  Daguerre's  invention  but— like  everyone  else— 
ignorant  of  the  complex  steps  required  to  produce  a 
daguerreotype,  for  Daguerre  had  shrewdly  withheld 
the  details  until  he  could  conclude  an  arrangement 
with  the  French  government  under  which  he  would 
receive  an  annuity  in  exchange  for  placing  his  invention 
in  the  public  domain.  Arriving  back  in  New  York, 
Morse  immediately  nominated  his  French  colleague 
for  honorary  membership  in  the  National  Academy 
of  Design,  indicating  his  belief  that  Daguerre's  inven- 
tion would  benefit  the  arts  as  well  as  the  sciences. 
Then  he  eagerly  awaited  news  from  Paris.  Not  vmtil 
late  September  1839  did  a  boat  arrive  with  a  published 
text  with  step-by-step  instructions  for  creating  the 
plates  and  making  the  exposures.  Morse  and  others 
in  New  York,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia  immediately 
set  about  to  build  their  cameras,  find  usable  lenses, 
and  experiment  with  the  new  invention.  Interestingly, 
Morse  was  not  the  first  artist  in  America  to  succeed  in 
making  a  daguerreotype.  By  his  account,  that  honor 
goes  to  an  obscure  artist  named  D.  W.  Seagar.  ^  Morse 
claimed  that  his  own  earliest  success,  a  view  of  the 
Unitarian  Church  made  from  a  window  on  the  stair- 
case at  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York,  dated 
to  late  September  1839."^ 

On  February  22,  1840,  The  Corsair  described  "a 
picture  [by  Morse]  quite  as  remarkable  for  strength 
and  distinctness  as  the  most  perfect  specimens  yet 
exhibited.  .  .  .  His  drawing  represents  the  front  of 
the  City  Hall."^  Neither  of  these  early  daguerreotypes 
of  New  York,  nor  any  other  views  of  the  city  by 


Morse,  survive.  While  experimenting  with  architec- 
tural subjeas,  Morse  also  set  himself  the  task  of  over- 
coming what  he  considered  the  great  shortcoming 
of  Daguerre's  invention— portraits,  it  seemed,  were 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  mediimi,  for  it  was  nearly 
impossible  for  a  sitter  to  remain  motionless  during 
the  long  exposure  time.  Daguerre  himself  doubted 
that  his  invention  could  ever  be  used  successfully  to 
record  the  human  face,  but  Morse  set  out  to  achieve 
just  that  goal.  No  sooner  had  he  read  the  details  of  the 
process  than  he  built  two  portrait  studios— glassed-in 
boxes  with  glass  roofs— one  atop  his  residence  at  the 
university,  on  Washington  Square,  and  one  on  the 
roof  of  his  brothers'  new  building  on  the  northeast 
corner  of  Nassau  and  Beekman  streets.  Morse  dubbed 
the  latter  "a  palace  for  the  sun."*^  Working  in  this 
Hght-fiUed  studio  with  John  Draper,  a  fellow  profes- 
sor at  the  university,  Morse  soon  succeeded  in  short- 
ening the  exposure  times  by  polishing  the  silvered 
plates  to  a  higher  degree  than  previously  attained  and 
adding  bromine,  an  accelerator,  to  the  chemistry. 
By  late  1839  or  early  1840  they  had  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing portraits.  Despite  all  the  potential  scientific  uses 
for  the  daguerreotype— Morse  had  suggested  that 
the  discovery  would  "open  a  new  field  of  research 
in  the  depths  of  microscopic  Nature"^— the  most 
enduring  legacy  of  the  new  medium  was  its  role  as  a 
preserver  of  likenesses  of  men  and  women,  not  details 
of  nature. 

The  earliest— indeed,  the  only— surviving  daguerre- 
otype by  Morse  (cat.  no.  160)  is  a  portrait.  The  strength 
of  this  image  is  in  the  anonymous  yoimg  man's  rapt 
expression,  which  seems  to  reflect  a  subtle  awareness 
of  his  participation  in  a  grand  endeavor.  The  subject 
stares  directly  into  the  camera,  straining  to  keep  his 
eyes  open  during  the  ten-to-twenty-minute  exposure 
in  direct  sunlight.  The  mindful  sitter  is  one  of  the  first 
in  photography  to  return  the  gaze  of  the  viewer,  some- 
thing Daguerre  thought  not  possible.  Morse's  very 
first  portraits  likely  showed  figures  with  their  eyes 
closed,  and  a  small  drawing  by  Morse  (fig.  180),  dated 
May  1840,  is  likely  drawn  from  one  such  daguerreo- 
type, rather  than  from  life. 

Although  New  York  City  was  the  locus  of  much  of 
the  activity  (and  public  commentary)  surrounding  the 
introduction  of  the  daguerreotype  in  America,  the 
invention  quickly  foimd  its  way  into  every  large  city 
in  the  country.  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book  commented  on 
the  earliest  experimental  daguerreotype  portraits  by 
Robert  Cornelius,  a  young  Philadelphia  lamp  maker 
and  metalworker.  They  found  his  work  "imsurpass- 
able.  .  .  .  Catching  a  shadow  is  a  thing  no  more  to  be 


"A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  229 


Fig.  i8o.  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  Head  of  a  Toung  Man,  May 
1840.  Brown  ink  on  paper.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  James  C.  McGuire,  1926  26.216.49 


laughed  at."^  The  journals  with  a  scientific  bent  also 
began  to  muse  on  various  uses  for  the  daguerreotype. 
In  a  column  entitled  "Anticipated  results  from  the 
Daguerreotype"  the  editors  of  the  American  Reper- 
tory of  Arts,  Sciences,  and  Manufactures  suggested 
that  several  members  of  the  Egyptian  Institute  in  Paris 
take  Daguerre's  apparatus  to  Egypt  and  copy  "the 
millions  and  millions  of  hieroglyphics,  which  entirely 
cover  the  exteriors  of  the  great  monuments  at  Thebes, 
Memphis,  Carnac,  Sec.  .  .  .  [or]  make  photographic 
charts  of  our  satellite  [the  moon]."^ 

Popular  interest  in  the  new  medium  was  spurred 
by  the  arrival  of  daguerreotypes— and  an  instructor— 
direct  from  the  French  capital.  The  earliest  exhibition 
in  the  United  States  of  original  daguerreotypes  pro- 
duced by  the  hands  of  Daguerre  took  place  on  Decem- 
ber 4, 1839,  in  New  York  City.  The  public  exhibition  in 
a  building  on  Broadway  consisted  of  stiU-life  studies 
and  views  of  Paris  presented  by  Daguerre's  American 
agent,  M,  Gouraud,^^  Former  mayor  Philip  Hone, 
who  recorded  the  event  in  his  diary,  marveled  at  the 
images  and  commented  with  remarkable  prophecy 
on  the  invention: 

The  manner  of  producing  them  constitutes  one  of  the 
wonders  of  modern  times,  and,  like  other  miracles, 
one  may  almost  he  excused  for  disbelieving  it  with- 
out seeing  the  very  process  by  which  it  is  created.  ,  .  . 
Every  object,  however  minute,  is  a  perfect  transcript 


of  the  thing  itself  the  hair  of  the  human  head,  the 
gravel  on  the  roadside,  the  texture  of  a  silk  curtain, 
or  the  shadow  of  the  smaller  leaf  reflected  upon  the 
wall,  are  all  imprinted  as  carefully  as  nature  or 
art  has  created  them  in  the  objects  transferred;  and 
those  things  which  are  invisible  to  the  naked  eye  are 
rendered  apparent  by  the  help  of  a  magnifying 
glass.  It  appears  to  me  not  less  wonderful  that  light 
should  be  made  an  active  operating  power  in  this 
manner,  and  that  some  such  effect  should  be  pro- 
duced by  sound;  .  .  .  we  may  not  be  called  upon  to 
marvel  at  the  exhibition  of  a  tree,  a  horse,  or  a  ship 
produced  by  the  human  voice  muttering  over  a 
metal  plate,  prepared  in  the  same  or  some  other 
manner,  the  words  Hree,   ^horse,  and  ^^ship. 
How  greatly  ashamed  of  their  ignorance  the  by- 
gone generations  of  mankind  ought  to  be\^^ 

Niles^  National  Register  also  reported  on 

a  large  number  of  pictures  from  a  collection  of  the 
exquisitely  beautiful  results  of  this  wonderful  dis- 
covery [the  daguerreotype],  just  arrived  from  Paris, 
several  of  them  by  Daguerre  himself  The  collection 
is  in  the  hands  of  M.  Gourraud,  a  gentlemen  [sic] 
of  taste,  who  arrived  in  the  steam  packet  British 
Queen,  and  who  made  himself  acquainted  with 
the  mode  of  obtaining  these  results,  under  the 
immediate  instruction  of  M.  Daguerre,  .  .  .  We 
canjind  no  language  to  express  the  charm  of  these 
pictures  painted  by  no  mortal  hand.  .  .  ,  We  hope 
Mr  Gourraud  will  stay  so  long  among  us  as  to 
give  us  a  few  practical  lectures;  and  also  to  furnish 
an  opportunity  for  our  citizens  of  taste  to  see  this 
collection  ofnature^s  own  paintings.^^ 

Indeed  he  did.  The  Knickerbocker  reported  just  a  few 
weeks  later  that  the  ''''true  Daguerreotype  views,  exhib- 
iting at  the  corner  of  Chambers-street  and  Broad- 
way, by  Mr.  Gouraud,  the  only  accredited  agent  of 
Mr.  Daguerre,  in  America,  have  attracted  crowds 
of  enthusiastic  admirers.  The  lectures  upon  the  art, 
promised  by  Mr.  Gouraud,  have  been  commenced; 
and  we  cannot  doubt,  will  be  numerously  attended; 
the  poor  attempts  of  a  pseudo  Daguerreotypist  to 
prevent  such  a  result,  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing." The  lectures  took  place  in  the  exhibition 
gallery  at  57  Broadway  and  secured  the  city's  most 
important  street  as  the  new  home  of  the  daguerreo- 
type in  America. 

Daguerreotypy  had  already  begun  to  develop  as  a 
profession  in  New  York  by  March  1840,  when  the 
American  Repertory  of  Arts  published  D.  W.  Seagar's 


8.  Godey's  Lady's  Book  and  Ladies' 
American  Magazine  20  (April 
1840),  p.  190.  Cornelius's  experi- 
ments in  portraiture  are  pre- 
sumed to  date  from  October  or 
November  1839. 

9.  American  Repertory  of  Arts, 
Sciences,  and  Manufactures  i 
(May  1840),  p.  304.  John 
Draper  would  do  just  that,  pro- 
ducing in  March  1840  the  earli- 
est photograph  of  the  moon. 

10.  On  August  19  the  daguerreotype 
process  was  anntjunced  to  the 
public  by  the  Academic  des  Sci- 
ences in  Paris.  In  that  announce- 
ment the  name  of  Daguerre's 
agent  is  spelled  "Gouraud,"  but 
in  other  references  in  news- 
papers and  journals,  it  is  spelled 
"Gourraud." 

11.  'rhe  Diary  of  Philip  Hone,  1828- 
i8si,  edited  by  Bayard  Tucker- 
man  (New  York:  Dodd,  Mead 
and  Company,  1889),  vol.  i, 
pp.  391-92,  entry  for  Decem- 
ber 4,  1839- 

12.  "The  Daguerreotype,"  Niks' 
National  Register,  January  11, 
1840,  p.  312.  The  story  was  based 
on  an  article  in  the  New  York 
Observer. 

13.  "The  Daguerreotype,"  The 
Knickerbocker  15  (February 
1840),  p.  176. 


230    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


14.  The  Daguerreotype,"  American 
Repertory  of  Arts,  Sciences,  and 
Manufactures  i  (March  1840), 
pp.  116-32;  Seagar's  table  is 
reproduced  on  pp.  131-32. 

15.  "Improvements  in  the  Daguerre- 
otype" Burton's  Gentleman's 
Magazine  and  American 
Monthly  Review  6  (May  1840), 
p.  246. 

16.  "Things  in  New  York," 
Jonathan,  March  4,  i843>  p.  250. 
William  M.  Bobo,  Glimpses  of 
New-Tork  City  by  a  South  Car- 
olinian (Who  Had  Nothinjf  Else 
to  Do.)  (Charleston:  J.  J. 
McCarter,  1852),  p.  120. 
The  original  letter  from  Mathew 
B.  Brady  to  Albert  Sands  South- 
worth,  the  preeminent  daguerre- 
otypist  in  Boston,  dates  from 
Jime  17, 1843,  and  is  in  the  Boyer 
Collection,  George  Eastman 
House,  Rochester,  New  York. 

19.  See  listing  in  New-Tork  City 
Directory  for  1844  &184S  (New 
York:  John  Doggett  Jr.,  1844), 
copy  in  the  New-York  Historical 
Society;  also  see  the  advertise- 
ment in  the  New  World, 
April  19, 1845,  p.  256. 


17. 


18. 


elaborate  'Table  of  General  Rules  for  Exposure  of  the 
Plate  in  the  Camera,  in  Taking  Exterior  Views."  The 
recommended  exposure  times  range  from  five  min- 
utes between  eleven  and  one  o'clock  on  a  'Very  bril- 
liant and  clear''  day  to  fifty  to  seventy  minutes  after 
three  in  the  afternoon  on  a  "quite  cloudy"  day.  The 
editors  noted  that  the  exposure  depended  on  the 
selection  of  the  view  ("a  white  marble  edifice,  for 
instance,  requires  less  time  than  darker  buildings") 
and  that  these  exposure  times,  correct  for  October 
through  February,  would  necessarily  decrease  during 
the  more  intensely  sunlit  months  of  summer.  The 
earliest  of  New  York's  commercial  portrait  studios 
opened  shordy  thereafter.  A.  S.  Wolcott,  who  built 
one  of  Morse's  early  cameras,  had  set  up  shop  with 
John  Johnson  by  May  1840  and  their  firm  produced 
consistendy  successful  portrait  daguerreotypes— none 
of  which  sxirvive  today.  Burton^s  Gentleman^s  Maga- 
zine described  Wolcott  as  having  "nearly  revolu- 
tionized the  whole  process  of  Daguerre  and  brought 
the  photogenic  art  to  high  perfection.  The  inventor 
[Daguerre],  it  is  well  known,  could  not  succeed  in 
taking  likenesses  from  the  life,  and,  in  fact,  but  few 
objects  were  perfecdy  represented  by  him,  unless 
positively  white,  and  in  broad  sunlight.  By  means 
of  a  concave  mirror,  in  place  of  the  ordinary  lens, 
Mr.  W.  has  succeeded  in  taking  miniatures  firom  the 
living  subject,  with  absolute  exactness,  and  in  a  very 
short  space  of  time."^^ 

In  the  years  that  followed,  popular  interest  swelled 
and  commercial  studios  proliferated.  One  commen- 
tary in  the  press  described  beggars  and  the  takers  of 
likeness  by  daguerreotype''''  as  the  only  two  groups 
of  people  who  made  money  in  New  York  "in  these 
Jeremiad  times."  Begging,  according  to  this  cynical 
observer  in  1843,  was  the  more  lucrative  pursuit,  but 
^^'Daguerreotyping^  which  is  now  done  for  a  dollar 
and  a  half,  is  the  next  most  profitable  vocation.  It  will 
soon  be  as  difficult  to  find  a  man  who  has  not  his  like- 
ness done  by  the  sim  ...  as  it  was,  before  the  rain  of 
portrait  painters,  to  find  one  without  a  profile  cut  in 
black. . . .  the  immortality  of  this  generation  is  as  sure, 
at  least,  as  the  duration  of  a  metallic  plate."^^  By  the 
mid-i840s  New  York  could  boast  more  daguerreo- 
type studios  than  any  other  American  city,  and  by 
the  early  1850s  a  visitor  commented  that  "there  is 
hardly  a  block  in  New-York  that  has  not  one  or  more 
of  these  concerns  upon  it,  and  some  of  them  a  dozen 
or  more,  and  all  seem  to  be  doing  a  good  and  fair 
amoimt  of  business." 

Among  those  who  seized  upon  and  helped  define  the 
new  profession  was  a  jewel-case  and  miniature-case 


Fig.  181.  Mathew  B.  Brady,  Henry  Clay,  ca.  1849.  Daguerreotype. 
The  Museum  of  Modem  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  A.  Ganger 
Goodyear 


maker  who,  beginning  in  1843,  catered  to  the  new 
demand  for  daguerreotypes  by  offering  "a  new  style 
case  with  embossed  top  and  extra  fine  diaframe."^^ 
This  yoimg  entrepreneur,  Mathew  B.  Brady,  estab- 
lished his  own  "Daguerreian  Miniature  Gallery"  in 
1844  at  207  Broadway,  at  Fulton  Street,  just  steps 
from  P.  T.  Bamum's  American  Museum.  In  October 
of  that  year  Brady  exhibited  daguerreotypes  at  the 
American  Institute,  the  premier  location  for  workers 
in  any  technological  medium  to  present  their  prod- 
ucts to  the  public  for  consideration— something  like  a 
small  and  periodic  world's  fair  in  downtown  New 
York;  Brady  was  awarded  a  premium  medal  for  his 
submissions.  The  following  year,  in  a  savvy  move  that 
set  him  apart  from  his  competitors,  Brady  began  to 
make  or  collect  the  portraits  of  America's  most  noted 
citizens,  including  politicians,  artists,  writers,  and  oth- 
ers (see  cat.  no.  161).  This  effort  led,  in  1850,  to  the  pub- 
lication of  a  lithographic  series  entitied  The  Gallery 
of  Illustrious  Americans^  in  which  Brady's  daguerreo- 
type portraits  were  copied  by  the  skilled  French-bom 
lithographer  Francis  D'Avignon  and  complemented 
by  an  extensive  biographical  text  (cat.  no.  165B).  Brady's 
subjects  included  John  C.  Calhoim,  Daniel  Webster, 
Henry  Clay  (fig.  181),  and  John  James  Audubon 
(cat.  no.  165A). 


"A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  2^1 


Brady's  original  daguerreotype  of  Audubon,  author 
and  illustrator  of  The  Birds  of  America,  survives,  the 
subject's  raptorlike  features  minutely  detailed  by  the 
camera  with  more  exactitude  than  even  he  could  bring 
to  the  description  of  his  subjects.  (This  daguerreotype, 
like  most  early  examples,  is  laterally  reversed;  copied 
in  the  same  orientation  by  D'Avignon  on  stone,  the 
image  was  reversed  a  second  time  in  printing,  so  that 
it  appeared  correct  on  the  printed  sheet.)  Reason- 
ably priced.  The  Gallery  of  Illustrious  Americans  W2ls 
meant  to  overcome  the  nagging  deficiencies  of  the 
daguerreotype— that  each  was  a  one-of-a-kind  image 
and  that  they  were  small  in  size  (in  part  a  technical 
consideration,  since  smaller  plates  required  shorter 
exposures,  and  in  part  a  legacy  of  the  miniature  tradi- 
tion, into  whose  shoes  the  daguerreotype  slipped 
quickly  and  effortiessly). 

Brady  and  DAvignon's  project  is  one  of  the  great 
early  links  between  the  nascent  medium  of  photogra- 
phy and  printmaking,  although  from  a  financial  stand- 
point it  was  a  failure.  However,  the  underlying  idea 
proved  wildly  successful,  for,  displayed  in  Brady's 
luxurious  studio,  his  images  of  the  powerful  and 
famous  drew  a  broad  audience  that  wanted  to  asso- 
ciate itself  with  the  greatest  figures  of  the  age.  "This 
collection,"  Brady  could  claim,  "embraces  portraits  of 
the  most  distinguished  men  of  this  country.  The  Pres- 
ident and  Cabinet,  also  the  late  President  Polk  and 
his  Cabinet,  members  of  the  United  States'  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  at  Washington,  and  many  other  eminent  per- 
sons." In  another  advertisement  Brady  "respectfully 
invites  the  attention  of  the  citizens,  also  strangers  vis- 
iting the  city,  to  the  very  fine  specimens  of  Daguerro- 
type  Likenesses  on  exhibition  at  his  establishment, 
believing  they  will  meet  the  approbation  of  the  intel- 
ligent public."^! 

In  many  ways  Brady  and  Barnum,  on  opposite 
sides  of  Broadway,  represented  two  sides  of  the  same 
coin.  Brady  believed— in  truth,  not  just  as  a  market- 
ing strategy— that  the  likenesses  of  America's  elite 
could  serve  as  an  ennobling  example  for  a  broader 
populace;  ordinary  citizens  came  to  Brady's  New  York 
Miniature  Gallery,  gazed  upon  the  visages  of  great 
men,  and  emulated  their  demeanor  as  they  themselves 
sat  before  the  camera.  They  took  part  in  the  same 
endeavors  as  the  nation's  famous  and  powerful  men. 
By  setting  up  a  studio  gallery  unlike  that  of  a  painter— 
opulendy  appointed  with  brocaded  furniture,  heavy 
curtains,  and  huge  picture  mirrors  in  which  to  com- 
pose oneself— Brady  created  a  public  space  and  ad- 
dressed the  theater  of  having  one's  picture  made. 


Barnum,  from  whom  Brady  learned  to  master  the  art  of 
publicity,  made  his  visitors  feel  superior,  not  by  associ- 
ation but  by  contrast.  Along  with  the  objects  that  filled 
his  oversized  cabinet  des  curiosites,  Barnum  displayed 
oddities  and  exotica  of  the  human  race,  in  compari- 
son with  whom  even  the  most  common  of  common 
men  and  women  could  feel  themselves  superior. 

Another  of  the  pioneer  photographers,  perhaps 
Brady's  most  accomplished  competitor,  was  Jeremiah 
Gurney,  who,  like  Brady,  was  born  in  New  York  State 
and  moved  to  New  York  City  to  work  in  the  jewelry 
trade.  Gurney  arrived  in  the  metropolis  earlier  than 
Brady,  in  1840,  and  in  the  same  year  learned  the 
daguerreotype  process  and  opened  a  gallery  at  189 
Broadway.  As  one  of  the  first  daguerrean  artists,  he 
was  active  in  writing  the  constitution  and  in  serving 
as  vice  president  of  the  American  Daguerre  Associa- 
tion, which  was  an  influential  trade  organization  of 
photographers  established  in  1851.  Gurney  effordessly 
established  himself,  not  by  soliciting  daguerreotype 
portraits  of  illustrious  Americans  but  simply  by  pro- 
ducing the  finest  daguerreotypes  in  the  city.  He  was 
blessed  with  remarkable  technical  skills  and  created 
tonally  delicate,  stardingly  three-dimensional  por- 
traits that  were  consistendy  described  in  the  press 
as  extraordinary: 

Mr  Gurney  has  long  taken  rank  among  the  best 
Daguerreans  in  the  country,  and  yet  his  style  of  pic- 
tures is  entirely  peculiar  to  his  own  process.  Nobody 
produces  pictures  of  the  same  tone  and  character,  yet 
others  may  produce  pictures  quite  as  good  as  his — 
the  style  is  a  mere  matter  of  taste,  and  what  some 
would  prefer,  others  would  object  to.  Infidelity  of 
line  however,  and  consequent  resemblance,  Mr.  Gur- 
ney is  unsurpassed.  The  peculiar  ^ect  produced  by 
his  process,  and  in  which  he  prides  himself  is  the 
fullness  of  light  obtained  without  solarization — a 
full  development  of  all  the  natural  lights  as  they  fall 
upon  the  object,  without  regard  to  color  or  material 
of  dress,  and  a  consequent  softness  of  tone  which  per- 
vades the  whole  picture. 

In  1846  Gurney  was  advertising  his  Premium 
Daguerrian  Gallery  in  Morrises  National  Press,  among 
listings  for  pianofortes,  an  auction  of  horse  carriages, 
cured  hams,  beef  tongues,  and  pork  lard.  "As  in  every 
art  and  science,  years  of  study  and  practice  are  neces- 
sary to  success,"  boasted  Gurney.  "[S]o  especially  is  it 
indispensable  in  an  art  that  has  progressed  so  rap- 
idly as  Daguerreotype.  Mr.  G.  being  one  of  its  pio- 
neers in  this  country,  his  claims  upon  the  confidence 
of  the  community,  cannot  be  questioned."  Gurney 


20.  "Brady's  National  Gallery  of 
Daguerreotypes"  The  Indepen- 
dent, November  7, 1850,  p.  184. 

21.  New  World,  April  19,  1845, 
p.  256. 

22.  "The  Daguerreotype"  ITje 
Republic  i  (January  1851),  p.  41. 

23.  "Gurne/s  Premium  Daguerrian 
Gallery,"  Morris's  National  Press, 
November  7, 1846,  p.  3. 


Fig.  182.  Jeremiah  Gumey, 
Two  Girls  in  Identical 
DresseSy  ca.  1857.  Daguerre- 
otype. Gilman  Paper 
Company  Collection, 
New  York 


24.  His  Paris  branch  was  located  at 
46  rue  Basse  du  Rempart.  The 
Crayon,  July  25, 1855,  front  page. 

25.  By  1850,  however,  the  taste  for 
miniature  portraits  had  revived, 
primarily  among  New  York's 
wealthiest  citizens.  *The  minia- 
ture business  had  been  gready 
cut  up  by  the  Daguerreotyp>e: 
but  latterly  fine  miniatures  are 
again  coming  into  vogue.  The 
Daguerreotype  business,  though 
spreading  among  the  factory 
hands  and  farming  classes,  is 
declining  among  the  opulent." 
Thomas  Mooney,  Nine  Tears  in 
America,  ...  2d  ed.  (Dublin: 
James  McGlashan,  1850),  p.  131. 

26.  "Gurneys  Premium  Daguerrian 
Gallery,"  p.  3. 


brought  a  different  clientele  into  his  studio  than 
did  Brady;  he  attracted  not  only  the  cultural  elite 
of  the  city  but  also  ordinary  families  with  children 
(see  cat.  no.  167;  fig.  182).  The  New-York  Historical 
Society's  extensive  collection  of  daguerreotypes  of 
identified  sitters,  for  instance,  reveals  that  the  Kellogg- 
Comstock  family  made  annual  visits  to  Gurnets  stu- 
dio and  that  each  of  the  children  was  photographed 
year  after  year.  In  a  particularly  grand  picture  the 
Kelloggs  and  Comstocks  gathered  before  Gume/s 
lens  (cat.  no.  172).  The  image— a  horizontal,  whole- 
plate  daguerreotype— suggests  that  Gurney  attracted 
a  faithftil  following  by  the  refined  craftsmanship  and 
aesthetics  of  his  products,  rather  than  by  the  show- 
manship that  characterized  Brady's  enterprise.  In  1851 
Edward  Anthony,  the  major  supplier  of  daguerrean 
apparatus  and  plates,  announced  a  competition  to 
select  the  finest  group  of  daguerreotypes.  The  judges— 
Morse,  Draper,  and  the  architect  James  Renwick  Jr.  — 
awarded  Gurney  the  first  prize  in  1853,  a  silver  pitcher 


that  he  proudly  displayed  in  his  gallery  as  proof  of  his 
superiority  (fig.  183).  So  confident  and  ambitious  was 
Gurney  that  alone  among  New  York  daguerreotypists 
he  established  a  branch  office,  in  partnership  with 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  in  the  center  of  the 
daguerrean  world— Paris- boldly  advertising  New 
York-style  daguerreotypes.^"^ 

One  of  the  criticisms  of  the  daguerreotype  was 
that  it  translated  the  world  into  black  and  white— 
that  it  lacked  color.  Within  five  years  of  the  new 
medium's  introduction,  the  portrait-miniature  paint- 
ers, so  recently  and  rapidly  put  out  of  business  by  the 
daguerreotype,  were  soon  employed  by  all  the  major 
studios  to  add  color  to  the  monochromatic  mirrored 
surfaces  of  their  plates.^^  Gumey,  for  instance,  invited 
the  public  to  pay  "particular  attention  ...  to  the  life- 
like appearance  of  his  coloured  likenesses."  The 
image  of  a  seated  young  girl  with  peach  ruffles  on 
the  sleeves  of  her  white  dress  and  with  a  delicate  blush 
to  her  cheeks  (cat.  no.  174)  is  a  particularly  fine 


A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  233 


example  of  the  subtle  coloring  that  characterized  the 
finest  daguerreotypes  of  the  period. 

In  1846  Walt  Whitman,  then  editor  of  the  Brook- 
lyn Daily  Eagky  paid  a  visit  to  the  gallery  of  John 
Plumbe,  a  successful  competitor  of  Brady  and  Gurney 
who  had  begun  his  trade  in  Boston  in  1840. 

In  whatever  direction  you  turn  your  peering gaze^ 
you  see  naught  hut  human  faces!  There  they  stretch, 
from  floor  to  ceiling — hundreds  of  them.  .  .  .  Even 
as  you  go  by  in  the  door  you  see  the  withered  features 
of  a  man  who  has  occupied  the  proudest  place  on 
earth:  you  see  the  bald  head  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
and  those  eyes  of  undimmed  but  still  quenchless  fire. 
There  too,  is  the  youngest  of  the  Presidents,  Mr.  Polk. 
From  the  same  case  looks  out  the  massive  face  of 
Senator  Benton.  .  .  .  Indeed,  it  is  little  else  on  all 
sides  of  you,  than  a  great  legion  of  human  faces — 
human  eyes  gazing  silently  hut fixedly  upon  you, 
and  creating  the  impression  of  an  immense  Phan- 
tom concourse — speechless  and  motionless,  but 
yet  realities.  Tou  are  indeed  in  a  new  world — 
a  peopled  world,  although  mute  as  the  grave.  ^'^ 

In  addition  to  the  press  of  faces,  Whitman  is  also 
commenting  on  the  discrepancy  between  the  vitality 
and  dynamism  he  sees  on  the  streets  and  the  still- 
ness—near death— that  he  found  in  the  collection  of 
daguerrean  images.  Perhaps  he  would  have  taken 
comfort  if  the  display  had  included  more  working- 
class  Americans,  such  as  the  fireman  with  his  cap  and 
horn  (cat.  no.  176),  who  dropped  by  Gurney's  studio 
probably  only  once  to  take  home  a  quick  likeness  for  a 
loved  one.  Collectively  these  images  of  the  fireman,  the 
grocery  boy  with  his  delivery  package  (cat.  no.  173), 
the  blind  man  and  his  reader  (cat.  no.  175),  and  even 
young  Henry  James  with  his  father  (fig.  184)  consti- 
tuted the  bread  and  butter  of  such  studios  and  sug- 
gest the  changing  world  of  art,  commerce,  and  society 
that  defined  New  York  in  the  1840s  and  1850s. 

In  part,  the  lifeless  quality  that  Whitman  commented 
on  was  also  a  characteristic  result  of  the  medium; 
although  exposure  times  were  short  enough  to  make 
portraiture  practical,  the  process  did  not  encourage 
ease.  Henry  James,  in  later  life,  recalled  a  childhood 
visit  with  his  father  to  Brady's  studio  to  have  a  por- 
trait made  as  a  surprise  gift  for  his  mother.  He  recalled 
that  his  head  was  held  in  place  by  "Mr.  Brady's  vise" 
and  that  the  exposure  was  "interminably  long"  with  a 
result  of  "facial  anguish." But  it  was  not  just  the 
poets  of  the  day  who  commented  on  the  often  dour 
expressions  characteristic  of  many  daguerrean  por- 
traits. The  celebrated  painter  Thomas  Cole  wrote  in 


Fig.  183,  Victor  Prevost,  Jeremiah  Gurney's  Da^uerremn  Gallery  at  Broadway  and  Leonard 
Streets,  1854.  Modern  gelatin  silver  print  from  waxed  paper  negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York 
Historical  Society 


February  1840  that  he  was  completing  The  Voyage  of 
Life  series  and  that  he  had  read  a  great  deal  about  the 
daguerreotype:  "If  you  believe  everything  the  news- 
papers say  .  .  .  you  would  be  led  to  suppose  that  the 
poor  craft  of  painting  was  knocked  in  the  head  by  this 
new  machinery  for  making  Nature  take  her  own  like- 
ness, and  we  [have]  nothing  to  do  but  to  give  up 
the  ghost.  [But]  the  art  of  painting  is  a  creative,  as 
well  as  an  imitative  art,  and  is  in  no  danger  of  being 
superseded  by  any  mechanical  contrivance.  'What  fine 
chisel  did  ever  yet  cut  breath?' "^^ 

Another  of  the  photographers  established  on  Broad- 
way was  Martin  Lawrence,  an  artist  less  well  known 
than  Brady  and  Gurney,  and  probably  fimctioning  a 
tier  below  them.  Like  all  the  major  owners  of  stu- 
dios, Lawrence  employed  studio  operators— the  men 
who  actually  handled  the  camera  and  carried  out  the 


27.  Quoted  in  Justin  Kaplan,  Walt 
Whitman:  A  Life  (New  York: 
Simon  and  Schuster,  1980),  p.  112. 

28.  Frederick  W.  Dupee,  ed.,  Henry 
James:  Autobiography — A  Small 
Boy  and  Others,  Notes  of  a  Son 
and  Brother,  The  Middle  Tears 
(Princeton:  Princeton  University 
Press,  1983),  p.  52. 

29.  Letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  Febru- 
ary 26, 1840,  quoted  in  Louis  L. 
Noble,  TTje  Course  of  Empire, 
Voyage  of  Life,  and  Other  Pic- 
tures of  Thomas  Cole,  N.A.  with 
Selections  from  His  Letters  and 
Miscellaneous  Writings:  Illustra- 
tive of  His  Life,  Character,  and 
Genius  (New  York:  Cornish, 
Lamport  and  Company,  1853), 
p.  282. 


234    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  184.  Mathew  B.  Brady,  Henry  James  Sr.  and  Henry  James  Jr.,  1854. 
Daguerreotype.  James  Family  Photographs,  Courtesy  of  the  Houghton 
Library,  Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts 


photographic  manipulations.  Among  Lawrence's  oper- 
ators was  a  playwright,  poet,  and  aaor,  Gabriel  Har- 
rison, who  produced  a  series  of  allegorical  tableaux. 
One,  Californm  News,  1850-51  (cat.  no.  169),  more 
narrative  than  allegorical,  was  included  with  other 
plates  by  Harrison  in  a  suite  of  pictures  submitted  by 
Lawrence  imder  his  own  name  to  the  Great  Exhibi- 
tion of  the  Works  of  Industry  of  All  Nations,  the 
world's  fair  at  the  Crystal  Palace  in  London  in  1851. 
Lawrence  was  awarded  a  gold  medal  for  his  submis- 
sion, prompting  in  due  time  a  debate  over  who  should 
appropriately  receive  the  honors.  When  Lawrence 
exhibited  the  daguerreotypes  two  years  later  in  New 
York,  again  vinder  his  own  name,  Harrison,  by  that 
time  an  operator  of  his  own  gallery,  wrote  to  the  edi- 
tor of  the  Photographic  Art-Journal^  challenging  him 
to  state  "that  these  pictures  were  all  taken  by  Gabriel 
Harrison,  and  that  every  process,  from  the  polishing 
of  the  plates  to  the  finishing  of  each  separate  picture, 
was  performed  by  him  alone.  A  fair  expression  of  opin- 
ion is  all  that  is  required  by  myself,  and  if  these  pic- 
tures of  Mr.  Lawrence  .  .  .  are  really  worth  noticing, 
why  not  give  the  name  of  the  operator  by  whom  they 
were  takenV^^ 


30.  "Gossip,"  Photographic  Art- 
Journal,  September  1853.  Henry 
Snelling  published  the  Photo- 
graphic Art-Journal  (later  the 
Photographic  and  Fine  Art  Jour- 
nal) from  January  1851  to  i860. 
The  Journal  provides  contempo- 
rary scholars  with  an  invaluable 
resource  of  period  commentary, 
advertisements,  and  art  gossip 
just  as  it  did  the  daguerrean 
artists  of  the  day. 


California  News  is  indeed  remarkable  among  early 
American  daguerreotypes,  for  rather  than  being  a 
portrait  or  view,  it  is  a  tableau  construaed  with  great 
panache  by  Harrison.  It  relates  direcdy  to  the  paint- 
ing of  the  same  subject,  title,  and  date  by  William  Sid- 
ney Mount,  the  Long  Island  genre  painter,  and  is 
an  artistic  response  to  the  enormous  interest  in  New 
York  that  was  generated  by  newspaper  accounts  a  few 
years  earlier  of  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California. 
The  actors  in  the  scene  seem  to  be  Harrison,  his  son, 
and  his  employer,  Martin  Lawrence.  Theatrical  in  its 
poses  and  narrative  in  its  content,  this  picture  shares 
qualities  with  Harrison's  portraits  of  Whitman,  one 
of  which  was  engraved  as  the  frontispiece  of  Whit- 
man's Jjeaves  of  Grass  (1855;  cat.  no.  146)  and  another 
of  which  is  known  historically  as  the  "Christ  likeness" 
because  of  the  strong  sense  of  spirit,  compassion,  and 
life  emanating  from  the  subject  (cat.  no.  163). 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  vast  majority  of  surviv- 
ing daguerreotypes— and  certainly  the  vast  majority 
of  those  made— are  portraits  of  people  indoors,  for 
the  complex  steps  in  producing  daguerreotypes  were 
best  carried  out  in  the  studio,  with  its  controlled  con- 
ditions and  ready  darkroom.  Furthermore,  the  reason 
the  daguerreotype  was  so  enthusiastically  embraced 
by  the  general  public  was  that  it  ftdfilled  the  profound 
human  need  to  record  the  features  of  oneself  and  one's 
family  for  posterity.  Nonetheless,  a  few  photogra- 
phers ventured  out  into  the  streets  to  record  a  portrait 
of  the  city  with  their  clumsy  daguerrean  apparatus 
designed  primarily  for  studio  applications  (fig.  185). 
In  many  ways,  the  medixim  was  well  suited  to  the 
task:  static  and  sunlit,  monuments  of  architecture 
required  no  gende  coaxing  or  rigid  head  clamps  to 
sit  for  a  long  exposure.  Daguerre's  earliest  demon- 
stration pieces  included  city  views,  and  Morse  and 
Draper's  first  subjects  were  the  buildings  immediately 
opposite  the  university,  where  they  had  their  studios. 

The  earliest  surviving  photographic  view  of  New 
York  City  shows  the  laying  of  granite  cobblestones 
known  as  Russ  pavement  along  Broadway  south  of 
Canal  Street  (cat.  no.  180).  In  fact,  it  is  one  of  only 
two  extant  stereoscopic  daguerreotypes  of  New  York 
City— the  other  shows  City  Hall.  Each  view  is  com- 
posed of  two  similar  photographs  that,  seen  through 
a  special  apparatus,  provide  the  illusion  of  a  three- 
dimensional  scene.  Introduced  at  the  world's  fair  in 
London,  stereo  daguerreotypes  were  more  popular  in 
America  than  anywhere  else  in  the  world  and  were 
advertised  and  discussed  extensively  in  the  journals 
and  scientific  magazines  of  the  era.  The  rare  view  of 
Broadway  was  published  as  a  woodcut  in  a  magazine 


"A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  235 


Fig.  185.  Artist  unknown,  The  First  Meserole  House,  Home  of  Ah 
the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Sally  Meserole  Hollins  42.121 


article  of  1853  that  provided  a  survey  of  activity  on  New 
York's  "business-streets,  mercantile  blocks,  stores,  and 
banks."  The  plunging  perspective  and  idiosyncratic 
description  of  the  chaos  of  street  construction  distin- 
guish this  picture  and  its  wood  engraving  from  many 
of  the  others  in  the  article,  which  seem  cleansed  of 
detail  and  filled  with  typical  incident— stock  figures, 
carriages,  and  the  like.  All  of  this  recalls  what  the  edi- 
tor of  the  New-Tork  Mirror  commented  on  in  July 
1840,  that  New  York  was  a  "city  of  modern  ruins.  No 
sooner  is  a  fine  building  erected  than  it  is  torn  down 
to  be  put  up  a  better.  .  .  .  Oh,  for  the  day  when  some 
portion  of  New-York  may  be  considered  finished  for  a 
few  years ."^^  Above  the  street,  and  providing  its  con- 
text, is  an  endless  backdrop  of  new  buildings,  the  sky- 
lighted top  floors  of  which  often  housed  the  city's 
proliferating  daguerrean  galleries. 

Astonishingly,  the  only  other  surviving  daguerre- 
otype street  scene  in  New  York  City  is  an  1853-55 
view  of  the  corner  of  Chatham  (now  Park  Row)  and 
Pearl  streets,  looking  toward  Chatham  Square  (cat. 
no.  178).  Like  Broadway,  Chatham  Street  was  home 
to  numerous  daguerrean  galleries,  and  we  presume 
that  this  view  over  the  sweeping  canvas  awnings  that 


non  Roff,  Wallnbout,  Brooklyn,  1840s.  Daguerreotype.  Museum  of 


shaded  the  corrupt  street  auctions  and  sidewalk  com- 
merce in  dry  goods  was  made  from  the  window  of 
one  such  studio.  Unlike  those  on  Broadway,  however, 
these  establishments  catered  to  a  rough  clientele,  of 
day  laborers  and  immigrants.  A  visitor  to  the  city 
from  South  Carolina  commented  about  this  section 
of  the  city,  also  known  as  "Jerusalem,"  that  "there  is 
more  to  be  seen  within  that  quarter  of  a  mile,  than  in 
twice  the  distance  on  any  street  of  the  city  of  New- 
York.  .  .  .  Chatham-street  is  a  sort  of  museum  or  old 
curiosity  shop,  and  I  think  Barnum  would  do  well 
to  buy  the  whole  concern,  men,  women,  and  goods 
and  all  out,  and  have  it  in  his  world  of  curiosities 
on  the  corner  of  Ann  and  Broadway.  I  think  it  would 
pay  finely." 

Unlike  the  period's  printed  views  (see  cat.  no.  i2g, 
for  example),  which  were  generally  designed  for 
clarity  and  filled  with  drafting-table  anecdote,  this 
photograph  of  Chatham  Square  shows  the  city  as  an 
inelegant  conftision  of  traffic,  commercial  signs,  and 
pedestrians.  The  small  daguerreotype  may  not  be  pre- 
possessing but  it  is  important;  it  captures  the  spirit  of 
the  street,  of  "downtown,"  where  the  busy,  unman- 
nerly commerce  in  furniture  and  feathers,  window 


"New-York  Daguerreotyped  " 
Putnam^s  Monthly  i  (April  1853), 
PP-  353,  368  (Russ  pavement). 
New-Tork  Mirror,  July  13,  1840, 
p.  407,  quoted  in  I.  N.  Phelps 
Stokes,  The  Iconography  of  Man- 
hattan Island,  149S-1909,  Com- 
piled from  Original  Sources  and 
Illustrated  by  Photo-inta^lio 
Reproductions  of  Important 
Maps,  Plans,  Views,  and  Docu- 
ments in  Public  and  Private 
Collections,  6  vols.  (New  York: 
Robert  H.  Dodd,  1915-28), 
vol.  4  (1926),  p.  1764. 
Bobo,  Glimpses  of  New-Tork, 
pp.  115,  117. 


236    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  186.  Victor  Prevost,  Hiram  Powers's  ''Greek  Slave^  at 
the  Crystal  Palace,  1853-54.  Modern  gelatin  silver  print 
from  waxed  paper  negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York 
Historical  Society 


shades,  tea,  and  even  daguerreotypes  gave  rise  to  New 
York's  prominence  as  the  "Great  Emporium."  Visible 
far  down  the  street  are  horse-drawn  carriages  pulled 
along  tracks  laid  in  the  street,  the  city's  first  streetcars, 
which  carried  passengers  from  Chatham  Square  as  far 
north  as  Forty-second  Street,  the  site  of  New  York's 
own  Crystal  Palace  exhibition. 

The  success  of  London's  Crystal  Palace  inspired 
New  York  to  host  its  own  world's  fair  in  1853-54,  in  a 
specially  designed  glass  and  cast-iron  exhibition  hall 
on  the  site  of  present-day  Bryant  Park.  The  exhibits 
were  classified  according  to  the  same  divisions  as  had 
been  used  in  London,  and  photography  was  included 
among  "Philosophical  Instruments  and  Products." 
Alongside  scales  for  weighing  gold,  solar  compasses, 
and  Morse's  patent  electric-telegraph  apparatus  in 
operation  (connecting  to  Philadelphia  and  other  cities) 
were  daguerreotypes  by  many  of  the  early  New  York 
practitioners,  including  Brady,  Gumey,  Harrison,  and 
Lawrence.  The  fair  drew  immense  crowds  and  her- 
alded the  city's  arrival  as  a  competitor  of  London  and 
Paris.  In  the  center  of  the  sole  surviving  daguerreo- 
type of  the  exhibit  hall's  interior  (cat.  no.  179)  is  an 
arrangement  of  European  sculpture  surroimding  the 
central  rotunda. 

Among  those  who  visited  the  Crystal  Palace  was  a 
thirty-three-year-old  French-bom  artist,  Victor  Prevost, 
who  had  arrived  in  America  in  1848.  There  survive  in 


Fig.  187.  Victor  Prevost,  Display  of  Machinery  at  the  Crystal  Palace^  1854.  Modem  gelatin  silver  print 
from  waxed  paper  negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


"A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  237 


the  New-York  Historical  Society,  the  Museum  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  and  other  New  York  public  collec- 
tions negatives  by  Prevost,  several  of  which  present 
exhibits  at  the  Crystal  Palace,  ranging  from  Hiram 
Powers's  Greek  Slave  to  industrial  machinery  (figs.  i86, 
187).  What  sets  Prevosf  s  work  apart  from  that  of  other 
New  York  City  photographers  of  the  early  1850s  is 
that  his  images  are  on  paper  rather  than  on  metal. 
Although  negative-positive  paper-print  photography, 
invented  by  the  Englishman  William  Henry  Fox  Tal- 
bot, had  been  armounced  to  the  world  just  days  after 
Daguerre's  process,  the  technique  had  found  littie  favor 
in  America.  While  the  daguerreotype  process  was  free 
of  restrictions,  Talbot's  patented  process  required  a 
license.  More  important,  however,  was  the  fact  that 
compared  to  the  daguerreotype's  extraordinary  clarity 
of  detail,  the  slightly  fibrous  texture  of  Talbot's  prints 
—a  quality  admired  as  "artistic"  in  Europe— seemed 
like  a  defect  to  an  American  public  that  prized  fact. 

Prevost,  however,  arrived  in  America  having  been 
tutored  by  the  leading  French  photographer  of  the 
day,  Gustave  Le  Gray,  whose  waxed-paper-negative 
process  yielded  paper  prints  of  admirable  clarity.  The 
chief  appeal  of  all  paper  photography  was  that,  unlike 
the  one-of-a-kind  daguerreotypes,  multiple  prints  could 
be  made  from  a  single  camera  negative,  and  the  result- 
ing pictures  could  be  treated  in  a  fashion  similar  to 
other  prints— tipped  into  books  or  albums,  folded 


Fig.  188.  Victor  Prevost,  Alfred  Munroe  and  Company^  Clothin^j 
441  Broadway^  1853-54.  Modem  gelatin  silver  print  from  waxed 
paper  negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


up  in  a  letter,  or  framed  and  hving  on  the  wall.  The         34.  "Daguerreotype  Panoramic 

.  .  Views  in  California,"  Da^fuerre- 

first  book  published  m  America  that  incorporated  an  i^,j,^rnai,  November  i,  issi, 

original  photograph  was  Homes  of  American  States-  p.  371. 

men  (New  York,  1854).  Other  books  soon  followed, 

including  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  catalogue,  The 

World  of  Science y  Arty  and  Industry  Illustrated  from 

Examples  in  the  New -York  Exhibition,  i8s3-S4y  edited 

by  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C,  R.  Goodrich  (New  York, 

1854),  which  in  addition  to  hundreds  of  illustrations 

engraved  primarily  from  daguerreotypes  also  included 

twelve  photographic  prints. 

Whether  Prevost's  documentation  of  the  Crystal 
Palace  was  commissioned  or  made  on  speculation 
remains  unknown,  but  he  must  have  met  with  enough 
success  to  encourage  him  to  undertake  a  larger  proj- 
ect, focusing  on  exterior  views  of  New  York's  most 
important  commercial  and  residential  buildings, 
many  of  them  along  Broadway  (figs.  188, 189,  217).  By 
1853  the  taste  for  photographic  views  in  America  was 
well  established;  as  early  as  1851  the  New  York  press 
had  celebrated  Robert  H.  Vance's  panoramic  views  of 
California— "?-/?r^^  hundred  full  plate  views  ...  of  the 
principal  cities  and  most  conspicuous  places  in  the 
land  of  gold."^"^  In  February  1853  Meade  Brothers 
advertised  that  in  its  gallery,  along  with  portraits 
of  illustrious  Americans  and  Europeans,  were  "fine 
panoramic  views  of  the  city  of  San  Francisco,  Cali- 
fornia, the  Falls  of  Niagara,  Shakespeare's  house  at 


Fig.  189.  Victor  Prevost,  Dr.  Valentine  Mott  House,  Ninety-fourth  Street  and  Bloomin^dale  Road, 
1853-54-.  Modern  gelatin  silver  print  from  waxed  paper  negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York 
Historical  Society 


238    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  190.  Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes  or  Charles  Deforest  Fredricks,  Broadway  between  Spring  and  Prince  Streets,  ca.  1855.  Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative. 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles  84.XM.351.8 


35.  "Daguerreotype  Galleries  of 
Meade  Brothers,"  Gleason's  Pic- 
torial Drawing-Room  Compan- 
ion, February  5, 1853,  p.  96. 


Stratford  on  Avon,  the  Boulevards,  Place  de  la  Con- 
corde. . .  ."^^  Since  Prevost  was  familiar  with  the  work 
of  the  principal  French  photographers,  he  would  have 
known  of  the  ongoing  effort  to  document  his  nation's 
great  architectural  monuments,  from  Roman  aque- 
ducts and  Gothic  cathedrals  to  the  construction  of  the 
£fmnds  boulevards  of  Paris.  In  America,  where  there 
was  no  such  historic  architecture,  Prevost  found  his 
subject  in  the  changing  shape  of  New  York  City— a 
monument  constantly  in  the  making. 

One  of  Prevosfs  earliest  views  of  New  York  is  a 
study  of  Battery  Place  looking  across  an  open  lot, 
soon  to  be  built  upon,  toward  newly  constructed 
warehouses  and  both  Trinity  Church  and  Saint  Paul's 
Chapel  (cat.  no.  182).  Prevost  was  deeply  interested  in 
documenting  the  ever  changing  facades  of  businesses 
on  Broadway,  producing  more  than  forty  pictures  of 


the  city's  most  active  commercial  artery.  However,  his 
unusual  aesthetic  sensitivity  is  perhaps  best  seen  in 
two  intimate  views  made  from  the  rear  window  of  his 
home  on  Twenty-eighth  Street,  where  no  such  expHcit 
subject  justified  the  effort.  One  view  (cat.  no.  183) 
shows  a  patchwork  of  fencing,  shingled  roofs,  brick 
walls,  and  louvered  shutters,  each  with  its  distinctive 
pattern  and  texture  picked  out  by  strong  summer 
light;  the  other  (cat.  no.  184)  is  more  a  study  of 
planes,  softened  by  a  dusting  of  snow.  Together,  these 
two  views  compose  a  rare  glimpse  of  a  photographic 
artist  working  only  to  please  himself.  To  the  degree 
that  we  understand  his  ambitions,  the  absence  of  con- 
temporary publication  or  comment  on  this  work  and 
the  ahnost  total  lack  of  surviving  positive  prints  sug- 
gest that  there  was  not  yet  an  audience  or  market  for 
Prevosf  s  city  views.  No  subsequent  work  by  Prevost 


"A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  239 


is  known,  and  although  he  may  have  intended  to  pub- 
lish these  views,  his  career  in  photography  seems  to 
have  ended  abruptly.  By  1857  he  was  teaching  physics, 
drawing,  and  painting  near  West  Point. 

Other  artists,  such  as  Fredricks  and  Silas  A.  Holmes, 
picked  up  where  Prevost  left  off,  using  the  next  gen- 
eration of  photographic  technique. Rather  than 
making  negatives  on  paper,  photographers  of  the 
mid-  to  late  1850s  employed  glass  negatives,  which 
combined  the  exquisite  clarity  of  the  daguerreotype 
and  the  endless  reproducibility  of  paper-print  photog- 
raphy (fig.  190).  The  fast  exposure  of  the  glass  nega- 
tives allowed  the  artists  to  capture  more  of  the  life  of 
the  city— its  inhabitants  as  well  as  its  monuments— 
than  had  previously  been  possible.  Like  the  heroic 
Washington  gesturing  proudly  from  atop  his  steed, 
the  pedestrians,  neighborhood  boys,  and  local  resi- 
dents pose  grandly  before  the  newly  erected  statue 
in  Union  Square  (cat.  no.  188).  Holmes  or  Fredricks 
composed  an  elegant  view,  balancing  the  human  inci- 
dent against  the  architectural  backdrop  of  the  city. 
Similarly,  in  Washington  Square  the  artist  created  a 
complex  layering  of  subject  using  a  reflective  plane  of 
water,  a  crowd  of  onlookers,  a  screen  of  leafless  trees, 
and  distant  buildings  (cat.  no.  187).  Other  subjects 
ranged  from  City  Hall  in  winter  (cat.  no.  186)  to  the 
Yonkers  Docks  along  the  Hudson,  where  river  com- 
merce and  railroad  tracks  joined  against  a  backgrovind 
of  the  Palisades  (cat.  no.  189).  Holmes  or  Fredricks 
also  traveled  to  Long  Island  to  photograph  Fort  Ham- 
ilton and  constructed  an  impressive  marine  scene,  a 
two-part  panorama  including  the  batdements,  docks, 
and  sailing  vessels  (cat.  nos.  190,  191).  Among  the 
most  memorable  views  of  the  city  is  one  of  Fredricks's 
own  studio  at  585  Broadway  (cat.  no.  194);  the  circular 
vignetting  in  the  untrimmed  print  echoes  the  enor- 
mous arched  sign  that  grandly  advertises  "Fredricks' 
Photographic  Temple  of  Art." 

The  earliest  reference  to  Fredricks  is  as  a  partner 
to  Gurney  in  both  the  latter's  New  York  and  Paris 
galleries.  In  1855  the  Home  Journal^  in  a  long  article 
entitled  "The  Poetry  of  Art,  as  Exhibited  in  the 
Daguerreotype  and  Photograph,"  commented  that  not 
all  photographers  are  worthy  of  the  appellation  artist, 
the  rest  being  mere  practitioners.  The  author  recom- 
mended a  visit  to  the  gallery  of  Gurney  and  Fredricks: 

Gurney  is  a  painteVy  an  artist  who  uses  the  light  as 
a  pencily  to  paint  in  truthful  characters  the  object 
before  him.  Mr,  Fredericks  [sicj^  to  whom  the  credit 
is  due  of  introducing  Photographs  into  this  country, 
as  well  as  Paris,  and  who  has  advanced  his  branch 


of  art  to  its  most  perfect  state,  has  now  associated 
himself  with  Mr,  Gurney,  and  with  the  aid  of 
several  foreign  artists,  all  perfect  in  their  line,  such 
as  pastel,  oil  and  water  colors,  it  must  be  evident 
that  the  establishment  of  Gurney  will  admit  of  no 
equal  rivalship,  and  consequently  remains  alone  as 
the  personification  of  the  Poetry  of  Art 

Clearly  the  ambition  was  to  rival  painting.  The  New- 
Tork  Times  noted  Gurney  had  "added  to  the  long 
array  of  pictures  in  his  own  line  of  art  which  grace  his 
walls,  a  row  of  oil-paintings  by  various  native  mas- 
ters. He  does  this  ostensibly  by  way  of  adding  to 
the  other  attractions  of  his  gallery,  but  our  opinion 
is  that  the  artful  fellow  has  hung  the  oil-paintings  up 
to  show,  by  contrast,  the  superiority  of  the  Photo- 
graphic article." 

By  1858  the  New-Tork  T^'w^j  estimated  that  there  were 
two  hundred  photographic  galleries  in  New  York, 
producing  on  average  fifty  pictures  per  day  and  bring- 
ing in  an  annual  total  of  $2  million— an  amazing  sum 
for  an  upstart  profession.  But  the  popularity  of  the 
daguerreotype  had  begun  to  wane,  and  most  artists 
had  introduced  into  their  business  new  styles  of  por- 
traiture to  entice  the  public  to  visit  their  galleries. 
One  such  new  type  of  photograph  was  the  ambrotype 


36.  In  period  accounts  and  adver- 
tisements, Fredricks's  name  also 
appears  as  "Fredericks."  A  small 
number  of  unsigned  views  of 
New  York  believed  to  be  by 
either  Fredricks  or  Holmes  are 
in  the  collection  of  the  J.  Paul 
Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles. 
The  prints  came  from  a  dis- 
bound  album  that  also  included 
signed  works  by  Fredricks  and 
by  Holmes,  which  led  to  the 
attribution  of  the  unsigned 
examples  to  one  or  the  other 
of  these  two  artists. 

37.  Home  Journal,  February  24, 
1855,  p.  3. 

38.  "Pictures  on  Broadway,"  New- 
Tork  Times,  December  9, 1858. 
The  editor  noted  particularly 
two  marine  scenes  by  the 
Boston  painter  Fitz  Hugh  Lane. 


Fig.  191.  Mathew  B.  Brady,  Greenville  Kane,  1856-60. 
Ambrotype.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Rubel  Collection,  Purchase,  Lila  Acheson  Wallace  Gift, 
1997  1997-382.48 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  192.  Alexander  Gardner,  Antietam  Battl^eld,  1862.  Albumen  silver  print  from 
glass  negative.  Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New  York 


(fig.  191),  which  first  appeared  in  New  York  in  1856. 
Cheaper  to  produce  than  a  daguerreotype— but  tech- 
nically inferior  to  it— an  ambrotype  is  a  unique  image 
produced  on  a  silver-coated  sheet  of  glass.  Set  into  a 
miniature  case,  it  was  exceptionally  popular  for  a  few 
years,  before  paper  photography  completely  replaced 
it  and  the  daguerreotype  by  the  beginning  of  the 
Civil  War. 

The  coup  de  grace  to  both  the  daguerreotype  and 
the  ambrotype  was  the  successfiil  introduction  into 
America  in  the  summer  of  1859  of  the  carte  de  visite,  a 
small  photograph,  most  often  a  portrait,  mounted 
on  a  card  measuring  approximately  4  by  2^  inches. 
There  are  conflicting  opinions  as  to  who  introduced 
this  novelty  in  the  United  States,  but  Fredricks  is  gen- 
erally given  the  honor.  Using  a  special  camera  appa- 
ratus that  produced  eight  simultaneous  images  on  a 
single  glass  plate,  photographers  were  quickly  able 
to  produce  inexpensive  portraits,  which  then  could 
be  fireely  distributed  by  the  sitter  as  a  visiting  or  call- 
ing card.  Almost  immediately  the  fashion  for  collect- 
ing cartes  de  visite  swept  the  world— a  phenomenon 
that  captivated  even  Queen  Victoria,  who  by  report 
kept  albums  of  them  and  "could  be  bought  and  sold 
for  a  Photograph!"^^ 

As  the  decade  ended,  in  an  effort  to  differentiate 
themselves  from  the  mass  of  "mere  practitioners,"  the 
major  photographic  artists  continued  to  introduce  new 
styles  of  portraiture.  The  most  ambitious  began  to  sell 
large-format  portraits  on  paper  or  canvas,  which  were 


See  Marcus  A.  Root,  The  Cam- 
era and  the  Pencil;  or,  The  Heli- 
ojraphic  Art  (Philadelphia: 
M.  A.  Root,  1864;  reprint, 
Pawlet,  Vermont:  Helios,  1971), 
p.  381. 

Eleanor  Julian  Stanley  Long, 
Twenty  Tears  at  Court,  from 
the  Correspondence  of  the  Hon. 
Eleanor  Stanley y  Maid  of  Hon- 
our to  Her  Late  Majesty  Queen 
Victoria  1842-1862  (London: 
Nisbeet  and  Co.,  1916),  p.  377; 
quoted  in  William  C.  Darrah, 
Cartes  de  visite  in  Nineteenth 
Century  Photography  (Gettys- 
burg, Pennsylvania;  W.  C.  Dar- 
rah, 1981),  p.  6. 

"Photographic  Oil  Paintings  on 
Canvas,"  The  Crayon,  July  25, 
1855,  front  page. 


often  heavily  overpainted  with  ink,  crayon,  and  oils  in 
order  to  flatter  the  sitters,  something  not  possible 
with  daguerreotypes.  In  The  Crayon^  for  instance, 
Gurney  and  Fredricks  advertised  that  they  had  "just 
patented  their  new  process  for  taking  Photographic 
Impressions  on  Canvas."  They  boasted  that  their 
"IMPORTANT  DISCOVERY!"  possessed  "correctness 
of  delineation  and  beauty  .  . .  with  two  short  sittings, 
and  a  trifling  expense."  The  same  listing  noted  that 
the  gallery  also  offered  "other  various  styles  of  colored 
Parisian  Photographs,  taken  as  usual,  and  at  no  other 
establishment  in  America.""^^ 

In  1856  Mathew  Brady  welcomed  the  services  of 
Alexander  Gardner,  an  operator  skilled  in  the  use  of 
both  glass-plate  negatives  and  the  paper-print  process. 
Brady  eventually  became  less  engaged  in  the  manipu- 
lation of  plates  and  chemicals,  preferring  to  use  the 
assistance  of  Gardner  in  the  mechanical  aspects  of  the 
process.  Instead  of  occupying  himself  with  technique, 
the  studio  founder— who  had  begun  to  lose  his  eye- 
sight—focused his  attention  on  the  arrangement  of 
the  sitters,  their  physical  and  psychological  comfort, 
and,  perhaps  most  important,  the  promotion  of  his 
business.  By  January  1858  Brady  was  managing  two 
separate  portrait  studios  in  New  York  and  one  in  the 
nation's  capital. 

Brady  specifically  advertised  all  the  new  photo- 
graphic processes  in  the  city's  important  newspapers 
and  magazines.  With  this  technology,  negatives  could 
be  enlarged  to  yield  lifesize  prints  that  still  retained 
excellent  detail,  color,  and  tone.  Brady's  impressive 
"imperial"  portraits,  measuring  17  by  21  inches  and 
selling  for  the  substantial  sum  of  $50  to  $500  apiece, 
were  a  huge  success.  Cornelia  Van  Ness  Roosevelt, 
wife  of  Congressman  James  J.  Roosevelt,  sat  for  such 
a  portrait  dressed  in  a  tiered  skirt  of  silk  taffeta,  a 
pagoda-sleeved  bodice,  and  a  black  lace  shawl  (cat.  no. 
196).  Pinned  to  her  collar  is  a  portrait  miniature,  likely 
a  daguerreotype  of  her  husband.  Mrs.  Roosevelt 
presents  herself  in  the  highest  fashion  of  the  day  as  a 
central  figure  in  the  social  and  intellectual  world  of 
New  York. 

Among  Brady's  other  notable  subjects  was  the  eighth 
president  of  the  United  States,  Martin  Van  Buren,  a 
seasoned  statesman  whose  own  clout  was  synony- 
mous with  that  of  the  Democratic  Party  (cat.  no.  195). 
He  held  office  as  attorney  general  and  governor  of 
New  York,  United  States  senator,  secretary  of  state, 
and  vice  president  under  Andrew  Jackson.  Short  in 
stature.  Van  Buren  was  a  shrewd  political  stalwart 
whom  the  press  dubbed  'The  Litde  Magician."  By 
the  mid-i850S,  however.  Van  Buren  had  fallen  out  of 


"A  PALACE  FOR  THE  SUN":   EARLY  PHOTOGRAPHY  24I 


political  favor.  Nonetheless,  he  was  just  the  right  type 
of  American  Brady  could  use  to  promote  his  bur- 
geoning New  York  portrait  practice.  Brady's  portrait 
disguises  Van  Buren's  small  size  and  recalls  his  former 
prominence  as  an  American  president,  one  of  only 
four  living  in  1855. 

Alongside  Brady's,  Gurney's,  and  Harrison's  portraits 
of  a  wide  range  of  New  Yorkers  —  from  aristocratic 
Knickerbockers,  to  prominent  politicians,  to  Brook- 
lyn delivery  boys  — are  likenesses  of  an  altogether 
different  sort.  Photography  was  first  put  to  service  for 
the  identification  and  apprehension  of  criminals  ia 
the  late  1850s.  In  New  York,  450  photographs  of 
known  miscreants  could  be  viewed  by  the  public  in  a 
rogues'  gallery  at  police  headquarters,  the  portraits 
arranged  by  category,  such  as  "Leading  pickpockets, 
who  work  one,  two,  or  three  together,  and  are  mostly 
English."  Yet,  the  reading  of  individual  portraits  is 
not  always  self-evident.  Would  the  seemingly  affable 
young  man  in  the  overcoat  and  silk  tie  appear  villain- 
ous without  the  caption  "Amos  Leeds— Confidence 
Operator"  below  his  portrait  (cat.  no.  177)  > 

In  1856  a  preliminary  plan  for  the  improvement  of  a 
large  tract  of  land  that  came  to  be  known  as  Central 
Park  was  drawn  up  by  the  city's  chief  engineer.  Within 
a  year  the  commissioners  had  selected  the  proposal 
submitted  by  Frederick  Law  Olmsted  and  Calvert 
Vaux,  one  of  thirty-three  submitted  to  a  competi- 
tion. The  schematic  design  for  their  firm's  elaborate 
program  of  bridges,  walkways,  and  fountains  sur- 
vives in  the  municipal  archives.  Olmsted  and  Vaux 
employed  Brady  to  produce  photographs  of  the  exist- 
ing oudines  of  the  terrain,  which  they  used  to  con- 
struct their  Greensward  Plan,  a  series  of  "before"  and 
"after"  scenes  on  large  presentation  boards  showing 
the  proposed  transformation  of  the  landscape  (cat. 
nos.  192, 193).  On  virtually  every  board,  the  designers 
presented  an  engraved  map  of  their  plan  marking  a 
particular  feature  and  vantage  point,  a  photograph 
entitied  "Present  Oudines,"  and  a  small  oil  painting, 
"Effect  Proposed."  In  perhaps  the  most  ambitious 
landscape  project  ever  undertaken  in  America,  pho- 
tography played  an  integral  role  in  communicating 
Olmsted  and  Vaux's  task  and  vision.  For  the  modern 
New  Yorker,  Brady's  photographs  remain  the  singular 
evidence  of  the  terrain's  original  topography  before 


Fig.  193.  Mathew  B.  Brady,  Abraham  Lincoln,  i860.  Carte  de 
visitc;  salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative.  National  Portrait 
Gallery,  Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.C.  npg. 96.179 


its  transformation.  If  these  landscapes  seem  reticent 
and  rather  undramatic  compared  to  the  luxury  of 
Brady's  studio  portraits,  they  do,  nevertheless,  serve 
as  a  precedent  for  what  would  soon  occupy  the  artist: 
a  five-year  effort  to  document  the  Civil  War,  which 
would  divide  the  century  as  it  did  the  country 
(fig.  192).  One  could  argue  that  Brady's  first  war  por- 
trait was  of  a  tall  young  lawyer  from  Illinois  named 
Abraham  Lincoln,  who  spoke  to  a  large  Republican 
Party  audience  at  the  Cooper  Union  on  February  27, 
i860  (fig.  193).  When  elected  president  in  the  fall, 
Lincoln  simultaneously  acknowledged  the  astonish- 
ing power  of  both  New  York  politics  and  the  new 
medium  of  photography:  "Brady  and  the  Cooper 
Institute  made  me  President .""^^ 


42.  Quoted  in  Mary  Panzer, 

Mathew  Brady  and  the  Intake  of 
History  (exh.  cat.,  Washington, 
D.C:  Smithsonian  Institution 
Press  for  the  National  Portrait 
Gallery,  1997),  p-  169. 


^'Ahmd  of  the  WorW^:  New  Tork  City  Fashion 

CAROLINE  RENNOLDS  MILBANK 


It  was  a  rare  visitor  to  the  Empire  City  during 
the  nineteenth  century  who  was  not  struck  by 
the  spectacle  of  stylish  persons  promenading 
up  and  down  the  avenues,  by  the  diversity  and  qual- 
ity of  the  shops,  and  by  those  wondrous  must-see 
bazaars,  the  large  department  stores.  Evidently  the 
onetime  colony  had  gone  a  long  way  toward  shaking 
off  its  reputation  for  social  backwardness.  As  for 
the  early  American  style  of  unpretentious  simplicity 
that  honored  the  ideals  of  a  new  republic,  it  had 
proven  no  match  for  the  alluring  range  of  wares 
offered  in  what  was  becoming  the  greatest  shopping 
city  in  the  world. 

Arriving  in  New  York  City,  one  docked  at  the 
southern  end  of  Manhattan  and  proceeded  up  its 
widest,  most  accessible  thoroughfare,  Broadway.  When 


travelers  published  their  impressions  of  the  new 
country  they  almost  always  commented  on  the  husde 
and  busde  of  this  main  artery  (see  fig.  194).  What  in 
1 819  seemed  to  a  delighted  British  observer  "one  mov- 
ing crowd  of  painted  butterflies"  ^  became,  as  the  city 
ballooned  in  size,  more  intimidating  to  others:  in  1853 
a  Swedish  visitor  worried,  "I  merely  think  of  getting 
across  the  street  alive,"  ^  and  a  Russian  writer  grum- 
bled in  1857,  "Starting  in  the  morning  until  late  in  the 
evening,  Broadway  and  the  adjoining  streets  are 
crowded  with  magnificendy  dressed  women  and  with 
Americans  rushing  about  on  business.  Despite  the 
wide  sidewalks,  the  crush  is  so  great  that  one  cannot 
make  a  step  without  poking  someone  with  elbows  or 
body.  If  you  want  to  excuse  yourself  or  if  you  wait  for 
apologies,  the  American  has  flown  by  like  an  arrow."  ^ 


1.  Frances  Wright,  Views  of  Society 
and  Manners  in  America  in  a 
Series  of  Letters  from  That 
Country  to  a  Friend  in  En^fland 
during  the  Tears  1818, 1819, 1820 
(London:  Longman,  Hurst, 
Rees,  Orme  and  Brown,  1822), 
p.  28. 

2.  Fredrika  Bremer,  The  Homes  of 
the  New  World:  Impressions  of 
America,  2  vols.,  translated  by 
Mary  Howitt  (London:  Arthur 
Hall,  Virtue  and  Co.,  1853), 
vol.  2,  p.  12. 

3.  Alexandr  Borisovich  Lakier, 
A  Russian  Looks  at  America, 
translated  from  the  1857  Russian 
ed.  and  edited  by  Arnold  Schrier 
and  Joyce  Story  (Chicago:  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago  Press,  1979), 
p.  65. 


Fig.  194.  After  Winslow  Homer,  April  Showers,  1859.  Wood  engraving,  from  Harper^s  Weekly,  April  2, 1859,  p.  216. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


Opposite:  detail,  cat.  no.  205 


244    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  195.  Fdll  and  Winter  Fashions  for  183s  and  1836  by  James  G.  Wilson^  New  York,  shown  in  front  of  houses  at  714-716  Broadway  built  in  1833  for  hat  manufacturer 
Elisha  Bloomer,  1835.  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring  by  Curtis  Burr  Graham.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


4.  Charles  Dickens,  American 
Notes  for  General  Circulation 
(London:  Chapman  and  Hall, 
1850),  p.  55- 

5.  William  Thomson,  A  Trades- 
man's Travels  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada  in  the  Tears 
1840,4-1,  and  42  (Edinburgh: 
Oliver  and  Boyd,  1842),  p.  15. 

6.  Lady  Emmeline  Stuart-Wordey, 
Travels  in  the  United  States,  etc., 
during  1B49  andiSso,  3  vols.  (Lon- 
don: R.  Bendey,  1851),  p.  268. 

7.  James  Fenimore  Cooper,  Amer- 
ica and  the  Americans:  Notions 
Picked  up  by  a  Travelling  Bache- 
lor, 2  vols.,  2d  ed.  (London:  Pub- 
lished for  Henry  Colburn  by 

R.  Bendey;  Edinburgh:  Bell 
and  Bradfiite;  Dublin:  John 
Cuming;  1836),  p.  194. 

8.  Frank  Leslie's  Ladies  Gazette  of 
Fashion  3  (January  1855),  p.  2. 


That  the  crowds  were  '^magnificently  dressed" 
remained  undisputed  (see  figs.  195,  196).  In  an  1850 
description  of  his  visit  to  New  York,  Charles  Dickens 
wrote,  "Heaven  save  the  ladies,  how  they  dress!  We 
have  seen  more  colours  in  these  ten  minutes,  than  we 
should  have  seen  elsewhere,  in  as  many  days.  What 
various  parasols!  What  rainbow  silks  and  satins!  What 
pinking  of  thin  stockings,  and  pinching  of  thin  shoes, 
and  fluttering  of  ribbons  and  silk  tassels,  and  dis- 
play of  rich  cloaks  with  gaudy  hoods  and  linings  I""*^ 
Showy  or  prosperous-looking  attire  was  not  restricted 
to  women:  a  visiting  tradesman  described  a  fellow 
boarder  "who  came  out  about  five  years  ago,  with  only 
one  coat;  now  he  has  plenty,  sports  a  gold  watch,  and 
a  silver-headed  cane."^  Another  writer  noted,  "A  mob 
in  the  United  States  is  a  mob  in  broad-cloth.  If  we  may 
talk  of  a  rabble  in  a  republic,  it  is  a  rabble  in  black  silk."^ 


Selling  Fashion 

Although  Philadelphia,  Boston,  and  New  Orleans, 
like  New  York,  were  port  cities  known  for  their 
sophistication,  only  the  Empire  City  became  a  shop- 
ping mecca  regularly  mentioned  in  the  same  breath  as 
Paris  and  London.  Broadway  could  "safely  challenge 
competition  with  most  if  not  all  of  the  promenades 
of  the  old  world,"  wrote  James  Fenimore  Cooper/ 
Exclusive  to  New  York  was  the  great  range  of  its 
emporiums,  from  showman  A.  T.  Stewarf  s  depart- 
ment store  (perhaps  the  world's  first)  to  the  small  but 
extravagandy  luxurious  establishments  run  by  modistes 
or  couturiers,  milliners,  fancy-goods  dealers,  and  jew- 
elers. As  one  journalist  declared  in  1855,  'The  win- 
dows in  Broadway  alone  are  enough  to  make  the 
money  leap  from  one's  pocket,  if  in  these  times  any 
one  is  fortunate  enough  to  have  any."^ 


"AHEAD  OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  245 


Fig.  196.  Autumn  and  Winter  Fashions  for  1849  a>nA  i8so  by  Saxony  and  Major,  shown  in  the  Astor  House  ballroom  and  outside  the  hotel  on  Broadway, 
1850.  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring  by  Asa  H.  Wheeler.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  The  J.  Clarence  Davies  Collection 


Most  likely  the  windows  that  were  the  cynosure  of 
all  eyes  belonged  to  Stewart,  a  successful  and  influ- 
ential merchant  and  a  visionary  who  became  one  of 
New  York's  first  millionaires.  The  Irish-born  Stewart 
got  his  start  in  1823  selling  a  shipment  of  Irish  laces  at 
283  Broadway,  then  slightly  north  of  the  most  fash- 
ionable area.  The  great  appeal  of  a  dry-goods  store 
(from  which  the  department  store  would  develop) 
was  that  for  the  price  of  a  packet  of  pins  one  could 
gaze  in  wonder  at  a  thousand-dollar  shawl.  Sensing  the 
possibilities  of  something  bigger,  Stewart  expanded 
and  moved  his  business  several  times  until,  in  1846,  he 
built  his  "Marble  Palace"  (see  fig.  197).  While  most 
shops  occupied  the  ground  floor  of  a  residentially 
scaled  building  about  twenty-five  feet  wide,^  this  new 
marble-faced  structure  (cat.  no.  96),  perhaps  the  first 
ever  built  specifically  to  be  a  store,  was  far  larger.  Both 


architecturally  and  in  terms  of  its  offerings,  it  would 
be  enormously  influential.  Its  plate-glass  windows, 
which  had  to  be  imported,  struck  the  public  as  extrav- 
agant and  novel  A  rotunda  provided  interior  light. 
Inside  were  impressive  columns,  wall  and  ceiling  fres- 
coes, ornate  chandeliers,  and  gaslights.  Features  that 
awed  visitors  most  were  the  size  of  the  space,  the 
height  of  the  mirrors,  the  number  of  mirrors  and  win- 
dows, and,  of  course,  the  profiision  of  goods.  These 
included  carpets,  sold  on  the  basement  levels;  uphol- 
stery and  drapery  fabrics;  dress  goods;  silk  goods; 
embroidery;  fancy  articles;  shawls,  displayed  in  a 
shawl  room;  and  hosiery  and  gloves,  in  their  own 
room.^^  As  in  the  early  days  of  Stewart's  shop,  fine 
lace  and  lace  articles  (see  cat.  no.  201)  were  always 
available.  On  the  top  floor  was  a  wholesale  depart- 
ment from  which  dry-goods  merchants  from  around 


9.  Harry  E.  Rcsseguie,  "Stewart's 
Marble  Palace— the  Cradle  of 
the  Department  Store,"  New- 
Tork  Historical  Society  Quarterly 
43  (April  1964),  p-  131. 
10.  The  variety  of  goods  available  at 
A.  T.  Stewart  made  it  easy  to  buy 
a  trousseau  there.  The  list  of  pur- 
chases made  in  preparation  for 
an  1850  marriage  by  Elizabeth 
Ann  Valentine  of  Richmond, 
Virginia,  and  her  parents,  sur- 
vives as  part  of  the  Valentine 
Museum  collection,  along  with 
some  of  the  items  on  it  (including 
her  wedding  veil  of  Irish  Car- 
rickmacross  lace  [cat.  no.  201]). 
The  list  gives  an  idea  of  what 
were  considered  necessities  for 
setting  up  a  young  lady  in  a  new 
household:  dresses  of  silk,  mus- 
lin, and  calico;  handkerchiefs; 
bonnets  for  outdoor  wear,  head- 
dresses for  evening  parties,  caps 


246    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  197.  A  New  Tork  Belle,  Noon  and  Night:  The  Secrets  of  the  Crinoline  Silhouette,  as  Demonstrated  by  a  'Patron  of  A.  T.  Stewart, 
1846.  Lithograph  published  by  H.  H.  Robinson.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  The  Harry  T.  Peters  Collection  57.300.548 


to  wear  at  home;  a  cashmere 
scarf,  a  crepe  shawl,  a  silk  man- 
tilla; pretty  nightgowns  and 
caps;  gaiter  boots  and  slippers; 
as  well  as  many  other  items. 

11.  New-Tork  Times,  November  19, 
1858,  p.  8. 

12.  Ibid. 

13.  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book  48  (May 
1854),  p.  479. 

14.  Ibid. 


the  country  could  acquire  stock.  Dazzling  though  it 
was,  the  Marble  Palace  was  expanded  a  number  of 
times  until  by  1858  it  boasted  a  frontage  of  151  feet 
on  Broadway  and  175  feet  on  Reade  and  Chambers 
streets. ^1  At  that  time  the  New-Tork  Times  called 
A.  T  Stewart  "the  largest  dry-goods  establishment  in 
the  world,"  with  a  stock  valued  at  from  "three  to  five 
millions  of  dollars."^^ 

Stewart's  influence  extended  beyond  the  world  of 
dry  goods.  During  the  1850s  all  kinds  of  fashion  busi- 
nesses in  New  York  began  to  emulate  his  innova- 
tive approach.  George  Brodie,  one  of  New  York's 
most  enterprising  clothing  merchants  (see  cat.  no.  199; 
fig.  198),  specialized  in  luxurious  wraps  of  all  sorts, 
which  were  sold  ready-made.  As  was  typical  for  a  New 
York  business,  Brodie  manufactured  the  garments 
and  then  sold  them  direcdy  to  customers  on  a  retail 
basis,  as  well  as  wholesale  to  other  merchants.  If  an 
effusive  (and  probably  paid-for)  editorial  published  in 
1854  in  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book  can  be  believed,  Brodie's 
was  unusually  impressive  for  a  limited,  specialized 
establishment.  While  most  store  windows  of  the 
period  displayed  a  small,  somewhat  static  array 
of  merchandise,  Brodie's  beckoned  the  customer  with 


such  novelties  as  lifesize  mechanical  mannequins. 
Go/sfry^^ described  the  large  windows:  "in  reality,  small 
Crystal  palaces  for  the  accommodation  of  two  slowly 
revolving  dames  in  court  costume  of  brocade  or  soie 
d^antique,  bearing  upon  their  regal  shoulders  the  chef 
d'oeuvres  of  the  establishment,  whether  velvet,  gui- 
pure, or  taffeta. ...  At  their  feet  are  thrown,  in  appar- 
ent careless,  but  really  artistic  confusion,  other  designs 
not  less  elegant  and  attractive.  These  figures  are  of 
wax,  modeled  and  colored  from  life.  .  .  ."^^  Once 
inside,  the  visitor  ascended  a  staircase  covered  by  vel- 
vet runners  to  a  richly  carpeted  main  salon  lined  with 
white  and  gold  French  wallpaper  and  suggestive  of 
"a  drawing-room  rather  than  a  business  establish- 
ment. . .  .  Here  there  are  piles  of  the  most  elegant  and 
costiy  styles  of  mantillas  and  scarfs  . . .  the  busy  crowd 
of  purchasers  flutter  back  and  forth,  exclaiming,  *rap- 
turizing,'  choosing,  and  trying  on  the  profusion  of 
styles  before  them.''^'^  On  the  floor  above  were  show- 
rooms catering  to  the  wholesale  trade,  whence  Brodie's 
wraps  were  shipped  all  over  the  United  States,  to 
Canada,  and  to  the  West  Indies;  farther  up  still  were 
the  embroidery  workrooms.  The  handwork  executed 
in  these  rooms,  the  hallmark  of  Brodie  garments. 


"AHEAD   OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  247 


was  thought  to  rival  European  examples.  The  best 
laces  and  ornately  woven  silks  were  always  imported, 
but  embroidered  goods  were  luxuries  that  could 
be  manufactured  by  American  entrepreneurs,  since 
embroidery  was  easily  taught  and  mastered,  and  a 
business  dealing  in  the  craft  might  start  small  and 
grow  as  needed. 

Initially,  the  fashions  pictured  in  American  maga- 
zines—the first  such  appearance  was  in  1830,  in  Godey^s 
Lady^s  Book— were  styles  purchased  or  copied  from 
French  or  English  sources.  By  the  1840s  Godey^s  was 
publishing,  in  addition  to  French  fashions,  designs 
described  as  "Americanized."  In  the  1850s  the  maga- 
zines that  covered  fashion^*^  began  to  rely  less  and 
less  on  French  looks  and  to  show  drawings  of  Ameri- 
can designs,  for  the  first  time  describing  actual  cloth- 
ing available  in  actual  stores.  Many  more  fashion 
goods  were  being  produced  in  New  York  now,  an 
expansion  that  accommodated  the  growing  popula- 
tion of  the  city  itself,  which  had  tripled  in  size  in  a 
quarter  of  a  century.  Magazine  articles  noted  enlarge- 
ments and  improvements  to  stores  as  well  as  fashion 
innovations.  Much  of  what  was  newsworthy  in  1855 
was  extravagandy  luxurious,  like  the  "magnificent  set 
of  white  guipure  point  lace,  a  scarf,  two  flotinces,  a 
handkerchief,  a  berthe"  available  for  $500  at  A.  T. 
Stewart,  or  the  diamond- and-ruby  earrings  in  the 
shape  of  pendant  blossoms  for  $800  at  Ball,  Black  and 
Company.  Also  of  interest  were  technological  novel- 
ties, such  as  the  devices  that  gave  a  pinked  or  crimped 
edge  to  silks,  displayed  at  Madame  Demorest's.  Per- 
haps the  city's  favorite  fabric  in  1855  was  a  white  moire 
antique  available  at  Arnold  Constable  and  Company, 
which  was  singled  out  because  it  had  been  manufac- 
tured for  the  Paris  Exposition  of  1855.^^ 

Newspaper  and  magazine  write-ups  about  "open- 
ing days"  make  clear  which  were  the  city's  most  fash- 
ionable shops  at  the  end  of  the  decade.  A.  T.  Stewart, 
Lord  and  Taylor,  and  Arnold  Constable  and  Com- 
pany were  the  stores  for  dry  goods.  Brodie's  main 
competition  for  elegant  cloaks,  mantillas,  and  wraps 
was  the  Mantilla  Emporium  of  George  P  Bulpin, 
who  displayed  at  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibi- 
tion of  1853  a  sumptuously  embroidered  velvet  cloak 
that  had  been  made,  he  proclaimed,  entirely  in  Amer- 
ica. Top  dressmakers  included  Madame  Deiden, 
Madame  Plazanet  (who  advertised  that  she  had  been 
the  fitter  at  Deiden),  Madame  Ferrero  (see  fig.  201), 
and  Madame  Railing,  also  a  milliner.  (Rare  was  the 
practitioner  of  either  trade  who  did  not  adopt  the 
tide  "Madame  ")  The  leading  milliners,  Madame  Till- 
man and  Madame  Harris,  were  both  associated  with 


Parisian  establishments— Madame  Harris  with  Duteis, 
silk  flower  purveyor  to  Empress  Eugenie  of  France. 
(Mary  Todd  Lincoln  ordered  bonnets  and  head- 
dresses from  Madame  Harris  throughout  her  White 
House  stay.)  John  N.  Genin  was  a  renowned  hatter, 
providing  beaver  and  silk  top  hats  for  men,  caps  and 
other  hats  for  men  and  boys,  and  tailored  hats  for 
ladies;  he  also  expanded  his  business  to  include  chil- 
dren's and  women's  clothing,  lingerie,  and  fiirs,  all 
sold  at  his  shop  on  Broadway  (see  figs.  28, 203).  William 
Jennings  Demorest  and  his  wife,  (Madame)  Ellen 
Curtis  Demorest,  ran  an  establishment  of  unusual 
range:  their  New  York  store  featured  a  full-service 
dressmaking  department  (see  fig.  204),  their  paper 
dressmaking  patterns  and  fashion  magazines  were 
distributed  around  the  world,  and  they  later  mar- 
keted such  items  as  perfumes  and  cosmetics,  sheet 
music,  skirt  elevators  (which  raised  a  skirt  so  the 
wearer  could  step  onto  a  curb),  even  bicycles. 

Not  only  were  the  stores  places  to  find  every  sort  of 
marvelous  creation,  but  shopping  also  became  an  ever 
more  acceptable  pastime;  it  was  something  ladies 


r 


14  BVOXaiVVi 


*iH  «#  iHp/  -mm 


Fig.  198.  ^'^La  Duchesse^'  Mantilla  Furnished  by  Brodie. 
Wood  engraving  by  William  Roberts,  after  Lewis  Towson 
Voight,  from  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book,  August  1853,  p.  194. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene 
Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


15.  Other  aspects  of  European  cul- 
ture were  "Americanized"  as 
well.  According  to  Dinitia 
Smith,  "Christmas  trees  became 
popular  only  after  1848,  when 
the  Illustrated  London  News 
published  a  drawing  of  Queen 
Victoria,  Prince  Albert  and  their 
children  gathered  around  a  tree 
hung  with  ornaments.  That 
image  was  transformed  for 
New  World  consumption  when 
it  appeared  in  Godey^s  Lady's 
Book  in  1850,  democraticized 
with  the  removal  of  the  Queen's 
coronet,  and  Albert's  mustache, 
sash  and  royal  insignia."  Dinitia 
Smith,  "Spirit  of  Christmas  Past 
and  Present,  All  Stufifed  into 
One  Man's  Collection,"  part  2, 
New  Tork  Times,  December  15, 
1999,  p.  B17. 

16.  Besides  Godey's  Lady's  Book 
these  included  Peterson's  Maga- 
zine, Graham's  American 
Monthly  Magazine  of  Literature 
and  Art,  and  Frank  Leslie's 
Ladies  Gazette  of  Fashion. 

17.  Frank  Leslie's  Ladies  Gazette  of 
Fashion  3  (January  1855),  pp.  2 
(quote),  12  (earrings);  ibid.  3 
(March  1855),  p.  42  (moire). 

18.  For  information  about  the 
career  of  the  Demorests,  see  Ish- 
bel  Ross,  Crusades  and  Crino- 
lines: The  Life  and  Times  of 
Ellen  Curtis  Demorest  and  Wil- 
liam Jennings  Demorest  (New 
York:  Harper  and  Row,  1963). 


248    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


m  m  m 


41 


n  i  s 


Fig.  199.  ^nije  Rose  of  Lon^  Island,^  Miss  Julia  Gardiner  and  Gentleman  in  Front  of  Bo^ert  and 
Mecamly%  86  Ninth  Avenue,  1839  or  1840.  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring  by  Alfred  E.  Baker. 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Miss  Sarah  Gardiner  39.5 


19.  Marie  Fontenay  de  Grandfort, 
The  New  World,  translated  by 
Edward  C.  Wharton  (New  Or- 
leans: Sherman,  Wharton  and 
Co.,  1855),  p.  18. 

20.  AmeUa  M.  Murray,  Letters  from 
the  United  States,  Cuba,  and 
Canada  (New  York:  G.  P.  Put- 
nam and  Company,  1856),  p.  146. 

21.  A  hat  owned  by  Queen  Victoria 
and  made  by  one  of  her  suppli- 
ers is  labeled  **W.  C.  Brown  Rid- 
ing Sc  Fancy  Hatter,  To  Queen 
Victoria,  The  Empress  of  the 
French,  and  the  Elite  of  Europe, 
13  &  14,  New  Bond  Street,"  illus- 
trated in  Kay  Staniiand,  In 
Royal  Fashion:  The  Clothes  of 
Princess  Charlotte  of  Wales 


could  do  without  chaperones,  and  thanks  to  such 
instore  enhancements  as  art  exhibitions,  lectures,  and 
architectural  novelties,  it  even  acquired  the  gloss  of  a 
cultural  excursion.  That  American  women  occupied 
their  time  thus  was  occasion  for  comment.  Wrote  a 
Frenchwoman,  "Broadway  is  to  New  York  what  the 
Boulevard  des  It  aliens  is  to  Paris.  It  is  the  general 
rendezvous  of  the  fashionable  ladies,  who  go  from 
store  to  store,  looking  at  the  newest  stuffs  or  examin- 
ing the  latest  styles  of  jewelry.  They  call  this  *shop- 
ping.'  A  New  York  lady,  without  a  hvindred  dollars  a 
month  to  spend  in  these  rounds,  would  look  upon 
herself  as  the  most  unfortunate  woman  in  the  world." 
Another  observer  from  Europe,  Queen  Victoria's 


maid  of  honor,  drew  an  unfavorable  comparison: 
"American  ladies  bestow  those  hours  of  leisure,  which 
English  women  of  the  same  class  give  to  drawing,  to 
the  study  of  nature,  and  to  mental  cultivation,  almost 
wholly  on  personal  adornment." 

In  Europe  it  was  customary  for  a  purveyor  of  qual- 
ity goods  to  obtain  permission  to  display  a  royal  war- 
rant; in  republican  America  merchants  turned  early 
to  the  idea  of  publicity  featuring  celebrities.  In  1824  a 
hatter  sent  General  Lafayette  one  of  his  creations  and 
presented  additional  hats  to  Lafayette's  son,  ostensi- 
bly in  recognition  of  our  country's  debt  to  the  general 
but  probably  also  hoping  to  promote  his  wares  as 
Lafayette-worthy.^^  In  1839  Julia  Gardiner,  a  society 
belle  known  as  'The  Rose  of  Long  Island"  and  the 
future  wife  of  President  John  Tyler,  allowed  her  pic- 
ture to  appear  in  an  advertisement  for  a  store  called 
Bogert  and  Mecamly's,  an  event  that  sparked  con- 
siderable controversy  (fig.  199).^^  By  midcentury  the 
sawiest  merchants  were  sending  articles  of  cloth- 
ing to  prominent  persons  in  order  to  advertise  their 
patronage.  Genin,  possibly  New  York's  best-known 
hatter,  generated  a  great  deal  of  publicity  by  deliver- 
ing a  riding  hat  to  singer  Jenny  Lind— newly  arrived 
from  Sweden  in  1850  to  begin  what  would  be  a  wildly 
successful  tour— and  then  selling  duplicates  known 
as  "the  Jenny  Lind  hat"  at  his  store.  President  Mil- 
lard Fillmore  wrote  several  letters,  beginning  in  1851, 
to  the  New  York  tailor  Charles  Patrick  Fox,  thank- 
ing Fox  for  fabric,  for  an  offer  to  make  him  a  pair  of 
pantalons  (pants),  and  for  fitting  him  for  a  suit  of 
clothes.  In  1852  a  newspaper  called  The  Lily  pub- 
lished a  testimonial  about  the  Genin  hat  that  had 
been  sent  as  a  present  to  its  editor,  Amelia  Bloomer, 
and  helpfully  furnished  Genin's  address  for  anyone 
wanting  to  order  a  hat  of  her  own.^^ 

New  York  merchants  set  many  precedents  for 
the  presentation  and  selling  of  clothing  throughout 
the  country.  Their  innovations  included  the  new  and 
widely  copied  architectural  settings  (Marshall  Field 
advertised  his  Chicago  store  as  the  Stewart's  of  the 
West),^^  an  emphasis  on  all  things  French,  and  the 
unabashed  use  of  celebrity  cachet,  as  well  as  set  prices, 
advertising,  use  of  catalogues  and  promotional  book- 
lets, and  organized  displays  of  the  latest  wares.  These 
last  ranged  from  coordinated  "opening  days,"  when 
stores  displayed  their  latest  imports  and  creations 
to  both  customers  and  the  press,  begun  in  the  1850s,  to 
exhibitions  such  as  the  annual  fairs  of  the  American 
Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York,  which  were  precursors 
of  international  expositions  such  as  those  at  the  Crystal 
Palace  in  London  in  1851  and  in  New  York  in  1853. 


"AHEAD   OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  249 


Fig.  200.  Benjamin  J.  Harrison,  Annual  Fair  of  the  American  Institute  at  Niblo^s  Garden,  1845.  Watercolor.  Museum  of  the  City 
of  New  York  51. 11 9 


Manufacturing  Clothes 

It  was  natural  for  the  manufacture  of  ready-to-wear 
clothing  to  expand  dramatically  in  an  American  set- 
ting. The  biggest  advantage  of  early  ready-made 
clothing  was  not  that  it  might  cost  less  but  that  its 
production  saved  considerable  time  and  effort.  Well 
into  the  nineteenth  century,  the  process  of  acquiring  a 
dress  was  complicated.  Although  bills  of  sale  from  the 
period  record  the  price  of  a  "robe  "  the  consumer  who 
purchased  that  robe  was  really  buying  the  stuff,  trim- 
mings, and  other  necessities  for  making  a  dress.  The 
fabric  was  then  taken  to  a  dressmaker  or  modiste,  or 
just  brought  home,  to  be  made  into  a  full  article  of 
clothing;  if  it  was  done  professionally,  this  added  to 
the  cost.^^  The  typical  consumer  of  fashion  in  the  late 
eighteenth  or  the  nineteenth  century  had  to  be  quite 
knowledgeable  about  fabrics  and  construction.  Fash- 
ion plates— black-and-white  engravings  that  some- 
times had  been  hand  colored— were  the  only  visual 
information  about  styles  available  and  necessarily  were 
more  like  recipes  that  could  be  interpreted  than  direc- 
tions that  had  to  be  followed  exacdy.  Before  the  inven- 
tion of  the  paper  pattern,  first  demonstrated  by  the 
Demorests  in  1854,  the  process  of  having  a  dress  made 


involved  participating  in  its  design,  and  not  everyone 
had  the  talent,  patience,  or  interest  for  this.  Jane  Austen, 
for  example,  who  was  attentive  to  fashion  in  a  general 
way,  wrote  in  a  letter  of  1798,  "I  cannot  determine 
what  to  do  about  my  new  Gown;  I  wish  such  things 
were  to  be  purchased  ready  made."^^ 

American  ready-made  men's  clothes  were  for  sale  in 
New  York  by  the  mid- eighteenth  century,  and  by 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  city  was 
already  producing  ready-made  clothing  for  women 
and  children  as  well  as  uniforms  for  servants  and  sail- 
ors, along  with  a  variety  of  items  such  as  fancy  dress, 
hats,  wigs,  shoes,  and  every  kind  of  printed  fabric. 
In  the  course  of  the  nineteenth  century  New  York 
became  not  just  a  giant  of  retail  but  the  center  of  a 
rapidly  growing  garment  industry,  fed  by  the  city's 
ideal  location  for  incoming  and  outgoing  goods, 
a  constandy  renewed  immigrant  workforce,  and  an 
explosion  of  new  technologies.  Some  of  the  innova- 
tions, such  as  the  sewing  machine  and  the  paper  pat- 
tern graded  for  size,  had  applications  at  home  as  well  as 
in  business.  Manufacturing  benefited  from  the  inven- 
tion of  power-driven  looms  that  wove  specialty  fab- 
rics and  machines  that  made  lace,  covered  buttons. 


and  Queen  Victoria,  1796-1901 
(London:  Museum  of  London, 
1997),  p.  152- 

22.  Cooper,  America  and  the  Amer- 
icans, p.  238. 

23.  Posing  for  an  advertisement 
lithograph  was  simply  not  done: 
not  by  established  matrons,  not 
by  actresses,  and  certainly  not  by 
young  ladies  of  the  social  stature 
of  Julia  Gardiner,  whose  promi- 
nent New  York  family  had  setded 
and  owned  Gardiner's  Island. 
No  other  such  occurrence  in 
that  period  is  known.  To  rub  salt 
in  the  Gardiner  family  wound 
there  were  the  facts  that  the 
store,  forgotten  today  except  for 
this  one  episode,  was  less  than 
fashionable  (the  family  patron- 
ized A.  T.  Stewart);  that  Julia 
was  shown  ostentatiously 
dressed;  and  worst  of  all  that 
she  was  shown  practically  arm- 
in-arm  with  "an  unidentified 
older  man,  clad  like  a  dandy  in 
top  hat  and  light  topcoat .  .  . 
carrying  an  expensively  wrought 
cane."  Had  a  young  lady  ven- 
tured out  for  an  unchaperoned 
promenade  with  such  a  scamp  in 
real  life,  her  reputation  would 
have  been  ruined.  As  it  was,  the 
Gardiners  "were  embarrassed 
and  humiliated"  and  sent  her  to 
Europe.  That  Julia's  reputation 
survived  is  perhaps  most  clearly 
proven  by  her  marriage  five 
years  later,  in  1844,  to  then- 
President  John  Tyler.  See  Rob- 
ert Seager  II,  And  Tyler  Too, 

A  Biography  of  John  and  Julia 
Gardiner  Tyler  (New  York: 
McGraw-Hill  Book  Company, 
1963),  p.  35- 

24.  For  more  information  about 
Genin's  career,  see  Wendy  Shad- 
well,  "Genin,  the  Celebrated 
Hatter,"  Seaport,  New  York's 
History  Magazine,  spring  i999, 
pp.  22-27. 

25.  Fox  eventually  included  all  the 
letters  in  his  book,  Charles 
Patrick  Fox,  Fashion:  The  Power 
That  Ir^uences  the  Worlds  3d  ed. 
(New  York:  Sheldon  and  Co., 
1872),  pp.  204-5. 

26.  The  Lily  (Seneca  Falls)  4  (March 
1852),  front  page. 

27.  Lloyd  Wendt  and  Herman 
Kogan,  Give  the  Lady  What  She 
Wants!  The  Story  of  Marshall 
Field  &  Company  (Chicago: 
Rand  McNally,  1952),  pp.  58-59. 

28.  Examples  of  dressmakers'  fees 
are  given  in  Godey's  Lady's  Book 
48  (June  1854),  p.  572.  "No  city 
dressmakers,  with  any  pretense 
to  good  style,  will  undertake  to 
make  a  dress  for  less  than  three 
dollars.  In  the  really  fashionable 
shops,  S4.75  is  the  charge  of 


250    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


The  manufacture  of  clothing  in  America  was  less 
expensive  than  importation,  since  it  did  away  with 
shipping  and  especially  import  taxes;  and  it  was  patri- 
otic, which  suited  the  independent  American  spirit. 
From  1828  on,  the  American  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New  York  held  an  annual  fair  at  which  awards  were 
given  for  excellence  in  the  areas  of  agriculture,  horti- 
culture, manufactures,  commerce,  and  the  arts  (see 
fig.  200) .  Items  of  clothing  of  all  sorts  were  to  be  seen 
there,  as  they  were  later  at  expositions  such  as  the 
Crystal  Palace  exhibitions  in  the  early  1850s.  New  York- 
made  articles  included— in  addition  to  boots  and  shoes 
(rubber,  patent  leather,  cork  soled)  and  hats  (of  fur 
plush,  for  fiir,  along  with  rare  plumage,  was  still  one  of 
America's  most  abundant  natural  resources) —corsets, 
umbrellas,  clothing  of  homegrown  merino  wool,  even 
homespun  silk  from  the  cocoons  of  silkworms  fed  on 
peanut  plants.  Evidendy  New  York's  fashion  ingenu- 
ity was  applied  to  producing  what  people  wanted  at 
least  as  much  as  to  supplying  what  they  needed. 

Technology's  greatest  contribution  to  fashion  was 
to  make  good-quality  clothes  widely  available. 
Although  Americans  did  not  invent  ready-to-wear, 
they  perfected  its  mass  manufacture,  marketing,  and 
distribution;  by  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
what  was  produced  in  New  York  and  sold  throughout 


Fig.  202.  A  Selection  of  Day  and  Evening  Dresses  Available  in  New  Torky  including  a  bail  gown  (far  left)  imported  by  A.  T. 
Stewart  and  others  made  from  materials  available  at  A.  T.  Stewart  and  Amold  Constable  and  Q)mpany,  1854.  Wood  engraving 
by  Leslie  and  Hooper,  after  Edward  Waites,  from  Frank  Leslie^s  Gazette  of  Paris,  London  and  New-Tork  Fashions,  January 
1854,  p.  9,  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


making  a  basque  waist,  apart 
from  the  skirt— silk,  buttons,  all 
trimmings  charged  separately  in 
the  bill;  so  that  you  have  from 
seven  to  nine,  and  even  fifteen 
dollars  to  add  to  your  two  yards 
and  a  half  of  silk,  the  quantity 
usually  purchased  for  a  basque." 
29.  Jane  Austen  to  an  unknown 
correspondent,  in  Claire  Toma- 
lin,  Jane  Austen:  A  Life  (New 
York:  Alfred  A.  Knopf,  1997), 
p.  no. 


Fig.  201.  Emerald  Green  Velvet  Bonnet  from  the  Establishment  of 
Madame  V,  Ferrero,  s  Great  Jones  Street,  1854.  Wood  engraving, 
from  Frank  Leslie's  Gazette  of  Paris,  London  and  New-Tork 
Fashions,  January  1854,  p.  7-  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


printed  in  many  colors  on  fabrics,  tucked  or  embroi- 
dered, or  cut  through  several  layers  of  fabric  at  once. 
The  development  of  aniline  (man-made)  dyes  made 
rich,  strong  colors  more  obtainable  and  affordable 
than  ever  before. 


"AHEAD   OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  2$! 


Fig.  203.  Ball  Gown  Made  by  Genin  with  Silk  from  A.  T,  Stewart  and  Lace 
from  Genin,  1854.  Wood  engraving,  from  Frank  Leslie's  Gazette  ofParis^ 
London  and  New~Tork  Fashions,  May  1854,  p.  85.  The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


Fig.  204.  Country  Excursion  Dress  Made  by  Madame  Demorest,  1854.  Wood 
engraving,  from  Frank  Leslie's  Gazette  of  Paris,  London  and  New-Tork  Fashions, 
August  1854,  p.  144.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene 
Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


the  country  was  a  profusion  of  well-made,  well-fitting 
clothes  for  men,  women,  and  children,  obtainable  in 
every  price  range.  When,  well  into  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, European  couture  houses  decided  to  dip  into 
the  lucrative  market  of  better  ready-to-wear,  they 
turned  to  New  York  manufacturers  for  machinery, 
skilled  workers,  and  expertise. 

Fashion  and  Manners 

Technology  affected  not  just  how  clothes  were  pro- 
duced and  distributed  but  also  how  they  looked. 
Men's  clothing,  the  first  to  be  standardized  and  mass- 
produced,  as  the  nineteenth  century  unfolded  grew 
soberer  and  simpler  than  ever  before.  First  the  frock 
coat  and  long  trousers  and  then  the  lounge  suit  (pre- 


cursor of  the  business  suit)  became  a  uniform  that 
had  an  equalizing  effect.  In  the  previous  century  both 
sexes  had  worn  powdered  wigs,  colorful  brocaded 
and  embroidered  silks,  shoes  with  heels  and  elaborate 
buckles.  As  a  definite  masculine  style  emerged  that 
was  tailored  and  somber,  women's  clothes  became  far 
more  feminine  by  comparison,  particularly  in  silhou- 
ette and  degree  of  decoration  (see  figs.  201-204). 
Novel  types  of  ornament  could  now  be  produced  in 
copious  amounts  by  machine,  and  changing  attitudes 
toward  display  and  ostentation  encouraged  the  prolif- 
eration of  elaborate  effects.  Moreover,  as  the  popula- 
tion became  increasingly  upwardly  mobile,  new  codes 
of  behavior  abetted  consumerism. 

The  republic  had  certainly  come  a  long  way  since 
George  Washington's  schoolboy  days,  when  he  kept  a 


252    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  205.  Broadwayy  West  Side  from  Fulton  Street  to  Cortlandt  Street^  1856.  Tinted  lithograph,  published  by  W.  Stephenson. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1161 


30.  George  Wdshington's  Rules 

of  Civility  and  Decent  Behavior 
in  Company  and  Conversation, 
edited  by  Charles  Moore  (Bos- 
ton: Houghton  Mifflin  Com- 
pany, 1926). 

31.  The  Ladies'  Friend  (Philadel- 
phia: Matthew  Carey,  1793), 
p.  38. 

32 .  Graha m's  A merican  Mon thly 
Magazine  of  Literature  and  Art 
46  (February  1855),  p-  i95- 


workbook  of  rules  about  decent  and  polite  comport- 
ment. Its  numbered  maxims  included  these:  "7th:  Put 
not  off  your  Cloths  in  the  presence  of  Others,  nor  go 
out  your  Chamber  half  Drest. . . .  13  th:  kill  no  Vermin 
as  Fleas,  lice  ticks  &c  in  the  Sight  of  Others,  if  you  see 
any  filth  or  thick  Spitde  put  your  foot  Dexterously 
upon  it  if  it  be  upon  the  Cloths  of  your  Companions, 
Put  it  off  privately,  and  if  it  be  upon  your  own  Cloths 
return  thanks  to  him  who  puts  it  off.  .  .  .  51st:  Wear 
not  your  Cloths,  foul,  unript  or  Dusty  but  see  they  be 
Brush'd  once  every  day  at  least  and  take  heed  tha[t] 
you  approach  not  to  any  uncleanness."  By  the  late 
eighteenth  century  advice  about  clothing  etiquette 
was  somewhat  more  developed,  but  it  still  had  a 
simple  message:  "Dress  should  only  second  beauty, 
and  not  shroud  it;  the  choice,  and  heap  of  ornaments, 
are  the  foil.'' 31 

Yet  in  a  few  decades  the  dictates  of  etiquette  had 
multiplied,  reinforcing  a  newly  strong  relationship 
between  consumerism  and  propriety.  Rules  of  civi- 
lized conduct  prescribed  what  ladies  and  gentle- 
men should  wear  at  all  hours  of  the  day  and  for 
all  types  of  occasions.  Magazine  coverage  of  etiquette 
was  closely  intertwined  with  that  of  fashion,  and 
the  advice  given  was  so  specific  that  an  insecure  cus- 
tomer paying  close  attention  could  purchase  secure 
fashion  footing: 

For  morning  excursions,  or  what  is  called  shopping, 
it  is  the  very  best  taste  to  be  dressed  with  the  most 
unpretending  simplicity — in  the  darkest  colors. 


without  either  flowers,  feather Sy  or  jewelry.  The  ele- 
gance of  the  cut  of  the  garments;  the  neatness  of  the 
black  gaiter  hoot;  the  fineness  of  the  texture  of  the 
handkerchief  and  the  plain  cambric  or  India  mus- 
lin undersleeves  and  collar,  are  alone  student 
marks  of  distinction.  No  lace,  except  Valenciennes, 
is  admissible  in  early  morning  costume;  no  brace- 
lets, excepting  plain  gold  circles  round  the  wrist.  .  .  . 
As  the  day  advances  towards  its  meridian,  all  its 
useful  avocations  having  been  performed,  the  time 
for  displaying  the  elegancies  and  richness  of  the 
fashions  arrives.  Visits  are  supposed  to  be  paid,  and 
the  object  of  being  in  the  street  is  that  of  promenad- 
ing and  meeting  friends  and  acquaintances  [see 
fig.  20s ].  Even  now,  however,  there  are  certain  col- 
ors, materials  and  forms,  which  should  never  be 
worn  in  the  street.  No  precious  stones  are  made  for 
sunlight — they  are  made  to  glisten  beneath  the  bril- 
liant chandelier  of  a  ball-room,  and  appear  tawdry 
at  all  other  times.  Now,  rich  embroideries  may  be 
worn — richer  laces,  and  lighter  colors,  though  sky 
blue,  pink  and  yellow,  should  be  studiously  avoided. 
.  .  .  In  the  early  morning  toilette,  dark  gloves — 
gray,  brown  and  olive  green,  should  be  worn.  In  the 
afternoon  toilette,  all  the  more  delicate  tints,  straw 
color  being  the  best,  are  allowed.  White  kid  gloves 
should  on  no  occasion  be  worn  in  the  street?'^ 

It  is  no  coincidence  that  just  when  fashion  was 
turning  into  a  more  exacting  dictator  and  the  role  of 
the  fair  sex  was  becoming  increasingly  connected  with 


"AHEAD  OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  253 


display,  a  small  group  of  women  were  beginning  the 
first  push  for  suffrage.  This  too  had  fashion  reper- 
cussions. In  the  1 83 OS  Frances  Wright,  the  author  of 
a  popular  book  about  American  society  who  had  left 
Scodand  for  the  United  States  and  become  an  aboli- 
tionist, Utopian,  and  defender  of  equal  rights  for 
women,  was  spotted  in  Turkish  trousers.  The  1840s 
saw  anticorset  societies.  In  1851  a  small  band  led  by 
Amelia  Bloomer  adopted  an  antifashion  uniform  con- 
sisting of  a  knee-length  dress  worn  over  voluminous 
Turkish  trousers.  The  public  response  to  this  costume 
was  intense,  so  much  so  that  its  original  wearers  aban- 
doned it  in  hope  of  being  able  to  concentrate  on  other 
areas  of  women's  rights.  The  outfit  continued  to  be 
worn,  however,  as  a  political  statement  and  for  active 
sports.  In  1858  Godey^s  Lady's  Book  and  Magazine  pub- 
lished an  engraving  of  a  feminine  gymnastic  costume 
by  Madame  Demorest  featuring  what  had  come  to  be 
called  "bloomers."  33 

During  the  nineteenth  century  fashion  became 
newsworthy  in  a  way  it  had  never  been  before.  Jour- 
nalism had  generally  treated  the  latest  styles  as  one 
of  women's  domestic  interests  and  grouped  them 
with  sentimental  stories,  songs,  crafts  projects,  articles 
on  health,  and  recipes;  but  now  a  consideration  of 
highly  entertaining  Dame  Fashion  began  to  seep  into 
the  general  culture.  Absurd  novelties  such  as  immense 
sleeves,  anything  related  to  hoop  skirts,  and,  of  course, 
the  bloomer  costume  were  fodder  for  political 
cartoonists  and  commentators.  Excessive  display,  ever 
on  the  increase,  was  becoming  news.  In  1840  a  private 
costume  ball  given  by  Henry  Brevoort  was  described 
on  the  front  page  of  the  Morning  Herald,  occasion- 
ing a  great  hue  and  cry  about  the  invasion  of  privacy. 
Nevertheless  readers  lapped  up  all  the  details  about 
who  was  there  and  what  was  worn— the  paper  even 
published  floor  plans  of  the  house.  Thus  was  born 
an  insatiable  appetite  for  information  about  society 
and  fashion.  In  a  pattern  that  would  continue,  the 
ball  was  both  fawningly  described  and  (in  another 
article)  satirized.  By  i860,  when  the  renowned  Prince 
of  Wales  ball  took  place,  a  number  of  newspapers 
devoted  front-page  articles  to  speculation  about  what 
people  might  wear  and  descriptions  of  what  they 
did  wear.  3^ 

Dresses  for  Two  New  Tork  Balls 

Of  garments  from  our  period  definitively  known 
to  have  been  purchased  or  worn  in  New  York— or 
anywhere  else,  for  that  matter— relatively  few  survive. 
Articles  of  dress  disappear  over  time  because  they  are 


remade,  discarded,  or  too  fragile  to  last.  The  origins 
of  most  clothes  that  survive  from  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury and  earlier  are  unknown.  Labels  had  yet  to  come 
into  common  use;  much  of  the  information  supplied 
by  donors  of  clothes  to  museums  has  been  lost;  and 
what  remains  is  not  always  reliable,  since  a  donor 
may  easily  be  a  generation  off  when  trying  to  recollect 
the  owner  of  a  garment.  Thus  it  is  remarkable  to 
be  able  to  compare  dresses  known  to  have  been 
worn  to  two  historic  New  York  balls  almost  four 
decades  apart,  one  given  for  General  Lafayette  in  1824 
(fig.  206)  and  the  other  feting  the  Prince  of  Wales  in 
i86q  (cat.  nos.  204,  205).  Each  dress  well  exemplifies, 
for  its  own  era,  the  height  of  fashion  in  Manhat- 
tan. An  examination  of  the  way  one  style  developed 
into  the  other  provides  a  brief  history  of  the  period's 
modes  and  mores. 

In  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
dominant  style  continued  to  be  the  one  known  as 
Empire,  a  look  that  alluded  to  the  ideals  of  the 
French  Revolution  and  had  been  fashionable  inter- 
nationally since  that  time.  It  might  also  apdy  be 
called  republican  dress,  since  its  hallmarks  were  sim- 
plicity, a  comparatively  natural  silhouette,  and  plain, 
unassuming  fabrics.  The  Empire  style  was  meant  to 
recall  the  dress  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  and 
followed  the  lines  of  antique  sculpture  almost  lit- 
erally: dresses  were  white  and  columnar,  with  high 
waists.  This  narrow  silhouette,  interpreted  in  sheer, 
revealing  fabrics,  was  demanding  to  wear,  since  it 
left  littie  room  for  artificial  aids  such  as  corsets.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  unconstricting  design  freed  the 
body,  and  the  use  of  relatively  inexpensive  fabrics 
such  as  muslin  made  high  fashion  affordable  to  many 
more  women.  (Strict  adherence  to  the  year-round 
mode  for  lightweight  fabrics  could  have  dire  conse- 
quences, however— pneumonia  came  to  be  known  as 
"the  muslin  disease,") 

Empire  characteristics— simple  lines,  a  high  waist- 
line, a  preference  for  white,  unpretentious  fabrics  such 
as  muslin  and  gauze,  embroidery  in  noncolor  thread 
(white  or  metallic)  to  suggest  a  classical  precedent- 
all  appear  in  the  Lafayette  ball  dress.  The  cut-steel 
necklace  also  worn  that  evening  (see  fig.  206)  typifies 
another  aspect  of  Revolutionary  dress  that  well  suited 
a  republic:  nothing  could  be  less  royal  than  jewelry 
made  of  a  common  metal  rather  than  a  precious  one. 

The  Lafayette  dress  was  made  of  imported  fab- 
ric, perhaps  obtained  from  an  establishment  similar 
to  the  one  that  advertised  in  1803,  "Received  by 
the  latest  importation  from  Calcutta,  a  trunk  of  the 
most  fashionable  Gold  and  Silver  worked  Muslin." 


33.  Godey^s  Lady's  Book  and  Ma^fa- 
zine  56  (January  1858),  p.  68, 
caption:  "'The  Metropolitan 
Gymnastic  Costume'  from 
Demorest's  Emporium  of  the 
Fashions,  375  Broadway, 

New  York." 

34.  Morning  Herald  (New  York), 
March  2,  1840,  front  page. 

35.  Ibid.,  February  19, 1840. 

36.  Newspapers  and  illustrated 
weeklies  covering  the  fete 
included  the  New-Tork  Times, 
the  New  Tork  Herald,  and 
Harper's  Weekly. 

37.  From  an  advertisement  placed 
by  "Ephm.  Hart,  No.  50  Broad- 
street,"  in  The  Arts  and  Crafts 
in  New  Tork  1800-1804,  a  collec- 
tion of  advertisements  assem- 
bled by  Rita  S.  Gottesman 
(New  York:  New-York  Histori- 
cal Society,  1965),  p.  347. 


254    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


38.  Three  evening  dresses  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  Valentine  Museum, 
Richmond  (L.55.2,  v.60.14.3, 
v.6o.i4.4A,b),  are  associated  with 
balls  given  in  Virginia  in  Lafay- 
ette's honor.  Compared  with  the 
two  dresses  in  New  York  collec- 
tions known  to  have  been  worn 
for  similar  occasions  the  same 
year  (Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  33.112.1;  Metropolitan 
Museum,  1979.346.8),  the  Vir- 
ginia examples  are  considerably 
more  fashionable.  They  are  all 
made  of  rich  silks  brocaded  with 
small  figures;  one  is  in  a  bur- 
nished brown  that  looks  ahead 
to  the  dark  yet  intense  colors 
of  the  1830s.  The  trimmings, 
including  rows  of  cording,  puffs 
of  sheer  silk,  dog-tooth  edging, 
three-dimensional  appliques, 
and  sheer  ruffles  edged  with 
sarin  bands,  are  just  the  kind  of 
dressmaker  details  seen  in  fash- 
ion plates. 

One  dress  (v.6o.i4A,b)  has 
a  sash  printed  with  a  small  por- 
trait of  General  Lafayette.  Other 
items  printed  with  his  likeness 
and  worn  in  his  presence  include 
men's  kid  gloves  and  a  lady's 
fan,  kerchief,  and  gloves.  The 
engraved  image  of  Lafayette 
copied  on  a  pair  of  man's  kid 
gloves  (New-York  Historical 
Society,  I949.ii8ab)  is  by 
Asher  B.  Durand. 


Fig.  206.  Ball  gown  worn  by  Elizabeth  Champlin  to  the  Lafayette 
Ball  at  Castic  Garden,  September  14, 1824.  Silver-embroidered 
muslin  imported  from  India,  1824.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Frederick  S.  Wombell  33. 112. i 

Necklace,  part  of  a  parure  worn  to  the  Lafayette  Ball,  English, 
ca.  1820.  Cut  steel.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical 
Society  1920.11-17 

Long  gloves,  1810S-20S.  Linen,  bias-cut.  Museum  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  Gift  of  Miss  Elisabeth  B.  Brundige  30.44.4 

Fan,  European,  early  19th  century.  Spangled  net  and  ivory. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Miss 
Agnes  Miles  Carpenter,  1955  55.43.12 


That  a  type  of  fabric  considered  stylish  in  1803  was 
thought  worthy  of  wearing  to  a  grand  ball  in  1824  is 
not  unlikely.  Fabrics  were  precious,  and  dresses  were 
often  remade  to  suit  the  next  generation  of  wearers. 
Moreover,  early  in  the  century,  styles  changed  slowly. 
Fads,  such  as  the  turbans  so  loved  by  First  Lady  DoUey 
Madison,  could  last  for  years  and  years.  The  simple 
cut  of  the  Lafayette  dress  resembles  not  the  styles  of 
contemporaneous  fashion  plates  but  those  of  about  five 
years  earlier.  Comparison  of  this  dress  with  several 
others  worn  the  same  year  in  Virginia  for  celebrations 
of  Lafayette's  visit  there  reveals  that  in  the  1820s  New 
Yorkers,  although  well  dressed,  were  less  up-to-date 
than  Virginians.  While  the  New  York  dress  could  have 
been  worn  some  years  earlier,  the  examples  from  Vir- 
ginia, with  their  darker  colors,  silk  fabrics,  and  intricate 
dressmaking  details,  relate  closely  to  fashion  plates  of 
the  day  and  to  the  color  palette  of  the  coming  decade. 

As  the  1830s  opened,  a  new  silhouette  appeared  that 
seems  a  harbinger  of  things  to  come.  The  waistline 
dropped  closer  to  its  natural  position  and  the  skirt 
began  to  assume  the  shape  of  a  bell.  The  fuller  skirt 
was  balanced  by  various  widening  devices  at  the 
shoulder  such  as  pelerines  or  cape  collars  or,  for  more 
formal  dress,  wide,  open  necklines.  Silk,  usually  woven 
with  a  subde  texture,  was  much  worn.  Gauzy  whites 
gave  way  to  browns,  mustards,  indigo,  and  rose,  rich 
but  somber  colors  that  mirrored  the  relative  absence 
of  color  in  the  uniform  men  had  adopted.  It  would 
be  the  last  time  in  the  century  that  the  two  sexes 
complemented  each  other  in  dress  by  similarity  rather 
than  by  contrast  (see  cat.  nos.  197, 198). 

From  the  1830s  on,  novelty  most  often  took  the 
form  of  exaggeration.  Sleeves  ballooned,  making  ob- 
servers worry  lest  their  wearers  take  off";  such  sleeves 
were  followed  in  the  1840s  by  tight-fitting  ones,  which 
were  so  impractical,  critics  complained,  that  they  could 
be  worn  only  by  women  who  did  not  need  to  lift  a 
finger.  The  one  constant  was  growth  in  the  size  of  the 
skirt,  the  part  of  the  dress  best  suited  to  amplification 
for  the  sheer  sake  of  display.  As  long  as  skirts  got  their 
fullness  from  layers  of  petticoats  there  remained  a 
limit  to  their  possible  girth,  but  by  the  1850s  and 
1860S,  crinolines— lightweight  contraptions  made  of 
steel,  whalebone,  and  fabric  tape— allowed  skirts  to 
reach  frequentiy  lampooned  proportions  (see  fig.  197). 
Although  utterly  of  their  period,  i860  dresses,  with 
their  fitted  bodices  and  full  skirts,  convey  an  air  of 
the  previous  century.  While  the  manufacture,  mate- 
rials, and  distribution  of  attire  had  been  modernized, 
women's  clothes  had  over  the  course  of  the  nineteenth 
century  become  more  and  more  constraining  because 


"AHEAD  OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  2$$ 


Fig.  207.  Broadway — Respectfully  Dedicated  to  the  Prince  ofWaleSy  i860.  Wood  engraving  by  John  McNevin,  from  Harper^s  Weekly, 
October  6,  i860,  pp.  632-33.  The  Metropolitan  Museiim  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Irene  Lewisohn  Costume  Reference  Library 


of  increased  physical  mass,  the  restrictiveness  of  cor- 
sets, bustles,  and  hoops,  and  the  oppressive  degree  of 
compliance  now  required  by  society's  conventions. 

That  fashionable  New  York  had  forsaken  republican 
simplicity  could  not  have  been  made  clearer  than  it 
was  on  the  night  of  October  12,  i860,  when  a  lav- 
ish ball  celebrated  the  much  heralded  visit  of  Albert 
Edward,  Prince  of  Wales,  the  future  King  Edward  VII 
(see  fig.  207).  Whereas  several  decades  earUer  Amer- 
ica's proud  anti-British  stance  had  been  remarked  on 
by  many  (including  the  sharp-tongued  Frances  Trol- 
lope),  and  General  Lafayette  had  been  feted  as  a  polit- 
ical—almost a  moral— hero,  the  Prince  of  Wales  was 
purely  and  extravagantly  Royalty,  not  to  mention  an 
eligible  bachelor.  Cosdiness  and  luxury  were  the  order 
of  the  day.  Already  sumptuous  ball  gowns  were  made 
more  elaborate  with  accessories:  no  lady  felt  com- 
pletely dressed  without  a  headdress;  a  bouquet  holder 
(see  cat.  no.  204)  with  a  nosegay  by  New  York's  top 
florist,  Chevalier  and  Brower;  gloves  of  white  kid;  a 
fan;  a  lace-edged  handkerchief;  slippers  or  gaiter  boots 
of  silk  satin;  a  wrap,  or  sortie  de  bal^  preferably  white; 
and,  especially,  a  parure,  or  matched  set,  of  jewels  (see 
fig.  208).  Diamonds— previously  scarce  because  they 
had  to  be  imported  and  in  any  case  regarded  as  too 


flashy  in  an  immediately  post-Revolutionary  Amer- 
ica—were here  so  prevalent  that  the  fete  acquired 
another  name,  the  Diamond  Ball.  The  New-Tork 
Times  reported,  "One  splendid  riviere  which  recently 
astounded  the  city  in  the  cases  of  Tiffany  was  most 
charmingly  displayed  upon  the  graceful  beauty  of 
Mrs.  Belmont,  ,  .  .  We  have  already  spoken  of  Mrs. 
Morgan  and  her  diamonds,  and  of  Mrs.  Belmont  and 
her  diamonds.  We  might  go  on  the  same  way,  with 
perfect  truth,  to  speak  of  half  the  ladies  of  New  York 
and  their  diamonds." 

After  diamonds,  the  element  of  attire  most  men- 
tioned was  lace,  the  costliest  material  of  the  time, 
comparable  in  price  to  precious  stones.  Numerous 
dresses  were  described  as  being  entirely  composed 
of  this  painstakingly  handmade  stuff,  which  would 
have  seemed  too  ostentatious  even  five  years  before. ''^^^ 
None  of  these  survive;  lace  was  too  valuable  not  to  be 
reused  in  another  garment.  Fortunately,  a  number  of 
dresses  worn  to  the  grand  ball  for  the  Prince  of  Wales 
still  exist,"*^^  along  with  accessories  and  outer  garments 
—far  more  than  for  any  other  event  of  the  nineteenth 
century— and  of  these,  several  showcase  silks  woven 
in  Lyon  that  were  among  the  finest  fabrics  available 
anywhere  in  the  world.  In  an  attempt  to  revive  the 


39-  'New-Tork  Times,  Oaober  13, 
i860. 

40.  Graham's  American  Monthly 
Magazine  of  Literature  and 
Art  46  (January  1855),  p.  97, 
noted,  "There  is  very  little  real 
guipure  [a  lace  made  without 
a  net  ground]  in  America.  For, 
though  the  May-Flower  brought 
over  so  many  things  and  came 
over  at  the  very  time  guipure 
was  the  height  of  fashion,  its 
sage  and  stately  matrons  were 
not  likely  to  bring  anything 
which,  like  this  lace,  recalled  the 
painted  dames  and  the  follies  of 
the  court  from  which  they  fled." 

41.  Most  of  them  were  donated  to 
the  Museum  of  the  City 

of  New  York. 


256    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  208.  Superb  Toilettes  of  the  Ladies  of  New  Tork,  at  the  Grand  Ball  Given  in  Honor  of  the  Prince 
of  Wales  at  the  Academy  of  Music,  October  18, 1860,  i860.  Wood  engraving,  from  Frank  Leslie's 
Illustrated  Newspaper,  October  27,  i860,  p.  i.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York  92.51.80 


42.  The  two-piece  dress  (Museum  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  47.146.1-2) 
worn  by  a  Quaker  woman  is 
made  of  silk  tajfFeta  in  shades  of 
periwinkle  and  beige  woven 
with  a  design  of  patterned  stripes 
alternating  with  narrow  floral 
bands,  and  is  trimmed  with  beige 
handmade  lace  and  trios  of  peri- 
winkle silk  satin  bands.  The  cape 
(47.146.3)  is  of  bright  pink  serge 
lined  with  white  quilted  taffeta 
and  is  trimmed  on  the  flat  collar 
and  down  the  front  with  bands 
of  pink  and  lavender  loop-edged 
braid.  A  mention  in  Frank  Leslie^s 
Monthly  7  (November  i860), 
p.  467,  of  George  A.  Heam's 
shop  at  425  Broadway  could  have 
been  describing  this  dress  mate- 
rial: "if  we  could  fancy  the  style 
of  goods  that  Quakeresses  dress- 
ing themselves  like  'the  world's 
people'  would  select  for  their 
debut— the  dainty  tiny  patterns, 
the  quiet  colours,  the  judicious 
and  very  slight  intermingling  of 
bright  hues  with  sober  slate  or 
delicate  fawn— the  general  air  of 
excellence  rather  than  of  showi- 
ness,  we  shall  have  some  idea  of 
the  sorts  of  silks  which  are  to  be 
had  here  in  great  abtmdance." 


French  silk  industry,  dormant  since  Napoleon's  time, 
Louis-Philippe  had  encouraged  couturiers  to  make 
liberal  use  of  the  looms'  products,  and  a  ball  gown 
worn  that  evening  is  attributed  to  Worth  et  Bobergh, 
the  couture  house  most  closely  associated  with  imple- 
menting this  plan.  While  the  silhouette  is  rather  simple, 
with  an  ofF-the-shoulder  neckline,  a  narrow,  corseted 
waist,  and  a  tiered  skirt  held  out  by  a  crinoline,  all  of 
which  had  been  in  style  for  almost  a  decade,  the  mate- 
rial is  nothing  short  of  spectacular:  coral  velvet  cut 
to  a  ground  of  silver  gauze.  According  to  informa- 
tion handed  down  with  the  dress,  the  material  had 
been  woven  in  Lyon  for  the  empress  of  Russia  and 
another  piece  obtained  for  the  use  of  the  Gardiner 
family.  (The  dress  was  worn  to  the  Prince  of  Wales 
ball  by  the  wife  of  David  Lyon  Gardiner,  Julia  Gar- 
diner Tyler's  brother.) 

A  second  Prince  of  Wales  ball  dress  of  superb  cut 
velvet  from  Lyon  (cat.  no.  205)  was  likely  made  in 
New  York.  In  shades  of  brown  and  other  colors,  it  is 
trimmed  at  the  neckline  and  sleeves  with  a  particularly 
fine  point-de-gaze  lace  that  would  have  stood  out  that 
evening  even  among  stiff  competition.  The  fabric  itself 
is  a  fine  example  of  a  trompe  Foeil  textile:  in  this  case, 


velvet  designed  to  look  like  swags  of  floral  lace  on  a 
ground  of  point  d'esprit.  It  was  created  on  the  loom 
en  disposition,  that  is,  with  a  pattern  intended  to  be 
used  in  a  specific  way.  Accordingly,  the  dress  is  fash- 
ioned to  best  display  the  fabric:  the  part  of  the  cloth 
with  the  largest  pattern  is  used  for  the  overskirt,  that 
with  a  narrower  band  of  corresponding  design  for  the 
tiered  underskirt,  and  that  with  a  still  narrower  strip 
of  pattern  to  ornament  the  cap  sleeves  and  the  cuffs  of 
the  day  bodice  (not  shown  here)  and  the  cap  sleeves 
of  the  evening  waist.  An  uncut  piece  of  the  same  tex- 
tile in  another  color  exists.  The  dress  appears  to  have 
been  made  by  an  able  modiste  who  used  care  and  cau- 
tion in  handling  this  top-quality  fabric. 

Even  a  dress  and  wrap  worn  to  the  ball  by  a  Quaker 
woman  are  of  very  fine  fabric,  a  bright,  brocaded  silk.'^^ 
The  textile  design  is  much  more  reserved,  however,  and 
the  style  of  the  dress  more  covered  up  than  those  of  the 
other  ball  gowns.  Beyond  the  special  restraint  of  reli- 
gious conviction  demonstrated  here,  the  factors  that 
regulated  style  of  dress  were  age  and  marital  status: 
older  ladies,  or  "matrons,"  could  display  elaborate  cut 
velvets  and  laces;  younger  women,  particularly  unmar- 
ried ones,  were  expected  to  choose  less  showy  tulle, 
tarlatan,  and  other  light,  gauzy  stuffs.  A  bell-skirted 
frock  of  white  tulle  remained  popular  garb  for  debu- 
tantes and  prom-goers  well  into  the  following  century. 

The  coral  and  silver  dress  attributed  to  Worth  et 
Bobergh  is  one  of  three  Prince  of  Wales  ball  gowns 
that  appear  to  be  Parisian  in  origin.  Open  for  business 
less  than  three  years  when  the  ball  was  held,  Worth  et 
Bobergh  had  been  founded  by  the  English-turned- 
French  master  Charles  Frederick  Worth,  who  was 
destined  to  become  one  of  the  most  celebrated  and 
influential  couturiers  of  all  time.  Another  dress  bears 
the  label  of  Worth's  closest  rival,  Emile  Pingat,  then 
also  new  in  the  business.  The  third  dress,  although 
not  certainly  from  Paris,  is  likely  to  have  been  made 
there  as  well,  since  it  was  worn  to  a  ball  given  at 
the  Tuileries  by  Napoleon  III  and  Empress  Eugenie 
before  it  appeared  at  the  Prince  of  Wales  event. 
While  in  New  York  the  world  of  clothing  was  becom- 
ing a  vast  mix  of  department  stores,  specialty  shops, 
custom  or  couture  houses,  and  manufacturers  and 
retailers  of  ready-to-wear,  in  mid-nineteenth-century 
Paris  the  fashion  structure  was  beginning  to  revolve 
aroimd  elite  couture  houses.  Instead  of  buying  fab- 
ric at  a  top  draper's  and  taking  it  to  a  modiste,  one 
might  have  a  dress  made  by  a  couturier  (conducting 
himself  like  an  artiste)^  a  procedure  that  was  brand 
new.  Well-traveled,  weU-heeled  New  Yorkers  were, 
typically,  among  the  first  clients  of  French  couture. 


"AHEAD  OF  THE  WORLD":   FASHION  2$7 


Despite  obvious  differences,  the  dresses  New  York- 
ers wore  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  ball  share  some 
important  characteristics  with  the  gown  worn  to 
the  Lafayette  ball  decades  earlier.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  two  of  the  Paris-made  dresses,  the  Pingat 
creation  and  the  ball  gown  worn  to  the  Tuileries, 
which  are  elaborately  cut  in  accordance  with  the 
latest  fashion  plates,  the  dresses  of  both  eras  have 
what  can  be  described  as  simple  silhouettes."^  The 
most  elaborate  aspect  of  the  designs  is  the  fabrics, 
which  are  the  best  the  world  had  to  offer.  Because 
New  Yorkers  had  access  to  all  the  very  latest  fash- 
ions, it  is  safe  to  assume  that  they  preferred  simpler 
designs  that  did  not  detract  from  connoisseur- 
level  silks  and  laces.  The  Paris-made  clothes  are 
more  sophisticated  in  cut,  but  the  workmanship  of 
dresses  made  in  the  two  centers  seems  equal.  In 
treasuring  fine  materials  New  Yorkers  were  per- 
haps holding  on  to  their  colonial  past,  when  "cloth- 
ing was  much  more  difficult  to  obtain  than  food 
or  shelter"  because  importing  textiles  was  extremely 
expensive  and  making  them  at  home  was  enormously 
time-consuming.'*^ 

Scarcely  three  months  after  the  Prince  of  Wales 
ball,  Mary  Todd  Lincoln  celebrated  her  husband's 
election  with  a  shopping  expedition  in  New  York 
City.  Newspaper  and  magazine  accounts  of  the  mar- 
velous New  York- made  clothes  worn  that  notable 
evening  must  have  been  on  her  mind  as  she  sought 
to  outfit  herself  appropriately  for  her  future  role  as 
First  Lady  (see  fig.  209).  Offered  credit,  easily  per- 
suaded by  able  salesclerks  to  overspend,  and  flattered 
by  the  attentions  of  reporters  following  her  around, 
Mrs.  Lincoln  spent  freely:  at  A.  T  Stewart  she  bought 
more  than  one  black  lace  shawl  for  $650  each  as  well 
as  a  camel-hair  shawl  for  $1,000.  There  seems  to  have 
been  no  celebrity  discount  for  the  wife  of  a  new  presi- 
dent likely  to  be  involved  in  a  civil  war.  Once  in  the 
White  House,  she  wrote  to  her  favorite  New  York 
stores  placing  order  after  order. It  was  often  said 
that  Mrs.  Lincoln  lived  in  fear  that  her  husband 
would  fail  to  be  reelected,  as  this  would  result  in  the 
calling  in  of  all  her  debts— and  some  idea  of  those 
debts  is  given  by  her  Washington  dressmaker,  Eliza- 
beth Keckley,  who  quoted  her  remark,  'T  owe  alto- 
gether about  twenty-seven  thousand;  the  principal 
portion  at  Stewart's,  in  New  York."'*^  The  First  Lady 
subsequendy  tried  to  liquidate  what  she  clearly  felt 
were  real  commodities,  but  the  attempt  backfired, 
and  for  the  rest  of  her  life  she  regarded  her  unmade 
silks,  lace  flounces,  and  other  New  York  purchases  as 
her  most  valuable  possessions. 


Mrs.  Lincoln  was  hardly  the  only  one  to  succumb 
to  the  allure  of  New  York's  wares.  After  the  Civil  War 
extravagance  proliferated,  so  much  so  that  in  reaction 
there  arose  expressions  of  moral  indignation.  In  a 
book  published  in  1869,  The  Women  of  New  York, 
George  Ellington  included  a  disapproving  yet  fawn- 
ingly  detailed  chapter  entided  "Extravagance  in  Dress." 
"In  the  matter  of  female  dress  New  York  City  is  ahead 
of  the  world,"  he  wrote.  "The  women  of  Boston  may 
be  well  and  richly  dressed,  but  the  prevailing  fashions 
are  always  toned  down  to  a  more  sensible  and  clas- 
sical elegance,  which  is  well-befitting  the  Athens  of 
America.  Brains  rule  at  the  Hub;  gold  is  the  god  in 
Gotham.  The  quiet  dames  of  Philadelphia  are  much 
more  plainly  clad  than  their  Manhattan  sisters;  while 
even  the  women  of  Cincinnati,  Chicago  and  St.  Louis 
do  not  go  to  such  extreme  lengths  as  those  of  the 
metropolis."  That  New  York  women  had  become 
walking  displays  of  dry  goods  was  only  the  beginning. 
From  the  Gilded  Age  on,  every  generation  would 
have  to  come  to  terms  with  conspicuous  consump- 
tion in  its  most  visible  form:  dress. 


Fig.  209.  Mathew  B.  Brady,  Preinau^uration  Portrait  of 
Mary  Todd  Lincoln,  wearing  the  Tiffany  pearl  parure  (cat. 
no.  211)  as  well  as  a  fashionable  ball  gown  likely  made  with 
silk  brocade  purchased  during  her  New  York  trip,  taken  in 
Washington,  D.C.,  1861.  Albumen  silver  print  from  glass 
negative.  Collection  of  The  New  York-Historical  Society 


43.  The  Pingat  ball  gown  and  the 
dress  worn  to  the  Tuileries  are  in 
the  colleaion  of  the  Museum  of 
the  City  of  New  York.  The  for- 
mer (61.193)  is  pale  mauve  pink 
silk  satin  with  bands  of  embroi- 
dered flowers  and  ivory  silk 
fringe,  and  the  latter  (46.315)  is 
ivory  silk  talFeta  trimmed  with 
lavender.  Like  many  Prince  of 
Wales  dresses,  they  have  never 
been  photographed. 

44.  While  the  construction  of  the 
i860  dresses  may  seem  elabo- 
rate, it  is  not  actually  compli- 
cated; gathering  even  a  wide 
tubular  skirt  into  a  waistband 
and  making  tiers  or  ruffles 
would  be  among  the  first  sewing 
skills  acquired  by  any  novice. 

45.  Claudia  Kidwell  and  Margaret 

C.  Christman,  Suiting  Everyone: 
The  Democratization  of  Cloth- 
ing in  America  (Washington, 

D.  C.:  National  Museum  of 
History  and  Technology,  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  1974),  p.  21. 

46.  For  Mary  Todd  Lincoln's  letters 
to  such  favorite  Manhattan  mer- 
chants as  J.  Dartois,  who  sold 
trimmings;  E.  Uhlfelder,  a 
dealer  in  fancy  goods;  Edwin  A. 
Brooks,  famous  for  shoes  and 
boots;  George  A.  Hearn,  dry 
goods;  May  and  Company, 
which  billed  her  $628.01  for, 
among  other  items,  eighty-four 
pairs  of  gloves;  and  Madame 
Harris,  known  for  exclusive 
hats,  see  Justin  G.  Turner  and 
Linda  Levitt  Turner,  Mary  Todd 
Lincoln:  Her  Life  and  Letters, 
reprint  (New  York:  Fromm 
International,  1987). 

47.  Elizabeth  Keckley,  Behind  the 
Scenes:  Formerly  a  Slave,  but 
More  Recently  Modiste,  and 
Friend  to  Mrs.  Lincoln;  or, 
Thirty  Tears  a  Slave  and  Four 

'  Tears  in  the  White  House  (New 
York:  G.  W.  Carleton  8c  Co., 
1868),  p.  149. 

48.  George  Ellington,  pseud., 
The  Women  of  New  Tork;  or, 
The  Under-world  of  the  Great 
City  .  .  .  (New  York:  New  York 
Book  Co.,  1869),  p.  28. 


The  Products  of  Empire:  Shopping  for  Home 
Decorations  in  New  Tork  City 

AMELIA  PECK 


New  York  City,  also  known  as  the  "Great 
Emporium,"  became  a  shopping  capital  that 
rivaled  London  and  Paris  during  the  mid- 
dle of  the  nineteenth  century.  Goods  from  all  over  the 
world  could  be  found  in  the  stores  lining  Broadway. 
This  essay  will  survey  what  was  available  to  New 
Yorkers  in  the  way  of  mantels,  carpets,  wallpapers, 
and  upholstery  goods  and  services  between  1825  and 
1861  and  discuss  some  of  the  principal  merchandisers 
and  manufacturers  of  these  home  decorations. 

During  this  period  consumers  in  New  York  became 
less  dependent  on  European  products.  In  a  fervor  of 
nationalism  following  the  War  of  1812,  Americans 
demanded  that  domestic  manufacturers  produce 
goods  that  equaled  those  made  in  Britain  and  France. 
Some  industries,  such  as  marble  working  and  carpet 
weaving,  quickly  rose  to  the  challenge;  others,  such  as 
wallpaper  manufacture  and  silk  weaving,  took  a  few 
additional  decades  to  perfect  their  products. 

As  New  York  City  grew  northward,  the  main  shop- 
ping distria  shifted  accordingly.  In  the  1820s  and  1830s 
many  of  the  businesses  investigated  in  this  study  were 
located  in  small  shops  on  or  near  Pearl  Street.  By  the 
1850S  most  had  moved  into  palatial  stores  on  Broad- 
way. This  grand  avenue— the  city's  widest  north- 
south  artery— changed  during  these  decades  from  a 
residential  street  to  one  lined  with  stores,  theaters, 
and  hotels.^  Among  other  things,  Broadway  became 
the  amusement  destination  for  city  dwellers.  As  the 
economy  grew,  allowing  more  and  more  people  to 
purchase  myriad  goods,  shopping  took  on  a  recre- 
ational quality.  Large  stores  with  huge  glass  display 
windows,  such  as  A.  T.  Stewart's  magnificent  dry-goods 
emporium  (commonly  called  the  "Marble  Palace")  on 
Broadway,  attracted  people  to  the  area.  Even  such 
specialty  shops  as  wallpaper  and  carpet  warehouses 
assumed  grand  proportions  to  match  the  grand  scale 
of  Broadway. 

It  is  interesting  and  somewhat  surprising  to  dis- 
cover that  the  female  consumer  did  not  take  on  a 
much  more  active  role  during  this  period.  In  fact, 
things  remained  much  as  they  had  been  in  earlier 


times.  Women  continued  to  be  the  primary  shoppers 
for  clothing  textiles,  household  Hnens,  and  basic 
kitchen  furnishing  items.  The  large  dry-goods  palaces 
on  Broadway,  such  as  A.  T.  Stewart  (which  opened  its 
doors  in  1846)  and  Lord  and  Taylor  (which  followed 
suit  in  i860),  catered  to  women  shoppers.  These 
embryonic  department  stores,  which  had  begun  their 
existence  downtown  in  the  1820s  (A.  T  Stewart  in 
1823  and  Lord  and  Taylor  in  1826),  sold  fabrics,  trim- 
mings, and  accessories  for  clothing,  adding  house- 
hold linens  to  their  inventories  by  1840  but  not 
expanding  into  carpets  and  upholstery  fabrics  until 
the  18508.^  Men  held  the  purse  strings  more  tightly 
for  home  furnishings.  Although  the  women  of  the 
household  energetically  researched  and  spoke  their 
minds  about  these  major  purchases  for  the  home,  the 
male  wage  earners  in  the  family  had  a  proportionately 
larger  vote.  This  pattern  changed  during  the  Civil  War, 
when  women  were  obliged  to  act  more  independ- 
endy  in  the  realms  of  family  and  work.  Home  life 
itself  was  redefined  after  1865;  men  became  pre- 
occupied with  the  dramatic  expansion  of  business 
and  industry  during  the  postwar  years  and  left  the 
domestic  sphere  completely  to  women,  who  at  that 
time  emerged  as  the  primary  shoppers  for  the  home.^ 
Perhaps  the  most  interesting  change  in  the  way 
people  shopped  during  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century  lies  in  the  realm  of  the  psychological.  Con- 
suming became  a  pleasure  often  fraught  with  discom- 
fort. Contemporary  journalism  celebrates  the  grand 
shops  opening  on  Broadway,  the  high  quality  of 
the  goods,  and  the  opportunities  for  both  social  and 
personal  transformation  that  items  such  as  new  wall- 
paper or  a  beautiful  carpet  could  bring  to  a  pur- 
chaser. By  contrast,  much  of  the  fiction  of  the  period 
focuses  on  the  purchase  of  goods  inappropriate  to 
the  buyer's  class  and  lifestyle,  things  that  are  too  ex- 
pensive and  ultimately  bring  misfortune  to  the  owner. 
High  anxiety  about  shopping  had  entered  the  arena. 
Before  the  industrial  revolution,  when  wealth  and 
class  were  determined  by  land  ownership,  only  a  small 
segment  of  society  had  the  means  to  purchase  luxury 


The  author  would  like  to  thank 
Carol  Irish,  Lonna  Schwartz,  Rachel 
Bonk,  and  Anna  Maria  Canatella,  as 
well  as  the  exhibition  staff,  for  their 
help  in  researching  this  essay. 

1.  For  more  on  the  history  of 
Broadway,  see  Charles  Lock- 
wood,  Manhattan  Moves 
Uptown:  An  Illustrated  History 
(Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin 
Company,  1976);  and  David  W. 
Dunlap,  On  Broadway:  A  Jour- 
ney Uptown  over  Time  (New 
York:  Rizzoli,  1990). 

2.  Lord  and  Taylor's  first  known 
advertisement,  published  in  the 
New -Tork  Enquirer,  October 
30, 1826,  was  for  plaid  silk 
dress  fabric  and  other  items 

of  apparel,  such  as  cashmere 
shawls.  An  1838  sales  receipt 
lists  Lord  and  Taylor  as  "Deal- 
ers in  Dry  Goods,  Irish  Linens, 
Sheetings,  Diapers,  Shawls, 
Laces,  Gloves,  Silk  &  Cotton 
Hosiery,  &c."  For  both,  see 
ne  History  of  Lord  &  Taylor 
(New  York:  Lord  and  Taylor, 
1926),  pp.  7, 14.  In  1857-58 
they  advertised  both  "carpct- 
ings  and  upholstery  goods" 
( The  Albion,  May  16, 1857, 
p.  240)  and  "Fashionable  Dry 
Goods  ...  for  Fall  and  Winter 
Wear"  {The  Albion,  November 
20, 1858,  p.  563). 

3.  For  perspectives  on  women 
and  consumerism,  see  Making 
the  American  Home:  Middle- 
Class  Women  and  Domestic 
Material  Culture,  1840-1940, 
edited  by  Marilyn  Ferris  Motz 
and  Pat  Browne  (Bowling 
Green,  Ohio:  Bowling  Green 
State  University  Popular  Press, 
1988),  especially  the  essay 
"American  Women  and  Domes- 
tic Consumption,  1800-1920: 
Four  Interpretive  Themes," 

by  Jean  Gordon  and  Jan 
McArthur,  pp.  27-47. 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  222 


260    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  210.  Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  Italian,  Mantel  with  caryatid  supports,  ca.  1830.  Marble. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Purchase,  1977  1999.125 


goods  for  the  home;  now  abnost  anyone  could  afford 
inexpensive  but  decorative  American-made  wallpaper 
or  brightly  colored  American-woven  ingrain  carpet. 
It  became  increasingly  hard  to  use  the  furnishing  of 
home  interiors  as  an  index  of  social  class.  Newly 
purchased  brownstones  owned  by  upper-level  clerks 
could  be  decorated  quite  well  for  relatively  little 
money.  Home  decorating  had  always  been  a  way  to 
declare  one's  status  in  society;  now,  as  more  and  more 
people  had  attractive  and  well-fiirnished  homes,  the 
established  gentry  began^o  feel  concern  about  soci- 
ety's more  permeable  boundaries. 

As  a  reflection  of  this  class  discomfort,  a  new  type 
of  economic  moralism  began  to  appear  in  novels 
and  magazine  stories,  many  of  which  were  written 
and  edited  by  members  of  the  traditional  elite.  The 
subtext  of  these  narratives  may  be  interpreted  as  a 
warning  to  the  nouveaux  riches.  This  new  city-based 
middle  class,  made  up  of  people  from  rural  New 
England  as  well  as  the  more  threatening  immigrants 
from  Ireland  and  the  British  Isles,  was  being  told 
to  know  its  place;  making  and  spending  too  much 
money  and  attempting  to  rise  in  society  were  por- 
trayed as  potentially  disastrous.  A  good  example  of 
this  type  of  parable  is  found  in  the  novel  Fashion  and 
Famine  (1855)  by  Ann  S.  Stephens,  a  well-respected 


editor  and  writer  who  was  educated  in  Connecticut, 
where  her  father  managed  several  woolen  mills.  Second 
in  popularity  in  its  day  only  to  Uncle  Tom^s  Cabin,  it 
tells  the  story  of  Ada  Wilcox  Leicester,  a  very  unhappy 
woman  who  lives  in  a  grand  house,  surrounded  by  aU 
the  luxuries  New  York  City  could  offer.  Ada  was  once 
an  innocent  coimtry  girl,  but  she  let  herself  be  cor- 
rupted by  the  evil  Mr.  Leicester,  a  liar  and  a  woman- 
izer, who  filled  her  head  with  the  promise  of  material 
wealth  in  order  to  "have  his  way  with  her."  Ada  is 
finally  redeemed  after  her  father  convinces  her  to  give 
up  her  material  possessions,  since  they  are  not  the  key 
to  true  happiness.  She  transforms  her  house  into  a 
charity  home  for  destitute  old  gentlewomen  (gone 
are  the  heavy  carpets  and  the  silken  draperies,  replaced 
with  India  straw  matting  and  white  muslin  curtains) 
and  reenters  the  moral  world. 

Another  recurring  plot  is  illustrated  by  "Sparing  to 
Spend;  or.  The  Loftons  and  the  Pinkertons"  (1853)  by 
T.  S.  Arthur,  a  top  editor  and  writer  of  the  day,  who 
traced  his  lineage  back  to  a  Revolutionary  War  officer. 
The  tale  charts  the  parallel  lives  of  two  couples.  The 
husbands  are  both  clerks  with  similar  positions,  but 
one  wife  is  modest  and  careful  in  her  spending  while 
the  other  is  grandiose  and  a  spendthrift."^  The  grandi- 
ose wife,  Flora  Pinkerton,  convinces  her  husband  to 


PRODUCTS  OF   EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  26l 


buy  expensive  furniture  and  a  big  house  that  is  far 
beyond  their  means.  She  snubs  the  modest  wife,  Ellen 
Lofton,  who  is  not  sufficiently  fashionable  to  be  her 
friend.  All  this  spending  eventually  drives  Pinkerton  to 
wreck  his  career  by  stealing  money  from  his  employer  in 
order  to  maintain  the  image  his  wife  is  trying  to  project. 
The  modest  Loftons  rise  slowly  and  steadily  in  the  world 
and  eventually  are  in  a  position  to  be  kind  and  helpful 
to  the  ruined  couple.  The  message  of  the  story  is  that 
it  is  immoral  to  be  showy  and  to  live  beyond  one's 
means.  When  the  novel  was  reviewed  in  Godey^s  Lcidy^s 
Book,  its  message  was  spelled  out  clearly:  'The  high 
moral  aim  of  the  present  volume  is  'to  exhibit  the  evils 
that  flow  from  the  too  common  lack  of  prudence,  self- 
denial,  and  economy  in  young  people  at  the  beginning 
of  life;  and  also  to  show,  by  contrast,  the  beneficial  results 
pf  a  wise  restriction  of  the  wants  to  the  means.'  No 
one  will  rise  from  the  perusal  of  this  naturally  written 
story  without  feeling  himself  strengthened  in  all  good 
and  honorable  resolutions."^  Yet  this  must  have  been 
a  hard  message  to  live  by  when  Broadway  beckoned. 

Marble  yards  were  important,  lucrative  businesses  in 
New  York  City  from  about  1830  on.  They  provided 


builders  and  homeowners  with  exterior  products— 
such  as  marble  facing,  which  was  most  often  used  for 
large  public  buildings  and  hotels— and  interior  prod- 
ucts, such  as  marble  floor  tiles  and  carved  mantel- 
pieces. When  the  fashionable,  picturesque  cemeteries 
were  created  in  the  areas  surrounding  Manhattan  (the 
first,  established  in  1838,  was  Green-Wood  Cemetery  in 
Brooklyn),  fancy  and  often  figural  monuments  became 
a  large  segment  of  a  typical  marble  yard's  business. 

Before  1825  in  Federal-period  New  York,  mantels  in 
even  the  best  houses  were  usually  made  of  wood  orna- 
mented with  composition  material,  a  plasterlike  sub- 
stance. If  a  very  grand  house  had  a  real  marble  mantel, 
it  was  imported  from  Europe.  After  1825  and  through 
the  1830s,  most  row  houses  built  in  lower  Manhattan 
had  imported  mantels  in  their  parlors,  often  carved  in 
Italy  of  white  statuary  marble.  One  Italian  model  with 
two  classically  draped  maidens  who  hold  the  mantel 
entablature  and  shelf  on  their  heads  was  especially  pop- 
ular. The  Metropolitan  Museum  owns  an  example  that 
came  down  through  the  Hewitt  family,  and  it  may 
have  been  installed  originally  in  one  of  the  houses  of 
Colonnade  Row  (1833)  on  Lafayette  Street  (fig.  210).  A 
portrait  of  the  Fiedler  family  painted  about  1850  in  the 
parlor  of  their  house,  which  dates  to  about  1830,  still 
proudly  displays  a  mantel  of  the  same  type  (fig.  211). 


4.  T.  S.  Arthur,  "Sparing  to 
Spend;  or,  The  Loftons  and 
the  Pinkertons,"  parts  1-4, 
Arthur's  Home  Magazine  1 
(February  1853),  pp.  365-74, 
(March  1853),  pp.  413-31, 
(April  1853),  pp.  494-512, 
(May  1853),  pp.  572-86. 

5.  Godey^s  Lady's  Book  48  (Janu- 
ary 1854),  p.  81. 


262   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  212.  Fisher  and  Bird,  Mantel  depicting  scenes  from  Jacques-Henri  Bemardin  de  Saint-Pierre's 
Paul  et  Virgink  (1788),  1851.  Marble.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Edward  W. 
Freeman,  1932  32.269a-h,j 


6.  See  The  New  Tork  Business 
Directory,  fori840  &1841  and 
for  i8so  ZiriSsi .  - .  (New  York: 
Publication  Office,  1840  and 
1850);  and  Manufa-ctures  of  the 
United  States  in  i860;  Com- 
piled from  the  Original  Re- 
turns of  the  Eighth  Census 
(Washington,  D.C.:  Govern- 
ment Printing  Office,  1865). 

7.  The  1871  edition  of  The  Mar- 
ble-Workers' Manual,  first  pub- 
lished in  New  York  in  1856, 
contained  an  appendix  listing 
the  appearance  and  properties 
of  marbles  found  in  many 
American  states.  Vermont  is 
especially  rich  in  various  mar- 
bles, which  were  quarried  from 
the  Green  Mountains.  White 
marble  from  West  Rudand 
was  said  to  surpass  Italian 
white  statuary  marble  in  qual- 
ity. See  The  Marble-Workers' 
Manual,  .  .  .  translated  from 
French  by  M.  L.  Booth  (Phila- 
delphia: Henry  Carey  Baird, 
1871).  Some  of  the  earliest 
advertisements  for  marble  sculp- 
ture, such  as  those  placed  by 
John  Frazee  in  the  Working- 
man's  Advocate,  March  5,  i8?i, 
p.  6,  state  that  monuments, 
fountains,  and  so  forth  could 
be  provided  in  either  American 
or  foreign  marble. 

8.  Advertisements  for  Alexander 
Roux  and  Julius  Dessoir 
(The  Albion,  November  20, 
1858,  p.  564)  listed  wood 


At  the  end  of  the  1830s  the  marble-working  indus- 
try boomed  when  steam-powered  tools  became  avail- 
able for  cutting  marble.  In  1833  there  were  only  four 
marble  manufacturers  listed  in  the  New  York  City 
directories;  by  1840  nine  yards  appeared  under 
''Marble  Manufacturers  and  Dealers."  The  number 
rose  to  thirty-seven  in  1850-51,  and  according  to  the 
special  schedule  of  the  i860  federal  census  devoted  to 
the  products  of  industry,  there  were  in  that  year  forty 
marble-cutting  establishments  in  New  York  City,  with 
832  employees  and  an  annual  product  of  $1,260,949.^ 
Fancy  mantels  became  more  common  as  time  went 
on  because  the  new  steam-powered  drills  and  saws 
lowered  the  cost  of  cutting  the  stone  at  the  quarry  and 
also  reduced  the  time  spent  performing  the  gross 
carving.  Also  during  this  period,  quarries  were  dis- 
covered in  the  United  States  that  provided  marble 
adequate  for  mantels  intended  to  adorn  the  less  impor- 
tant rooms  of  a  house.  ^  Better  methods  of  transporta- 
tion in  and  out  of  the  city  also  had  a  positive  effect  on 
the  marble  industry. 

Throughout  the  period  of  this  study,  Italian  white 
statuary  marble  was  always  the  first  choice  for  parlor 
mantels.  By  1840  New  York  craftsmen  were  proficient 
at  carving  high-style  mantels  from  imported  Italian 
stone.  It  is  likely  that  some  of  the  carvers  employed 
by  the  marble  yards  were  highly  trained  Italian  immi- 
grants; the  late  1840s  saw  great  unrest  in  Italy,  and 
at  that  time  the  first  small  wave  of  skilled  Italian 


workers  made  their  way  to  New  York.  While  some 
immigrants  opened  their  own  businesses,  the  major- 
ity of  the  names  of  owners  of  marble  enterprises  in 
the  1850-51  New  York  business  directories  seem  to 
be  Anglo-Saxon. 

As  is  true  today,  there  was  always  a  demand  for  good 
secondhand  mantels.  A  truly  special  figural  mantel>  such 
as  the  Paul  et  Ytrginie  example  made  by  Fisher  and  Bird 
for  Hamilton  Fish  (cat.  no.  220;  fig.  212),  was  often  sal- 
vaged and  reinstalled  in  another  place  after  the  house 
for  which  it  had  been  made  was  sold  or  torn  down. 
After  Fish's  death,  in  1893,  publisher  William  H.  Ap- 
pleton  bought  the  ¥aul  et  Virgink  mantel;  it  is  imclear 
whether  it  was  acquired  at  auction,  bought  through 
a  dealer,  or  purchased  direcdy  from  the  family.  By 
then  more  than  forty  years  old  and  certainly  out  of 
style,  it  was  installed  in  the  parlor  of  Appleton's  River- 
dale  house. 

Other  materials  for  mantels,  such  as  cast  iron  and, 
once  again,  wood,  gained  popularity  during  the 
1850S.  Highly  decorative  carved  wood  examples  were 
available  through  fine  cabinetmakers,  such  as  Alexander 
Roux  and  Julius  Dessoir.^  Cast-iron  mantels,  marble- 
ized  to  deceive  the  eye,  were  often  used  for  secondary 
rooms  or  throughout  lesser  houses  (see  fig.  213).  One 
of  the  leading  cast-iron  mantel  companies  in  New 
York  placed  the  following  advertisement  in  1853: 

THE  SALAMANDER  MARBLE  COMPANY  invite 

attention  to  their  unique  and  splendid  assortment 

of  MARBLEIZED  IRON  MANTELS,  COLUMNS,  TABLE 

TOPS,  &c.,  &c.,  exhibiting  at  their  Warerooms,  813 
Broadway. 

This  new  and  beautiful  combination  obtained  the 
GOLD  MEDAL  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  American  Insti- 
tute, and  is  pronounced  by  scient^c  men  to  be  one 
of  the  most  practically  useful  improvements  of  the 


Fig.  213.  Manufacturer  unknown.  Mantel,  United  States, 
ca.  1850.  Painted  cast  iron.  Location  unknown 


PRODUCTS  OF  EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  263 


present  age.  It  possesses  many  advantages  over  real 
marhkj  being  cheaper^  more  durable^  and  capable  of 
resisting  a  greater  amount  of  heat,  whilst  it  so  closely 
resembles  it,  that  the  most  practised  eye  can  scarcely 
discover  the  difference!^ 

Another  company,  the  New  York  Marbleized  Iron 
Works,  which  had  its  manufactory  at  401-405  Cherry 
Street,  claimed  that  its  mantels  were  "about  one-third 
the  cost,  in  comparison  with  all  other  kinds  of  Man- 
tels; also  [they  have]  the  advantage  of  being  packed 
and  sent  with  safety  to  any  part  of  the  country."  As 
this  advertisement  indicates,  both  cast-iron  and  marble 
mantels  made  in  New  York  were  shipped  to  many 
other  areas  of  the  United  States,  places  that  did  not 
have  skilled  labor,  an  active  harbor,  or  easy  access  to 
sources  of  natural  stone— advantages  that  brought 
New  York  City's  marble  industry  to  prominence  dur- 
ing the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Retailers  and  Manufacturers 

Fisher  and  Bird  was  for  many  years  the  pre- 
mier marble-working  firm  in  New  York.^^  One  of  the 
founders,  John  Thomas  Fisher,  arrived  in  New  York 
from  Dublin  in  1829.  He  married  Eliza  Bird  of  Orange 
County,  New  York,  and  in  1832  started  the  business 
with  two  of  his  brothers-in-law,  Clinton  G.  Bird  and 
Michael  Bird.  It  is  not  known  who  among  them  had 
marble-working  expertise.  They  used  both  imported 
and  American  marble  stocks  and  offered  a  variety  of 
products  to  their  customers.  Although  they  advertised 
among  their  wares  finished  mantels  from  Europe,  it 
seems  likely  that  they  cut  and  carved  most  of  their 
marble  products  on  their  New  York  City  premises 


Firm  names:  Fisher  and  Bird  (1832-85), 
Robert  C.  Fisher  (1885-1915) 
Owners:  John  T.  Fisher  (d.  i860),  Michael  Bird 
(not  listed  after  1853),  Clinton  G.  Bird  (d.  1861), 
Robert  C.  Fisher  (1837-1893;  son  of  John  T  Fisher, 
joined  business  in  1854,  succeeded  father  as  senior 
parmer  in  1859),  Clinton  G.  Bird  II  (son  of  Michael 
Bird,  joined  business  in  1861) 
Locations 

1832-35      354  Broome  Street 
1836-52     287  Bowery 

1853  287  Bowery  and  899  Broadway 

1854  287  Bowery  and  904  Broadway 

1855  287  Bowery,  904  Broadway,  and 
460-465  Houston  Street 

1856-60  287  Bowery  and  460-465  Houston  Street 
1861-1915   97-103  East  Houston  Street 


(fig.  214).  The  long-lived  firm  was  large  and  appar- 
endy  profitable.  In  the  i860  federal  census,  Fisher  and 
Bird  was  described  as  having  $50,000  worth  of 
invested  capital,  sixty-five  employees,  and  an  average 
monthly  payroll  of  $2,000,  The  firm  reported  annual 
sales  as  follows: 

mantels  $30,000 
marble  tiling  17,000 
funerary  monuments  11,000 
monument  stock  11,000 

marble  blocks  10,000 

marble  slabs  10,000 
other  articles  SyOOO 

Total  $94,000^^ 

Fisher  and  Bird  sold  both  relatively  modest  mantels 
from  stock  and  extremely  luxurious  custom  examples. 
In  1846  a  customer  ordered  ten  stock  mantels  for  his 
house  at  a  total  cost  of  $480,  plus  $14.40  for  ship- 
ping insurance.  The  price  tag  for  the  most  expensive 
piece  was  $100;  the  cheapest  cost  him  $27.50.^^  At  the 


mantels  among  the  products 
they  could  supply. 

9.  Illustrated  News  (New  York), 
February  5, 1853,  p.  94- 

10.  Ibid.,  April  2, 1853,  p.  222. 

11.  Biographical  information  on 
John  Thomas  Fisher  and  the 
Birds  may  be  found  in  the 
entry  on  Robert  Cockburn 
Fisher  (son  of  John  Thomas), 
in  America's  Successful  Men  of 
/^airs:  An  Encyclopedin  of 
Contemporaneous  Bio^iraphy, 
edited  by  Henry  Hall  (New 
York;  New  York  Tribune,  1895), 
vol.  I,  p.  239.  Information 
about  their  business  comes 
from  New  York  City  directories 
and  advertisements  they  placed 
in  newspapers  and  journals, 
such  as  one  in  the  Cottage 
Keepsake;  or.  Amusement  and 
Instruction  Combined  .  .  . 
(Philadelphia:  J.  E.  Potter, 
1857),  p.  63,  in  which  they 
advertise  stocking  "American 
and  Foreign  Marble  Mantels." 

12.  See  Manufactures  of  the 
United  States  in  i860. 


r  J^w^-w  M  M  %  ffi 

1  HI  W  SSflf  ^ 


Fig.  214.  Fisher  and  Bird^s Marble  Tard,  287  Bowery^  New  Tork^  ca.  1836.  Engraving  and  etching  by 
John  Baker.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection 
of  New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.673 


264    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  215.  Fisher  and  Bird,  Mantel  widi  figural  supports,  1857.  Marble.  Litchfield  Villa, 
New  York  City  Parks  Department  Headquarters,  Prospect  Park,  Brooklyn 


13.  We  know  that  they  were  stock 
designs  because  the  invoice 
lists  them  by  design  numbers. 
The  most  expensive  was  num- 
ber one  and  the  least  expensive 
was  number  fourteen.  Fisher 
and  Bird  to  Mr.  David  [  ], 
invoice,  December  31, 1846, 
Joseph  Downs  Collection  of 
Manuscripts  and  Printed 
Ephemera,  no.  97  x  28.8, 


Other  end  of  the  spectrum  was  the  figural  mantel  that 
wealthy  Hamilton  Fish  ordered  for  his  New  York  par- 
lor in  1851.  Custom  designed  and  custom  carved,  Fish's 
mantel  depicted  scenes  from  the  French  novelette 
Faul  ct  Yirgink  and  probably  cost  many  hundreds  of 
dollars  (cat.  no.  220;  fig.  212).  Another  figural  mantel 
attributed  to  Fisher  and  Bird  was  specified  by  architect 
Alexander  Jackson  Davis  for  the  parlor  of  Litchfield 


Fig.  216.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  Study  jbr  Dinir^-Room  Mantel  at  Knoll,  Tanytovmy 
New  Torky  1839.  Ink,  wash,  and  graphite.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.56 


Villa  in  1857.  i"*^  Although  Edwin  Litchfield,  the  owner 
of  this  grand  Brooklyn  house,  grumbled  at  paying  $550 
for  the  white  Carrara  marble  mantel,  which  features 
two  completely  carved  allegorical  female  figures,  pay 
he  did;  the  piece  survives  in  the  house  today  (fig.  215). 
In  1866,  for  $325,  Davis  commissioned  Fisher  and  Bird 
to '  make  the  mantel  carved  of  exotic  deep-red 
and  tawny  marbles  that  still  stands  in  the  dining  room 
at  Lyndhiirst  in  Tarrytown,  New  York.^^  Clearly, 
Fisher  and  Bird  was  the  manufacturer  of  choice  for 
the  best-quality  mantels  of  the  day. 

Underhill  and  Ferris  was  also  a  stable 
and  well-established  marble  yard.  One  of  the  first 
large  manufacturers  of  marble  mantels  in  New  York, 
the  firm  won  a  silver  medal  for  "a  beautifiil  Cararra 
marble  fire  place"  in  1834  at  the  seventh  annual  fair  of 
the  American  Listitute  of  the  City  of  New  York.^^  In 
1840  Alexander  Jackson  Davis  ordered  all  the  Gothic 
Revival  mantels  he  had  designed  for  Knoll  (later 
Lyndhurst)  in  Tarrytown,  New  York,  from  Underhill 
and  Ferris.  A  number  of  drawings  for  these  mantels 
survive;  the  one  for  the  mantel  in  the  original  dining 
room  (today  the  room  is  the  library)  includes  infor- 
mation about  prices,  the  marble,  and  possible  choices 
of  makers  (fig.  216).  The  mantel  selected  by  Davis's 
clients,  William  and  Philip  R.  Paulding,  was  of  white 
statuary  marble,  and  it  was  made  by  Underhill  and 
Ferris  for  $200.  Philip  Paulding  was  very  well  pleased 
with  Underhill  and  Ferris's  work;  in  a  letter  to  Davis, 
he  pronounced  the  mantels  for  the  house  "extremely 
tiegant"  and  gloated,  "How  the  ladies  will  dote  on 
them."^^  In  the  1848-49  volume  of  the  New-Tork 
Mercantile  Register,  the  firm  ran  a  large  illustrated 
advertisement,  naming  itself  a  "Marble  Factory  and 
Marble  Works"  and  calling  attention  to  its  holdings  of 
"the  largest  and  most  elegant  assortment  of  superior 
Marble  Mantels  ever  exhibited  in  this  country."  The 


Firm  names:  Underhill  and  Ferris  (1821-50), 
John  H.  Ferris  (1851-52),  Ferris  and  Taber 
(1852-57),  Augustus  Taber  (1858-87) 
Owners:  Edmund  Underhill  (left  business  in  1850), 
John  H.  Ferris  (left  business  in  1858),  Augustus 
Taber  (d.  1898;  son-in-law  of  John  H.  Ferris,  joined 
business  in  1852) 
Locations 

1821-24     Greenwich  Avenue  at  Beach  Street 
1825-37     64  Beach  Street 
1838-51      372  Greenwich  Avenue 
1852-57     386  Greenwich  Avenue 
1858-72     713  Water  Street 
1873-87     714  Water  Street 


PRODUCTS   OF   EMPIRE:   HOME   DECORATIONS  265 


Firm  names:  Ottaviano  Gori  (1837-58, 1861-64), 

Gori  and  Bourlier  (1859-61) 

Owners:  Ottaviano  Gori,  Alfred  J.  B.  Bourlier 

Locfitions 

1837-38 

73  Bleecker  Street 

1838-39 

566  Broadway 

1839-40 

35  Dey  Street 

1840-41 

16  and  18  Downing  Street 

1841-42 

428  Broadway 

1842-43 

99  Merchants'  Exchange 

1843-45 

315  Broadway 

1845-51 

893  Broadway 

1851-58 

895  and  897  Broadway 

1858-60 

895  Broadway 

1861-64 

West  Fifty-second  Street 

advertisement  continued,"Monuments  and  ornamen- 
tal Marble  work  in  general  for  sale,  and  the  Trade  sup- 
plied on  the  most  liberal  terms  at  the  old  establishment 
Steam  Marble  Works  of  underhill  &  ferris''^^ 
In  1853  the  firm,  now  called  Ferris  and  Taber,  con- 
tributed a  "sculptured"  mantelpiece  and  a  marble  vase 
and  pedestal  to  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibi- 
tion. Although  the  company  won  an  honorable  men- 
tion for  the  mantel,  its  artistic  standards  were 
probably  not  as  high  as  Fisher  and  Bird's.  In  1857,  the 
same  year  Davis  ordered  the  $550  parlor  mantel  for 
Litchfield  Villa  from  Fisher  and  Bird,  he  purchased 
the  next  most  expensive  mantel  for  the  house  from 
Ferris  and  Taber.  Described  as  having  spiral  columns, 
and  destined  for  either  the  dining  room  or  the  first- 
floor  bedchamber,  it  cost  only  $150. This  mantel  was 
probably  competendy  made  but  more  ordinary  than 
those  at  the  high  end  of  Fisher  and  Bird's  list.  After 
John  H.  Ferris  retired  from  the  business  in  1858,  his 
son-in-law,  Augustus  Taber,  turned  the  company  into 
a  wholesale  marble  business. 

Unlike  the  principals  of  Fisher  and  Bird  and  Under- 
hill and  Ferris,  Ottaviano  Gori  was  first  and 
foremost  a  marble  sculptor.  However,  during  the  1850s 
he  ran  a  major  retail  marble  showroom  specializing  in 
both  monuments  and  mantels.  A  photograph  taken 
by  Victor  Prevost  about  1853  shows  Gori's  establish- 
ment in  all  its  splendor  (fig.  217).  Standing  on  the  west 
side  of  Broadway  between  Nineteenth'  and  Twentieth 
streets,  Gori's  warerooms  display  monuments  outside 
at  street  level,  while  smaller,  more  delicate  statuary 
can  be  glimpsed  through  the  second- story  windows. 
Although  nowhere  to  be  seen  in  the  photograph, 
mantels  were  an  important  part  of  Gori's  business, 
judging  from  the  sign  on  the  building,  where  marble 
mantels  are  the  first  item  listed.  Gori  probably  emi- 
grated from  Italy  after  completing  his  training  there; 
he  first  appears  in  New  York  City  directories  listed  as 
a  sculptor.  By  1840  he  called  himself  a  sculptor  and 
scagliola  (imitation  marble)  manufacturer;  in  his 
most  complete  directory  entry  (for  1848-49),  he  lists 
himself  as  "sculptor  and  modeller,  marble  mantels, 
statuary,  monuments  &c.,  scagliola  and  plaster  orna- 
ments." Some  of  Gori's  most  prominent  works  were 
the  ornamental  capitals,  each  depicting  "a  cornucopia 
intertwined  with  the  caduceus  of  Mercury,  the  god  of 
commerce,"  made  for  the  interior  of  A.  T.  Stewart's 
1846  Marble  Palace  dry-goods  emporium. At  the 
1853  Crystal  Palace  exhibition,  Gori  received  an 
honorable  mention  for  a  "mantelpiece  of  variegated 
marble  ."^^  In  1855  the  New  York  State  census  reported 
that  Gori  had  invested  $40,000  in  his  "Marble 


Manufactory,"  that  the  annual  value  of  his  product, 
listed  only  as  "Statuary,"  was  $80,000,  and  that  he  had 
fifty  rnen.and  six  boys  working  for  him,  earning  an 
average  monthly  wage  of  $60.^^ 

Surprisingly,  in  spite  of  the  appearance  of  Gori's 
grand  establishment,  the  mantels  that  Davis  ordered 
from  him  for  Litchfield  Villa  were  probably  relatively 
modest,  judging  by  their  prices;  in  the  list  of  invoices 
at  the  end  of  Davis's  personal  specifications  for  the 
Litchfield  job,  this  notation  appears:  "June  1857  Chim- 
ney pieces  of  O.  Gori,  one  90. /one  40. /one  60. /one 
18. /one  20.  .  .  .  $228.00." Soon  after,  the  business 
ran  into  trouble.  According  to  the  reports  of  R.  G.  Dun 
and  Company,  a  financial  rating  service,  in  1857  Gori 
was  doing  a  "large  &  flourishing  trade"  and  owned 
twenty-four  lots  of  real  estate  in  Harlem  as  well  as  six 
other  houses  and  lots  in  other  parts  of  the  city.  He 
also  had  the  contract  to  fiirnish  the  marble  front  for 
Eno's  Hotel  on  Broadway.  But  the  financial  panic  of 
1857  conibined  with  real-estate  speculation  must  have 
adversely  affected  his  business.  In  March  1858  he  was 
trying  to  raise  money  by  selling  his  real  estate  and  his 
marble  business.  By  i860  the  business  had  failed,  and 
Gori  had  left  for  Italy,  although  Gori's  wife,  Catherine, 
and  his  partner,  Alfred  Bourlier,  continued  running 
the  firm  in  New  York  in  a  small  way  until  1864.  In  the 
late  1850S  Gori  also  opened  a  marble  business  in 
San  Francisco  that  probably  existed  only  imtil  1861.^^ 

Floor  Coverings 

Between  1825  and  1861  the  carpet  business  in  New 
York  City  was,  for  the  most  part,  a  wholesaling  and 
retailing  industry.  During  the  1820s  and  1830s  almost 
ajl  the  carpets  sold  in  the  city  were  made  in  England, 
Scotiand,  or  France.  Oilcloths  also  came  from  the 
British  Isles,  and  straw  matting  was  imported  from 


courtesy  The  Winterthur 
Library,  Henry  Francis  Du  Pont 
Winterthur  Museum,  Winter- 
thur, Delaware. 

14.  Edwin  Litchfield  to  Alexander 
J.  Davis,  February[?]  5,  1857, 
Davis  Collection  (27-14), 
Avery  Architectural  and  Fine 
Arts  Library,  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, New  York.  This  mantel 
can  be  attributed  to  Fisher  and 
Bird  on  the  basis  of  references 
to  the  firm  that  Davis  made  in 
his  daybook.  In  the  entry  for 
July  24, 1857,  he  describes  a  visit 
to  Fisher  and  Bird  with  mem- 
bers of  the  Litchfield  family  and 
other  clients,  most  probably  to 
check  on  the  progress  of  this 
mantel  and  to  show  it  oft^to 
the  other  members  of  the  party. 
Davis  Collection  I,  Daybook 
vol.  2,  p.  102,  Avery  Architec- 
tural and  Fine  Arts  Library. 

15.  A.  J.  Davis  daybook,  June  22, 
1866,  Davis  Collection  I,  Day- 
book vol.  2,  p.  254,  Avery 
Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library.  Lyndhurst,  a  property 
of  the  National  Trust  for  His- 
toric Preservation,  is  a  house 
museum  open  to  the  public. 

16.  American  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  Judges'  reports, 
7th  Annual  Fair,  1834,  Ameri- 
can Institute,  case  2,  Manu- 
script Department,  The 
New-York  Historical  Society. 

17.  Philip  R.  Paulding  to  Alexan- 
der J.  Davis,  November  16, 
[841,  Archives,  Lyndhurst,  Tar- 
rytown.  New  York. 

18.  New-Tork  Mercantile  Register, 
1848-49,  p.  261. 

19.  List  of  invoices  paid,  Davis's 
own  copy  of  the  specifications 
for  Litchfield  Villa,  Brooklyn, 
vol.  15,  24.66.1414,  Department 
of  Drawings  and  Prints,  Metro- 
politan Museum. 

20.  R.  G.  Dun  Reports,  December 
10,  i860,  and  May  28,  1862 
(New  York  vol.  375,  p.  200), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  a>.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Uni- 
versity Graduate  School  of 
Business  Administration,  Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. 

21.  "Stewart's  New  Dry  Goods 
Store,"  New  York  Herald,  Sep- 
tember 18, 1846,  p.  2,  col.  5. 

22.  Cjfficial  Catalo0ue  of  the  New- 
Tork  Exhibition  of  the  Industry 
of  All  Nations,  1853  (New  York: 
George  P.  Putnam  and  Co;, 
1853),  class  27,  no.  9;  Associa- 
tion for  the  Exhibition  of  the 
Industry  of  All  Nations,  Offi- 
cial Awards  of  Juries  .  .  .  i8si 
(New  York:  Printed  for  the 
Association  by  William  C. 
Bryant  and  Co.,  1853),  P-  60, 


266    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  217.  Viaor  Prevost,  Ottaviano  Gori^s  Marble  Estahlishmmt^  895-897  Broadway^  ca.  1853.  Modem  gelatin  silver  print  from  waxed  paper  negative.  Collection  of 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of  Mr.  Samuel  V  Hoffman,  1906 


PRODUCTS   OF  EMPIRE: 


HOME  DECORATIONS  267 


Fig.  218.  Manufacturer  unknown,  United  States,  Venetian  carpet  (detail),  ca.  1825. 
Wool  and  cotton.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Roger  Donoho,  1931  31.24 


Fig.  219.  Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  British,  Brussels  carpet  (detail), 
ca.  i860.  Wool,  cotton,  and  linen.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  William  Brown  Meloney,  1941  41.196 


India  and  China.  Launched  in  a  small  way  in  the 
late  1820S,  using  only  handlooms,  American  carpet 
manufacture  began  to  gather  strength  after  Erastus 
Bigelow  invented  the  first  power  carpet  loom,  in 
1843.  Although  most  of  the  large  producers  were 
located  in  Pennsylvania,  Connecticut,  and  Massachu- 
setts, at  least  two  carpet  mills,  Alexander  Smith  and  A. 
and  E.  S.  Higgins,  existed  in  the  New  York  City  vicin- 
ity in  1850. 

At  the  beginning  of  our  period,  wool  two-ply 
flat-woven  carpets,  known  as  ingrain  carpets,  were 
by  far  the  most  popular  and  readily  available  textile 
floor  covering  in  New  York.  The  largest  producers 
were  located  in  Kidderminster,  England,  and  Kil- 
marnock, Scodand.  Ingrain  was  woven  in  strips  about 
thirty-six  inches  wide,  and  these  were  sewn  together 
and  stretched  to  cover  the  entire  floor  of  a  room,  wall 
to  wall.  Venetian  carpet,  a  warp-faced  flat-woven  tex- 
tile with  multicolored  stripes  (see  fig.  218),  was  also 
very  popular  in  the  early  decades  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  The  advertisement  quoted  below  indicates 
that  this  brighdy  striped  product  was  probably 
intended  only  for  halls  and  stairways,  but  some  people 
used  it  to  cover  the  floors  of  entire  rooms. Along 
with  these  cheaper  types  some  finer  British  floor  cov- 
erings were  imported,  such  as  Brussels  (looped  pile; 
see  fig.  219)  and  Wilton  (cut  pile)  carpeting.  When 
Albro  and  Hoyt  (1828-57),  a  carpet  retailer  that  even- 
tually turned  to  marketing  oilcloths,  opened  a  shop  in 
1828,  its  management  placed  an  advertisement  that 
suggests  the  relative  popularity  of  the  wares  offered: 
"The  Subscribers  having  taken  the  house  No.  105  Bow- 
ery, are  making  requisite  alterations,  which  will  be 


completed  by  the  12th  day  of  March,  when  they  will 
open  50  or  60  bales  fine  and  superfine  Ingrain  Carpet- 
ing. Received  by  the  latest  arrivals  from  Europe  15 
or  2Q  bales  superfine  and  low  priced  Venetian  Carpet- 
ing, for  halls  and  stairs:  will  also  offer  for  sale  a  gen- 
eral assortment  of  Brussels  and  Willow  Hearth  Rugs, 
Table  &  Piano  Covers,  Floor  Baizes,  Oil  Cloths,  India 
Matting,  &c."27 

During  the  1830s  and  1840s  ingrain  carpets  remained 
in  style;  however,  in  the  1850s  a  multitude  of  floor- 
covering  products  suddenly  became  available  to  the 
consumer,  and  what  might  be  described  as  a  carpet 
mania  ensued. 

THE  CARPET  TRADE,  It  is  singular  whf^t  a  remark- 
able taste  the  American  shows  for  a  ^ood  carpet.  It 
seems  to  be  impossible  for  him  to  walk  comfortably 
through  life  without  a  carpet  under  his  feet.  Every 
man  who  occupies  a  few  square  feet  of  house-room 
must  have  the  brick  or  boards  protected  from  his  tread 
by  so  much  carpeting  .  ,  .  the  well-to-do  American 
.  .  .  believes  in  enjoying  life;  and  considering  that 
carpets  contribute  to  lifers  enjoyment y  he  does  not 
hesitate  to  spread  everywhere  he  is  accustomed  to 
tread  with  a  due  quantity  of  three -ply ^  or  Tapestry , 
or  Brussels  J  or  Turkey. 

In  1859  England  exported  $2,174,064  worth  of  car- 
pets of  all  types  to  the  United  States,  while  France, 
which  produced  the  highest-quality  handmade  Aubus- 
sons,  exported  only  $10,317  worth.^^  Carpets  of  all 
prices  were  available  to  all  types  of  consumers.  George 
E,  L.  Hyatt,  of  273  Canal  Street,  a  dealer  in  carpets  of 
middling  quality  who  probably  priced  his  stock  at  the 


copies  of  both  at  the  New  York 
Pubhc  Library. 

23.  New  York  State  Census,  1855, 
Eighteenth  Ward,  First  Elec- 
tion District. 

24.  List  of  invoices  paid,  Davis's 
own  copy  of  the  specifications 
for  Litchfield  Villa,  Brooklyn, 
vol.  15,  24.66.1414,  Depart- 
ment of  Drawings  and  Prints, 
Metropolitan  Museum. 

25.  R.  G.  Dim  Reports,  August  7, 
1857  (New  York  vol.  378,  p.  331), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration. 

26.  For  an  example  of  striped  car- 
peting used  wall  to  wall,  see 
the  watercolor  of  1832  by 
Deborah  Goldsmith  tided  The 
Talcott  Family  (Abby  Aldrich 
Rockefeller  Folk  Art  Collec- 
tion, Williamsburg,  Virginia). 

27.  "Carpet  Store,"  New-Tork  Eve- 
ning Post,  March  4, 1828,  p.  3. 

28.  "The  Carpet  Trade,"  Scientific 
American,  July  7,  i860,  p.  18, 
reprinted  from  United  States 
Economist. 

29.  Manufactures  of  the  United 
States  in  i860;  reprinted  in 
American  Industry  and  Manu- 
factures in  the  19th  Century: 

A  Basic  Source  Collection, 
vol.  6  (Elmsford,  New  York: 
Maxwell  Reprint  Company, 
1990),  p.  liii. 


268    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


30.  The  Albion,  September  11, 1858, 
p.  443. 

31.  W.  and  J.  Sloane  to  J.  G.  Fisher, 
Esq.,  invoice,  March  28, 1854, 
Bella  Landauer  Collection, 
Floor  Coverings  Box,  Depart- 
ment of  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

32.  Alice  B.  Neal,  *^e  Tapestry 
Carpet;  or,  Mr.  Pinkney's 
Shopping,"  Godey's  Lady's 
Book  and  Magazine  52  (Janu- 
ary 1856),  pp.  15-19;  Alice  B. 
Haven,  The  Story  of  a  Car- 
pet," Godey's  Lady's  Book  and 
Magazine  58  (June  1859), 
pp.  531-37;  Mary  W.  Janvrin, 
"A  Great  Bargain,"  Godey's 
Lady's  Book  and  Magazine  62 
(May  1861),  pp.  418-24. 

33.  See  Manufactures  of  the  United 
States  in  i860,  reprinted  in 
American  Industry:  Basic 
Source  Collection,  p.  liv. 

34.  A  Century  of  Carpet  and  Ru£ 
Making  in  America  (New 
York:  Bigelow-Hartford  Carpet 
Company,  1925),  p.  20. 

35.  Industry  of  All  Nations,  Cffh 
cial  Awards  of  Juries .  .  .  iSsSi 
p.  58. 

36.  Rick  Beard,  In  the  Mill  (exh. 
brochure,  Yonkers,  New  York: 
Hudson  River  Museum,  1983). 

37.  Manufactures  of  the  United 
States  in  i860,  reprinted  in 
American  Industry:  Basic 
Source  Collection,  p.  lix. 


lower  end  of  the  scale,  listed  his  inventory  as  follows 
in  1858: 

Velvet  Carpets  from  $i.2s  to  i.62j  per  yard 
Tapestry  Brussels  from  ,90  to  i,i2j  per  yard 
Brussels  from  i.oo  to  1.2s  per  yard 
Three-ply  Carpets  from  i. 00  toi.i2j  per  yard 
In^raifiy  All  Wool  from  .so  to  .80  per  yard 
Ingrain  Cotton  and  Wool  from  .2$  to  .37}  peryard^^ 

He  also  stocked  oilcloths,  Venetian  carpeting,  mat- 
ting, and  druggets  (a  kind  of  basic  flat-woven  rug 
used  under  dining  tables  to  protect  finer  carpeting), 
but  they  are  not  priced  in  the  advertisement.  At  the 
top  end  of  the  scale,  in  1854  W.  and  J.  Sloane  sold 
Mr.  J.  G.  Fisher,  of  33  West  Nineteenth  Street,  '"Velvet 
Medallion  Carpeting"  for  $2.50  per  yard,  Brussels  car- 
peting for  $1.60  per  yard,  and  three-ply  ingrain  car- 
peting for  $1.30  per  yard.^^ 

Carpeting  a  main  room,  such  as  a  parlor,  entailed 
a  major  family  expenditure,  often  as  much  as  $200 
(Mr.  Fisher's  velvet  medallion  carpet  and  velvet  bor- 
der cost  him  $181.86).  This  purchase  was  much  suf- 
fered over,  since  the  variety  of  choices  was  so  great 
and  the  dictates  of  fashion  were  so  rigid.  In  the 
late  1850S  and  early  1860s  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book  and 
Magazine  published  a  number  of  short  stories,  some 
humorous,  some  serious,  that  discussed  the  impli- 
cations, both  visual  and  moral,  of  choosing  the 
appropriate  carpet  to  correctly  express  a  family's 
station  m  life. 

Oilcloth  floor  coverings  were  manufactured  early  in 
New  York  City,  perhaps  soon  after  the  War  of  1812.  ' 
Made  of  wide-v^dth  (seamless)  canvas  that  had  been 
coated  with  layers  of  a  mixture  of  oil  and  paint,  they 
could  be  purchased  either  in  plain  colors  or  printed 
with  patterns.  They  were  used  most  frequendy  in 
hallways  or  other  high-traffic  areas,  as  they  wore  rela- 
tively well  and  were  easy  to  clean.  By  the  end  of  the 
period  imder  consideration,  most  oilcloth  sold  in 
New  York  City  was  made  there. 

Two  major  carpet  manufacturers  were  active  in  the 
New  York  City  area  beginning  in  the  late  1840s.  A.  and 
E.  S.  Higgins  was  started  in  the  1830s  as  a  retail  carpet 
company  by  Alvin  and  Elias  S.  Higgins,  young 
men  who  had  come  to  New  York  City  from  Maine. 
According  to  A  Century  of  Carpet  and  Ru£f  Making  in 
America  (1925): 

In  1840  they  began  the  manufacture  of  carpeting  on 
a  small  scale,  making  Ingrains  only.  In  1841  they 
established  a  factory  at  Jersey  City  and  four  years 
later  they  opened  a  new  carpet  mill  in  Brooklyn 
which  was  destroyed  by  fire  shortly  afterwards.  They 


secured  another  factory  at  Haverstraw,  New  York, 
which  they  occupied  for  three  years,  at  the  same  time 
establishing  a  mill  at  Paterson,  New  Jersey,  and 
buying  the  carpet  mill  of  Richard  Clark  at  Astoria, 
Long  Island.  In  1847  they  built  a  mill  at 43rd 
Street  and  North  River  [the  Hudson],  to  which 
they  moved  all  the  looms  and  machinery  from  their 
other  plants,  adding  Body  Brussels  and  Tapestries 
to  Ingrains  previously  made.^^ 

The  retail  business  continued  for  a  while  under  the 
aegis  of  Peterson  and  Himiphrey.  A.  and  E.  S.  Hig- 
gins was  one  of  the  first  American  carpet  manufacturers 
to  use  power  looms;  it  was  known  for  manufacturing 
tapestry  and  velvet  carpets  on  Bigelow*s  invention. 
The  New  York  City  factory  seems  to  have  operated 
until  1900;  in  1882  the  firm  employed  more  than  a 
thousand  people  and  produced  more  than  3,4  million 
yards  of  carpeting  each  year.  The  Higgins  firm 
merged  with  the  Hartford  Carpet  Company  in  1901. 

Alexander  Smith  opened  his  first  small  carpet- 
making  factory  about  1847  in  the  town  of  West 
Farms,  New  York,  today  a  neighborhood  in  the  cen- 
tral Brbnx.  He  began  with  twenty-five  handlooms  but 
soon  changed  the  factory  over  to  power  weaving. 
Smith  won  a  silver  medal,  the  highest  prize  awarded 
for  carpeting  at  the  1853  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhi- 
bition. The  citation  read,  "for  Novelty  of  Invention, 
Elegance  of  Design  and  Color,  Economy  of  Material, 
&c.  in  Two-Ply  Ingrain  Tapestry  Carpets." "Ingrain 
Tapestry"  may  refer  to  an  ingrain  carpet  that  had  a 
multicolored  printed  warp.  After  fires  at  the  West  Farms 
factory  in  1862  and  1864,  Smith  moved  his  concern  to 
Yonkers,  New  York,  where  it  prospered  until  1954.^^ 
Smith,  Higgins,  and  twenty-six  other  manufacturers 
from  New  York  State  (nine  in  New  York  City  proper) 
produced  2,293,544  yards  of  carpeting  in  i860  (the  total 
for  the  entire  country  was  13,285,921  yards),  making  the 
need  for  imported  carpeting  almost  a  thing  of  the  past.^^ 

Retailers 

William  W.  Chester  and  Thomas  L.  Chester 
were  brothers  who  worked  together  in  a  carpet  firm 
for  fifteen  years  and  then  competed  with  each  other 
for  another  ten;  according  to  extant  documents,  how- 
ever, they  kept  up  cordial  family  relations.  Both  to- 
gether, beginning  in  1816,  and  separately  they  were 
successful  carpet  merchants.  Surviving  receipts  indi- 
cate that  the  Chesters  supplied  carpets  to  many  scions 
of  the  older  New  York  families,  including  Samuel 
Tredwell  Skidmore,  a  dry-goods  wholesaler,  and 
Evert  A.  Duyckinck,  a  writer  and  editor.  Neither 


PRODUCTS  OF  EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  269 


brother  appears  to  have  advertised;  perhaps  their 
business  was  so  well  established  that  only  word-of- 
mouth  recommendations  were  necessary.  When  the 
brothers  split  up  in  1832,  for  unknown  reasons,  they 
kept  shops  within  a  block  of  each  other  on  Broadway. 
They  seem  to  have  worked  together  again  between 
1843  and  1847.  In  1836  Thomas  L.  Chester  provided 
the  carpets  and  floor  cloths  for  the  Astor  House,  the 
first  great  hotel  built  in  New  York  City.  At  that  date 
he  owned  a  shop  at  203  Broadway  (see  fig.  220)  that 
was  extremely  modest  by  comparison  with  the  grand 
carpet-selling  emporiums  of  the  1850s  (see  figs.  221, 
222).  For  this  plum  of  a  job  he  was  paid  $14,182.09.^^ 
No  images  survive  of  William's  store,  from  which,  in 
1845,  he  furnished  Mr.  Skidmore  with  carpeting  for 
every  room  in  his  new  house  at  369  Fourth  Street,  for 
the  price  of  $631.28.3^ 

Both  Chesters  served  as  judges  at  the  American 
Institute  fairs  in  the  1830s.  William  appears  never  to 


Firm  names:  W.  W.  and  T.  L.  Chester  (1816-31), 
W.  W.  Chester  (1832-47),  T.  L.  Chester  (1832-53) 
Owners:  William  W.  Chester  (d.  1869),  Thomas  L. 
Chester,  Stephen  M.  Chester  (son  of  Thomas  L. 
Chester,  joined  W.  W  Chester  in  1836),  John  N. 
Chester  (son  of  Thomas  L.  Chester,  joined 
T  L.  Chester  in  1840) 
Locations 

W.  W  and  T  L,  Chester 
1816         7  Park  Place 
1817-31     191  Broadway 

W.  W.  Chester 

1832-47     191  Broadway 

T  L.  Chester 
1832-42    203  Broadway 
1843-47    191  Broadway 
1848-53     323  Broadway 


38.  "Inventory  of  the  Furniture  in 
the  Astor  House,  August  ist, 
1836,"  p.  13,  Astor  Papers,  Astor 
House  Box,  Manuscript 
Department,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

39.  Skidmore  Papers,  Joseph 
Downs  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts and  Printed  Ephemera, 
no.  70  X  53.52,  courtesy  The 
Winterthur  Library. 


Fig.  220.  Broadway  Sights,  view  of  T.  L.  Chester  and  Company  Carpet  Store,  203  Broadway,  ca.  1837.  Lithograph  by  John  H. 
Bufford.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Bella  Landauer  Collection 


270    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  221.  Billhead  with  view  of  Peterson  and  Humphrey's  Carpet  Store,  379  Broadway,  1853. 
Wood  engraving  by  Nathaniel  Orr.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  BcUa 
Landauer  Collection 


Fig.  222.  Interior  of  Peterson  and  Humphrey's  Carpet  Store,  379  Broadway,  1853.  Wood  engraving, 
by  Nathaniel  Orr,  from  The  Illustrated  American  Biography  (New  York:  J.  M.  Emerson  and 
Company,  1853),  vol.  i,  p.  31.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Elisha  Whittelsey 
Collection,  The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Fund,  1958  58.521. i 


PKTKILSOF 


C  A  U  V  1:  T  I  A  G, 

OIL  CLOTHS, 

No.  m  BRMDWAY, 


40.  William  W.  Chester,  Last  Will 
and  Testament,  March  11, 1869, 
New  York  City  Records  Depart- 
ment, Liber  26,  p.  384. 

41.  The  Palaces  of  Trade,"  Inter- 
national Monthly  Magazine  of 
Literature,  Science,  and  Art  5 
(April  1852),  pp.  436-41. 

42.  Ibid.,  p.  438. 

43.  R.  G.  Dun  Reports,  July  15, 
1848,  for  example.  A  report  of 
June  15, 1852,  states,  "Are  s[ai]d 
to  be  back[e]d  by  'A.  X  Hig- 
gins'  who  furnishes  them  with 
facilities,"  and  one  of  August  16, 
i854>  relates,  "They  buy  princi- 
pally of  *Higgins  &  Co.'"  For 
all  the  foregoing  entries,  see 
R.  G.  Dun  Reports  (New  York 
vol.  365,  p.  121,  vol.  192,  p.  569), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration.  For  more 
about  A.  and  E.  S.  Higgins,  see 
Century  of  Carpet  and  Ru0 
Making  in  America,  pp.  19-22. 


have  married.  In  his  will  of  March  11,  1869,  he  left 
most  of  what  he  owned  to  his  brother  Thomas  and 
his  brother's  children.  The  will  also  reveals  that  he  was 
involved  in  the  very  institutions  and  activities  that 
engaged  the  elite  of  New  York  society.  In  addition  to 
money,  William  left  his  various  relatives  the  paintings 
and  books  he  had  collected,  as  well  as  his  share  in  the 
New  York  Society  Library,  his  pew  at  the  Mercer 
Street  church,  his  family  seal,  and  an  estate  on  Staten 
Island.  William  W.  Chester  may  have  been  an  early 
trustee  of  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York 
(now  New  York  University) ;  in  his  will  he  bequeathed 
the  university  "my  portrait  now  hanging  in  the  Chan- 
cellor's room  of  that  Institution."  In  addition  to  prop- 
erty and  investments,  William  left  $30,500  to  his  heirs, 
a  goodly  simi  for  a  carpet  salesman. '•'^ 

Peterson  and  Humphrey  was  in  some  ways 
more  typical  of  midcentury  retail  carpet  firms  than  the 
T.  L.  Chester  company.  The  partnership  rode  the  crest 
of  the  affluent  1840s  and  1850s  but  failed  in  the  years 
just  before  the  Civil  War.  Both  George  R  Peterson 
and  George  S.  Humphrey  were  experienced  carpet 
salesmen,  but  neither  seems  to  have  had  great  finan- 
cial means.  They  started  out  as  a  relatively  small  firm 
working  out  of  a  series  of  Pearl  Street  locations  and  in 
the  1850S  raised  enough  money  from  a  backer  to  build 
a  big  store  on  Broadway.  Their  huge  ^''carpet  house"  at 
the  comer  of  Broadway  and  White  Street  (see  fig.  221) 


was  much  illustrated  during  the  period,  both  in 
advertisements  and  in  newspaper  articles  dedicated  to 
"palaces  of  trade.'"^^  A  print  of  the  interior  of  their 
selling  floor  is  one  of  the  very  few  illustrations  of 
nineteenth-century  carpet  shopping  known  today 
(fig.  222). 

In  1852  the  store  was  described  as  follows:  "[This] 
imposing  edifice  on  the  comer  of  Broadway  and 
White-street  ...  is  one  of  the  improvements  of  the 
city  made  during  the  last  year.  In  the  great  carpet- 
house  of  Peterson  &  Humphrey  are  offered  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  best  looms  in  the  world,  in  a  variety 
and  profusion  probably  unequalled  elsewhere  in 
America.  The  principal  saloon  is  like  a  street,  and  it  is 
almost  always  thronged  with  people."  The  image 
of  the  interior  shows  dapper  salesmen  imrolling  bales 
of  strip  carpeting  for  well-dressed  couples  on  a  half- 
block-long  sales  floor.  The  racks  holding  rolls  of 
carpet  rise  up  through  three  levels,  forming  building- 
like stmctures  to  each  side  of  the  room,  which  is  per- 
haps eighteen  feet  high. 

In  spite  of  its  extravagant  premises  and  nonstop 
advertising,  Peterson  and  Humphrey  was  never  on 
particularly  sound  financial  footing.  It  was  backed  by 
A.  and  E.  S.  Higgins  and  took  over  that  firm's  retail 
business  after  1847.  According  to  the  R.  G.  Dun  credit 
reports,  either  Peterson  or  Humphrey  was  a  nephew 
of  one  of  the  Higgins  brothers.'*^^  An  advertisement 


PRODUCTS  OF   EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  27I 


Firm  names:  George  F.  Peterson  (1844, 1859-64), 
Peterson  and  Humphrey  (1845-47, 1849-57), 
Peterson,  Humphrey  and  Ross  (1848), 
G.  S.  Humphrey  and  Company  (1859-62), 
E.  A.  Peterson  and  Company  (1859-72) 
Owners:  George  R  Peterson,  George  S.  Humphrey 
(d.  1898),  David  S.  Ross,  Edwin  A.  Peterson 
(perhaps  son  of  George  F.  Peterson) 
Locations 

George  F.  Peterson 

1844  462  Pearl  Street 

Peterson  and  Humphrey,  Peterson,  Humphrey  and  Ross 

1845  440  Pearl  Street 

1846-  47    454  Pearl  Street 

1847-  51     432  Pearl  Street 
1852-56     379  Broadway 
1857         524  Broadway 

G.  S.  Humphrey 
1859-62     524  Broadway 

George  F.  Peterson 
1859-64    315  Canal  Street 

E.  A.  Peterson 

1859-72     315  Canal  Street 


from  1847  proclaims:  "Peterson,  Humphrey  &  Ross, 
having  purchas[ed]  the  entire  stock  of  carpetings, 
druggets,  oil-cloths  &c.,  in  the  large  and  spacious  Car- 
pet Warerooms  No.  432  Pearl-street,  formerly  owned 
by  Messrs.  A.  &  E.  S.  Higgins,  are  now  prepared 
to  offer  their  friends  and  the  public  the  above  stock, 
together  with  recent  purchases,  at  prices  far  below 
the  market."'^^ 

Peterson  and  Humphrey  seems  to  have  served  as 
the  Higginses'  oudet  in  New  York  City,  but  the  man- 
ufacturer's carpets  were  not  the  only  wares  sold  by  the 
retailer.  In  its  heyday,  during  the  mid-185 os,  Peter- 
son and  Humphrey  cleared  about  $75,000  in  profit 
each  year;  however,  by  March  1857  the  firm  had  failed 
because  of  bad  debts,  perhaps  a  casualty  of  the  finan- 
cial panic  of  1857.  Although  members  of  the  original 
firm  continued  in  the  carpet  business  for  a  few  years, 
they  never  flourished  as  they  had  in  the  splendid 
carpet  house  at  379  Broadway. 

By  contrast,  the  W.  and  J.  Sloane  company 
flourished  into  the  twentieth  century.  After  complet- 
ing his  training  as  a  carpet  weaver  at  an  Edinburgh 
mill,  William  Sloane  emigrated  from  Scotiand  to  the 
United  States  in  1834.  He  worked  for  the  Connecti- 
cut carpet-weaving  firm  of  Thompson  and  Company 
for  almost  a  decade  before  opening  his  own  carpet 
warehouse  in  1844,  with  some  backing  provided  by 
Thompson  and  Company,  whose  wares  he  surely 


stocked. William's  older  brother  John  joined  the 
business  in  1853.  The  first  Sloane  shop  was  located 
at  245  Broadway  in  a  three-story  Federal-style  town 
house  with  a  converted  first  floor  (see  fig.  223).  From 
the  beginning,  the  firm  catered  to  the  high  end  of 
the  market.  The  earliest  receipt  for  Sloane's  found 
during  the  course  of  research  for  this  exhibition 
shows  that  in  1845  the  wealthy  dry-goods  merchant 
Samuel  Tredwell  Skidmore  purchased  two  Persian 
rugs,  for  $25  each,  from  William  Sloane. There  is  no 
evidence  to  suggest  that  any  of  the  other  carpet  retail- 
ers discussed  here  sold  Persian  rugs;  thus,  Sloane's 
must  have  been  one  of  a  very  few  places  that  stocked 
such  luxury  goods.  When  the  Clarendon  Hotel  was 


44.  "Carpetings"  Home  Journal^ 
January  i6, 1847,  p.  5. 

45.  Their  advertisements  stated  that 
they  stocked  carpets  "selected 
from  the  most  celebrated  Fac- 
tories in  Europe  and  this  coun- 
try." New  Tork  Mercantile 
Register,  1848-49,  p.  118. 

46.  In  the  New  Tork  Business  Direc- 
tory for  J840  '&  1841,  Thompson 
and  Company  is  listed  as  one 
of  only  three  carpet  manufac- 
turers selling  its  products  in 
New  York.  The  firm's  listing 
stated  that  Thompson's  show- 
room was  at  8  Spruce  Street  and 
that  it  sold  "Brussels,  Ingrain, 
&c."  For  more  on  Sloane's 
relationship  with  Thompson 
and  Company,  sec  R.  G.  Dun 


Fig.  223.  Victor  Prevost,  Solonwn  and  Hart  Upholstery  Warehouse^  Z43  Broadway,  and  W  and  J.  Shane 
Carpet  Warehouse,  24s  Broadway,  New  Tork  City,  1854.  Modern  gelatin  silver  print  from  waxed  paper 
negative.  Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of  Mr,  Samuel  V.  Hoffman 


272    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Reports,  for  February  i6, 1849, 
May  27, 1851,  and  September  2j, 
1851  (New  York  vol.  192,  p.  564), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration. 

47.  Skidmore  Papers,  Joseph 
Downs  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts and  Printed  Ephemera, 
no.  70  X  53.66,  courtesy  The 
Winterthur  Library. 

48.  The  Albion,  September  11, 1858, 
p.  443-= 

49.  R.  G.  Dun  Reports,  October  25, 
1859  (New  York  vol.  192,  p.  564), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration. 

50.  G.  Danielson  Carroll,  CcirroWs 
New  York  City  Directory .  .  . 
(New  York:  Carroll  and  Com- 
pany, 1859),  p.  69. 

51.  Ibid. 

52.  See  the  biography  of  William 
Sloane  in  Americans  Successful 
Men  of  Affairs,  p.  605. 

53.  "Paper  Hangings,"  Gorf^y^j 
Lady^s  Book  and  Magazine  54 
(April  1857),  p.  376. 


Firm  names:  William  Sloane  (1844-52), 

W.  and  J.  Sloane  (1853-1960S) 

Owners:  William  Sloane  (1810-1879;  retired  from 

the  firm  in  1864),  John  Sloane  (b.  before  1810; 

retired  from  the  firm  in  i860),  John  Sloane 

(1834-1905;  son  of  William  Sloane),  Douglas 

Sloane  (son  of  William  Sloane) 

Locations 

1844-55     245  Broadway 

1856-59     501  Broadway  and  56  Mercer  Street 

1859-66    591  Broadway 

Business  conducted  through  the  1960s  at  various 
locations 


renovated  in  1858,  the  management  used  Sloane's  stel- 
lar reputation  as  a  selling  point,  advertising  that  their 
nev^  carpets  were  "carefully  selected,  of  the  most 
approved  styles  and  quality,  from  the  estabUshment  of 
W.  &  J.  Sloane."48  in  1859  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company 
reported  that  the  firm  was  prosperous  and  had  "the 
custom  of  a  lar[ge]  number  of  first  class  famiUes;  -sell 
mostly  fine  goods.""^^  The  store  at  591  Broadway  was 
considered  by  the  editor  of  CarrolFs  New  Tork  City 
Directory  (1859)  to  be  "one  of  the  greatest  sights  in 
N.  Y?'5o  An  advertisement  found  in  the  same  publica- 
tion describes  the  wide  range  of  Sloane's  wares: 

Stran£fers  visiting  New  Tork  are  invited  to  examine 
our  establishmenty  the  largest  building  in  the  world 
devoted  to  the  exclusive  sale  of  Carpets,  Our ^reat 
advantage  in  buying  and  manufacturings  guaran- 
tees us  to  sell  lower  than  any  house  in  the  trade,  and 
our  goods  will  be  found  superior  in  quality  and  style, 

$250,000  worth  of  English  Medallion  Bordered 
Carpets!  English  Royal  Tapestry  Velvet  Carpeting! 
English  Four-Frame  Brussels  Carpeting!  English 
Tapestry  Brussels  Carpeting!  English  Imperial  Three- 
Ply  Carpeting!  Floor  Oil  Cloths,  from  one  to  eight 
yards  wide,  India  Mattings,  White  and  Checkered; 
Mats,  Rugs,  Gold  and  Painted  Window  Shades, 
Druggets,  French  and  English  Table  and  Piano 
Covers.  Cocoa  Matting,  ij,  2, 3,  4>  S  ^^nd  6  feet 
wide,  for  Churches,  Offices,  Hotels  and  Steamboats 
at  the  most  unprecedented  low  prices,^^ 

As  the  notice  suggests,  William's  familiarity  with  carpet- 
ing manufacture  meant  that  the  firm  had  a  hand  in  the 
production  of  at  least  some  of  the  goods  sold  at  the 
shop.  His  longstanding  ties  to  Thompson  and  Com- 
pany were  also  surely  an  advantage;  however,  Thomp- 
son seems  to  have  failed  in  1851  (the  firm  was 
reorganized  as  the  Hartford  Carpet  Company).  William 


managed  to  survive  the  crash,  probably  by  aligning 
himself  with  other  manufacturers  both  in  the  United 
States  and  abroad.  At  the  time  of  his  death,  in  1879, 
William  was  a  director  and  shareholder  of  the  Bigelow 
Carpet  Company  of  Massachusetts  and  of  the  Alexan- 
der Smith  and  Sons  Carpet  Company  of  Yonkers,  New 
York,  two  of  the  leading  carpet  manufacturers  in  the 
country,  5^  It  is  likely  that  he  stocked  carpets  manufac- 
tured to  his  special  order  from  those  two  firms,  and  he 
may  have  had  the  same  relationship  with  mills  in 
England  and  Scotland.  In  the  mid-i86os,  soon  after 
William  retired,  the  firm  was  worth  between  $200,000 
and  $300,000. 

Wallpaper 

Producers  and  retailers  of  wallpaper— more  often 
called  paper  hangings  during  our  period— found  New 
Yorkers  to  be  insatiable  consumers  of  their  wares. 
New  wallpaper  was  the  answer  to  many  decorating 
problems:  it  was  available  in  many  different  grades 
and  at  a  wide  range  of  prices;  it  was  easily  installed; 
and  it  was  produced  ia  myriad  fashionable  patterns. 
The  novelty  factor  was  important  to  the  consumer.  As 
Godey^s  Lady^s  Book  and  Magazine  observed  in  1857: 
'There  is  nothing,  perhaps,  that  adds  more  to  the 
beauty  of  a  parlor,  or  in  fact  any  other  apartment,  than 
a  well-selected,  handsome  wall-paper.  It  is  better  than 
painting  or  firescoing,  as  one  gets  tired  in  time  of  a 
permanent  fixture;  while,  at  the  same  time,  wallpaper 
is  cheaper,  and  even  more  beautiful.  .  .  .  With  wall- 
paper, you  can  make  a  change,  which  sometimes 
becomes  necessary  to  suit  a  different  style  of  fiimiture."^^ 
The  earliest  advertisements  from  the  period  of  this 
study  reveal  a  ready  market  for  both  high-style  French 
paper  hangings  and  the  cruder  products  of  the  fledg- 
ling American  industry.  In  the  1820s  wallpapers  were 
advertised  and  sold  by  wholesale  importers  to  uphol- 
sterers, who  were  the  primary  wallpaper  retailers.  In 
1823  a  merchant  named  F.  Chaizoumes  with  offices 
"upstairs"  at  162  Pearl  Street  took  out  an  advertise- 
ment addressed  "TO  upholsterers.  Twenty-two  bales 
French  paper  hanging,  handsome  patterns,  for  sale  by 
the  bale  or  in  smaller  quantity^  In  1824  Calvin  W  How 
and  Company,  located  farther  dovmtovra  at  135  Pearl 
Street,  advertised  "8000  rolls  American  made  Room 
Papers,  of  various  qualities,  on  hand  and  for  sale  at 
reduced  prices,"  and  two  years  later  E.  Malibran,  of 
31  South  Street,  offered  "10  cases  superb  Velvet 
Papers,  new  patterns,  worthy  of  the  attention  of 
upholsterers  and  others,  as  they  are  suitable  for  this  or 
the  South  American  market,  for  sale  low  to  close  a 


PRODUCTS  OF  EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  273 


Fig.  224.  Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  New  York  City,  Wallpaper, 
ca.  1850.  Roller-printed  paper.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Adrienne  A.  Sheridan,  1956  56.599.12 


Fig.  225.  Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  French,  Wallpaper,  ca.  1850.  Paper 
with  wool  flocking.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Anonymous 
Gift,  1923  23.133.10 


consignment."^'^  Very  little  paper  was  imported  from 
England  or  from  countries  on  the  Continent  other 
than  France.  The  French  were  the  masters  of  wall- 
paper manufacturing  at  the  time,  and  Americans  avidly 
bought  both  their  scenic  papers,  which  illustrated 
exotic  landscapes  and  peoples,  and  their  more  typical 
floral  and  trompe  I'oeil  designs.  Until  the  latter  part 
of  the  nineteenth  century  French  papers  were  con- 
sidered better  designed  than  American  papers,  with 
more  elegant  patterns  and  subtler  coloration. 

In  the  mid-i820S  a  few  retailers  of  paper  hangings 
and  bandboxes  opened  businesses  in  New  York 
City  offering  both  imported  and  American  goods.  At 
that  time  the  American  paper-hangings  industry,  which 
had  been  established  in  the  late  eighteenth  century, 
was  centered  in  New  England  and  Philadelphia,  but 
by  1840  twenty- five  wallpaper  concerns  were  listed 
in  the  New  York  business  directories  and  ten  of  them 
appear  as  manufacturers  as  well  as  retailers.  Also 
included  in  that  number  are  a  few  firms,  such  as 
John  Constantine,  Phyfe  and  Brother,  and  Barnett  L. 


Solomon,  that  specialized  in  upholstery  but  sold  wall- 
paper as  well.  Wallpapers  could  also  be  purchased  at 
the  shop  of  a  "decorator,"  although  few  such  profes- 
sionals existed  at  the  time.  George  Piatt  is  one  of  the 
few  about  whom  something  is  known.  Fie  advised 
and  assisted  clients  in  much  the  same  way  as  interior 
designers  do  today,  and  he  also  retailed  all  types  of 
decorative  items  for  the  home.  Sidney  George  Fisher 
of  Philadelphia  visited  Piatt's  shop  at  60  Broadway 
with  his  brother  and  sister-in-law  in  1847: 

Went  with  Henry  and  Sarah  Ann  to  Flatt%  who  is 
a  ^decorateur^  and  furnishes  everything  connected  with 
the  interior  ornamental  work  of  houses.  Saw  quantities 
of  elegant  things^  furniture^  mirrors^  picture  frames^ 
paper  hangingSy  etc.  Had  no  idea  before  of  the  beauty 
of  French  paper.  The  various  patterns  for  drawing 
&  dining  rooms,  halls  &  libraries  were  really  works 
of  art.  The  prices  are  immense^  ranging  from  $s  to 
$10  per  pieccy  whereas  the  best  American  is  only  $1. 
Henry  chose  some  of  the  handsomest  for  his  house. 


54.  New-Tork  Evening  Post, 
April  25, 1823;  New-Tork  Daily 
Advertiser,  May  19,  1824;  New- 
Tork  Gazette  and  General 
Advertiser,  June  13,  1826. 

55.  Nicholas  B.  Wainwright,  ed., 
A  Philadelphia  Perspective:  The 
Diary  of  Sidney  George  Fisher 
Coverin£i  the  Tears  1834-1871 
(Philadelphia:  Historical  Soci- 
ety of  Pennsylvania,  1967), 

p.  198. 


274    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


56.  Home  Journal,  June  8, 1850, 
p.  3. 

57.  Thomas  Faye  and  Company  to 
Mr.  E.  A.  Duyckinck,  invoices, 
August  24, 1859  (the  French 
Emboss  Stripe),  and  May  3, 1856 
(the  Satin  paper),  Duyckinck 
Family  Papers,  New  York  Public 
Library. 

58.  For  good  overviews  of  the 
effects  of  mechanization  on  the 
American  wallpaper  industry, 
see  Elizabeth  Redmond,  "Amer- 
ican Wallpaper,  1840-1860:  The 
Limited  Impact  of  Early  Ma- 
chine Printing"  (Master's  thesis. 
University  of  Delaware,  New- 
ark, May  1987);  and  Karen  A. 
GufFey,  "From  Paper  Stainer  to 
Manufacturer:  J.  F.  Bumstead 
&  Co.,  Manufacturers  and  Im- 
porters of  Paper  Hangings,"  in 
Wallpaper  in  New  England, 
by  Richard  Nylander  et  al. 
(Boston:  Society  for  the 
Preservation  of  New  England 
Antiquities,  1986),  pp.  29-37. 

59.  Workin^man^s  Advocate,  Octo- 
ber 31, 1829,  p.  3. 

60.  Ibid.,  March  5,  1831,  p.  6. 


Throughout  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
French  wallpaper  remained  expensive,  owing  in  part  to 
the  high  tariffs  (in  some  years  as  much  as  40  percent) 
placed  on  them  in  order  to  encourage  the  American 
industry.  However,  in  1850  Thomas  Faye,  a  New  York 
retailer  who  also  manufactured  wallpaper,  placed  an 
advertisement  in  the  Home  Journal  indicates  Amer- 
icans remained  undaunted  by  the  cost  of  buying  French: 

INTERIOR  DECORATIONS.  The  Subscribers,  sole 
Apfents  in  America  for  many  of  the  best  French  Fac- 
tories, call  the  attention  of  those  who  intend  refit- 
ting  their  houses,  to  their  rich  and  splendid  stock  of 
Paper  Decorations,  for  the  walls  of  parlors,  halls, 
boudoirs,  saloons,  drawing  and  dining-rooms,  &'c., 
&'c.  They  are  constantly  receiving  direct  from  Paris, 
Lyons,  Constance  and  other  cities  of  the  continent 
all  the  latest  styles  and  patterns  in  dore  veloute,  dore 
maroguin,  double  satin,  Lambris,  Bordures,  Games, 
&c,,  &c,  A  full  assortment  of  samples  can  be  seen, 
from  which  special  importations  can  be  made  when 
desired,  by  steamer,  in  from  two  to  three  months.^^ 

Comparison  shoppers  would  have  discovered,  too, 
that  some  of  the  simpler  French  papers  were  not 
much  more  expensive  than  American  examples  (see 
figs.  224,  225).  Thomas  Faye  sold  a  French  Emboss 
Stripe  paper  to  Evert  A.  Duyckinck  for  75  cents  a  roll 
and  two  different  types  of  Satin  paper,  probably  of 
American  manufacture,  for  25  and  50  cents  a  roll, 
respectively.  The  cost  of  papering  one  of  Duyckinck's 
rooms  with  the  25 -cent  paper  was  $9.18.  This  included 
$3.75  for  the  wallpaper,  plus  $1.20  for  twenty-four 
yards  of  velvet  (possibly  flocked)  border,  and  $4.23 
for  hanging  the  paper. 

After  about  1840  American  wallpaper  manufactur- 
ers began  to  experience  some  success  with  a  timesav- 
ing  mechanized  cylinder-printing  process.  Although 
roller-printed  paper  made  before  i860  is  often  poorly 
designed  and  printed  and  the  best  papers  continued 
to  be  block  printed  by  hand  throughout  the  period  of 
this  study,  the  mechanization  of  the  American  wall- 
paper industry  made  it  possible  even  for  consumers 
with  very  littie  money  to  enliven  their  homes  with 
bright,  clean,  and  colorful  wallpapers. 

Retailers  and  Manufacturers 

Francis  Pares  and  Thomas  Faye  were  wall- 
paper merchants  in  New  York  City  between  1824  and 
1886.  They  each  had  a  paper-hangings  business  before 
becoming  partners  in  1837;  after  their  partnership 
broke  up  in  1846  they  became  competitors.  Francis 


Pares  began  as  a  maker  of  trunks  and  bandboxes  in 
1824.  In  an  1829  advertisement,  the  earliest  found  for 
his  shop,  he  lists  his  wares  as:  "paper  hangings, 
TRUNKS,  and  BANDBOXES.— i^mwajP^im. . . .  keeps 
constandy  on  hand,  for  sale,  an  extensive  assortment 
of  Paper  Hangings,  imported  directly  from  Paris;  also, 
of  his  own  manufacture,  Pedlars',  Merchants',  and 
Fancy  Trunks,  wholesale  and  retail;  Bandboxes  in 
nests  for  shipping."  He  may  have  specialized  in  pro- 
viding goods  to  retailers  outside  the  New  York  area, 
since  an  advertisement  placed  in  1831  announces: 
"bandboxes  . —Southern  merchants  and  Milliners  may 
be  supplied  with  Bandboxes  in  nests  for  shipping,  made 
of  the  best  materials,  and  will  be  sold  at  the  lowest 
prices  at  the  old  established  manufactory  of  F.  pares, 
No.  379  Pearl  st."^^  Bandboxes,  such  as  the  one  illus- 
trated here  (fig.  226),  were  used  for  storing  small 
items  of  clothing,  for  example  collars  (in  pre-twentieth- 
century  terminology  "bands,"  hence  the  name  "band- 
box"), and  as  hatboxes.  Some  of  the  earliest  known 
American  block-printed  decorative  papers  appear  on 
bandboxes.  Although  these  papers  are  similar  to  wall- 
papers, many  of  them  were  designed  exclusively  for 
bandboxes.  Views  of  notable  buildings,  such  as  New 
York's  Casde  Garden  (see  fig.  226),  were  particularly 
popular  for  bandboxes. 


Firm  names:  Francis  Pares  [and  Company] 
(1824-36, 1846-66),  Thomas  Faye  [and 
Company]  (1835-36, 1851-77, 1883-86),  Pares  and 
Faye  (1837-46),  Faye,  Donnelly  and  Company 

(1877-82) 

Owners:  Francis  Pares,  Thomas  Faye  (1810-1892) 

Locations 

Francis  Pares 

1824-36    379  Pearl  Street 
1847-53     379  Pearl  Street 
1854-56     59  Chambers  Street 
1857-59     336  Broadway 

1860  836[.>]  Broadway 

1 861  828  Broadway 

1862-66    828  Broadway  and  45  Beaver  Street 

Pares  and  Faye 

1837-46    379  Pearl  Street 

Thomas  Faye 
1835-36     367  Pearl  Street 
1851-54     436  Pearl  Street 
1855  257  Broadway 

1856-60    257  Broadway  and  152-156  West  Twenty- 
ninth  Street 
1861-64    257  Broadway 
1865-69     814  Broadway 
1870-86    810  Broadway 


PRODUCTS   OF   EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  275 


Fig.  226.  Manufacturer  unknown,  Bandbox  depicting  Castle 
Garden,  ca.  1835.  Wood  and  block-printed  paper.  Collection 
of  The  New-York  Historical  Society  1937. 1627 


In  1835,  although  he  was  still  manufacturing  band- 
boxes, Pares  was  also  selling  very  expensive  imported 
wallpapers  from  his  shop.  To  a  Mr.  Van  Gorder  of 
Warren,  Ohio,  he  sold  two  sets  of  scenic  paper,  which 
he  called  The  Suberbs  [sic]  of  Rome,  by  an  unidenti- 
fied French  maker  for  $60  per  set.^^  It  was  to  be  hung 
in  the  parlor  of  an  inn  and  coach  stop  in  Warren. 

Thomas  Faye,  a  native  of  Galway,  came  to  America 
in  1818  as  a  child  of  eight.  He  went  into  the  wallpaper 
business  ini835.  The  masthead  on  his  receipts  for  that 
year  lists  his  firm  as  the  "Successors  to  Thomas  Day, 
Jun.,  Importers  and  Dealers  in  Paper  Hangings,  and 
Manufacturers  of  Bandboxes."  In  1837  Pares  and 
Faye  formed  a  partnership  and  seem  to  have  discon- 
tinued the  manufacture  of  bandboxes.  An  1840  adver- 
tisement makes  it  apparent  that  the  firm  continued 
Pares's  wholesale  business,  selling  mainly  to  the  trade 
and  especially  to  merchants  outside  New  York: 

Pfiper  Han£fin^s  Borders  etc.  Fares  and  Faye  No. 
379  Fearl  Street^  cffer  to  the  trade  and  others,  on 
terms  of  great  reduction,  the  most  extensive  assort- 
ment of  the  newest  patterns  and  styles  of  gold  and 
silver,  velvet  and  satin  French  Paper  Hangings, 
Borders,  Fireboard  Prints,  Views,  Statues,  Ceilings, 
etc.  Also  American  Satin  and  Common  Paper 
Hangings,  from  the  most  eminent  manufactories, 
at  the  lowest  manufacturers^  prices.  Merchants  and 
others  from  all  parts  of  the  country  are  earnestly 
solicited  to  call  and  examine  for  themselves.^"^ 

An  1845  advertisement  was  even  more  specific  about 
the  clients  Pares  and  Faye  preferred,  announcing  that 


.  .  Merchants,  Dealers,  Housekeepers,  Landlords 
and  others  are  respectfully  invited  ...  to  call."^^  One 
of  those  "others"  who  bought  papers  from  Pares  and 
Faye  happened  to  be  the  president  of  the  United 
States.  In  a  letter  of  about  1840,  toward  the  end  of  his 
term,  Martin  Van  Buren  asked  Mrs.  Benjamin  F.  But- 
ler, the  wife  of  an  Albany  lawyer  and  politician,  for 
her  help  and  advice  on  choosing  papers  from  the  sam- 
ples he  had  been  sent  from  Pares  and  Faye's  shop.  Van 
Buren  was  in  the  midst  of  refurbishing  a  house  in 
Kinderhook,  New  York,  as  his  retirement  home  and, 
being  a  widower,  he  felt  the  need  of  a  woman's  advice 
in  making  his  wallpaper  choices.  He  numbered  the 
papers  he  liked  and  suggested  the  rooms  in  which 
to  install  each  paper.  He  had  no  opinion  about  some 
rooms,  telling  Mrs.  Butler,  "For  the  rest  you  must 
decide  for  yourself  "^^ 

After  Pares  and  Faye  parted  company  in  1846,  both 
men  continued  to  import  fine  French  papers  and 
both  listed  themselves  as  wallpaper  manufacturers  on 
their  billheads.  Pares  sold  printed  window  shades 
(perhaps  like  the  Crystal  Palace  paper  of  cat.  no.  218) 
as  well  as  paper  hangings.  It  is  not  known  whether 
Pares  actually  made  much  paper;  on  the  other  hand, 
production  appears  to  have  been  a  significant  part 
of  Thomas  Faye's  business,  because  he  proudly  dis- 
played pictures  of  both  his  store  and  his  "manufac- 
tory" at  152-156  West  Twenty-ninth  Street  at  the  top 
of  his  billheads  (see  fig.  227).  Faye  had  some  success 
with  the  papers  he  manufactured;  in  1855  one  of  them 
won  a  gold  medal  at  the  American  Institute  fair.  He 
seems  to  have  retired  briefly  between  1859  and  1861; 
after  that,  he  ran  the  business  until  1886,  perhaps  with 
the  help  of  his  nine  children.  Faye  also  owned  consid- 
erable real  estate  both  on  Broadway  and  in  the  Wash- 
ington Heights  area  of  Manhattan,  which  brought 
additional  income  to  his  family.  Pares  left  the  paper- 
hangings  business  in  1866;  he  was  listed  simply  as  a 
merchant  in  New  York  City  directories  until  188 1. 

Christy  and  Constant,  another  long-lived 
firm,  was  one  of  the  major  wallpaper  manufacturers  in 
America  during  the  nineteenth  century.  It  is  first  listed 
in  the  New  York  City  directories  as  a  manufacturer 
of  paper  hangings  in  1844,  the  year  that  Thomas 
Christy's  brother-in-law,  Samuel  S.  Constant,  became 
his  partner.  However,  a  late  1830s  receipt  from  Thomas 
Christy  and  Company,  65  Maiden  Lane,  describes  the 
business  as  "Importers  and  Manufacturers  of  French 
and  American  Paper  Hangings,"  implying  that  Christy 
may  have  been  manufacturing  wallpaper  from  the 
time  he  started  his  business. In  addition  to  manu- 
facturing, the  firm  seems  to  have  maintained  a  retail 


61.  The  archives  of  the  Wallpaper 
Department,  Cooper-Hewitt 
National  Design  Museum, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  New 
York,  has  a  copy  of  Pares's 
invoice  to  Van  Gorder.  Accord- 
ing to  Catherine  Lynn,  who  saw 
photos  of  the  paper  design 
Van  Gorder  called  The  Suberbs 
[sic]  of  Rome  while  researching 
her  ground-breaking  book 
Wallpaper  in  America  from  the 
Seventeenth  Century  to  World 
War  I  (New  York:  W.  W.  Nor- 
ton, 1980),  it  is  identical  to  one 
that  has  been  called  Les  Bords 
de  la  Riviere  in  the  twentieth 
century.  See  ibid.,  p.  226, 
colorpl.  36. 

62.  Charles  B.  Proctor,  Warren, 
Ohio,  to  Catherine  Lynn, 
May  8,  1973,  archives  of  the 
Wallpaper  Department, 
Cooper-Hewitt  National 
Design  Museum. 

63.  Thomas  Faye  and  Company 
to  Mr.  W.  Porter,  invoice  for 
$20.94  in  wallpapers,  April  25, 
183s,  Joseph  Downs  Collection 
of  Manuscripts  and  Printed 
Ephemera,  no.  66  x  71.2,  cour- 
tesy The  Winterthur  Library. 

64.  New-Tork  American,  Octo- 
ber 2,  1840,  p.  3. 

65.  Evening  Post  (New  York), 
March  29, 1845,  p-  ?>■ 

66.  Martin  Van  Buren  to  Mrs.  Ben- 
jamin F.  Buder,  n.d.,  Joseph 
Downs  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts and  Printed  Ephemera, 
no.  77  X  58,  courtesy  The 
Winterthur  Library. 

67.  Biographical  information  about 
Thomas  Faye  has  been  gleaned 
from  the  not  completely  accu- 
rate biography  of  him  written 
in  Americans  Successful  Men  of 
Affairs,  p.  233. 

68.  Thomas  Christy  and  Company 
to  an  unknown  customer, 
invoice  dated  August  28,  i83[  ], 
photocopy  in  the  files  of  the 
Wallpaper  Department, 
Cooper-Hewitt  National 
Design  Museum, 


276    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


if  if  if  t 

'  B  f  'ft*  f  f 


.  I  • "  » 


JIM  ' 

ft 

1 

liiniH; 


i.ll-  .VKI*  I  Ti^i 


Fig.  227.  Billhead  with  views  of  Thomas  Faye  and  Company  Store,  257  Broadway,  and  Manufactory,  152-156  West  Twenty-ninth  Street,  1859.  Lithograph  by  Alexander 
Robertson,  Henry  Seibert,  and  James  A.  Shearman.  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Duyckinck  Family  Papers,  Manuscripts  and  Archives  Section 


Fig.  228.  Christy,  Constant  and  Company  Paper-Hangings Manufaaoryy  $10-544  West  Twenty-third  Street,  New  Tork,  ca.  1861-71.  Lithograph  by  Endicott  and  Company. 
Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Print  Room 


PRODUCTS  OF  EMPIRE:   HOME   DECORATIONS  277 


Firm  names:  Thomas  Christy  and  Company 
(1838-40),  Christy  and  Robinson  (1841-43), 
Christy  and  Constant  [and  Company]  (1844-71), 
Christy,  Constant  and  Shepherd  (1872-73), 
Christy,  Shepherd  and  Garrett  (1874-84), 
Christy,  Shepherd  and  Walcott  (1885-87) 
Owners:  Thomas  Christy  (d.  1874),  Samuel  S. 
Constant  (d.  1885;  retired  in  1874),  John  D, 
Robinson,  Thomas  Christy  Shepherd  (nephew  of 
Thomas  Christy,  joined  firm  in  1872),  Charles  R. 
Christy  (son  of  Thomas  Christy  took  over  the 
business  in  1874),  William  Garrett,  [  ]  Walcott 


Locations 

1838- 

-40 

65  Maiden  Lane 

1841- 

-48 

61  Maiden  Lane 

1849 

-50 

60  Maiden  Lane  and  21  Liberty  Street 

1850- 

-55 

60  Maiden  Lane,  21  Liberty  Street,  and 

328  West  Twenty-third  Street 

1855- 

60 

48  Murray  Street  and  328  West  Twenty- 

third  Street 

1861- 

-62 

48  Murray  Street  and  512  West  Twenty- 

third  Street 

1863- 

-64 

25  Murray  Street  and  512  West  Twenty- 

third  Street 

1865- 

-71 

29  Warren  Street,  25  Murray  Street,  and 

512  West  Twenty- third  Street 

1872- 

-73 

501  Broadway,  56  Mercer  Street,  and 

512  West  Twenty- third  Street 

1874- 

-87 

510  West  Twenty- third  Street 

business  through  the  end  of  the  1840s.  An  advertise- 
ment in  the  1848-49  New -York  Mercantile  Register 
states  that  the  shop  stocked  "paper  hangings, 

BORDERS,   FIRE   BOARD   PATTERNS  and  CURTAIN 

PAPERS,  in  all  varieties  and  styles,  and  of  the  best 
qualities.  As  C.  &  C.  manufacture  the  article  exten- 
sively, it  enables  them  to  offer  their  goods  on 
the  most  advantageous  terms,  wholesale  and 
RETAIL."  Christy  and  Constant  wallpapers  won 
awards  at  the  American  Institute  fairs  of  1844  and 
1846.^**  After  1850  it  is  likely  that  the  partners  concen- 
trated primarily  on  manufacturing  and  their  whole- 
sale business,  since  they  seem  not  to  have  advertised 
in  the  popular  newspapers  and  journals  and  never 
opened  a  store  on  Broadway,  remaining  on  Maiden 
Lane  from  1838  to  1855,  and  on  Murray  Street  from 
1855  to  1864.  The  large  Christy  and  Constant  factory  at 
West  Twenty-third  Street  near  Tenth  Avenue  began 
producing  wallpapers  in  1850  (see  fig.  228).  In  1868  the 
building  was  described  as  "one  of  the  most  imposing, 
in  external  appearance,  of  the  manufacturing  estab- 
hshments  of  New  York,  and  one  of  the  largest  of  its 
kind  in  the  United  States."  In  the  special  schedule  of 
the  i860  federal  census  devoted  to  industry,  Christy 
and  Constant's  annual  product  was  valued  at  $250,000. 


The  report  also  noted  that  the  firm  employed  150 
people  (148  men  and  2  women),  had  a  capital  invest- 
ment of  $150,000,  and  stocked  $80,000  worth  of  raw 
materials  (paper,  paints,  and  ftiel).^^ 

The  wallpapers  that  the  firm  manufactured  had 
complex  designs  and  were  produced  by  two  different 
printing  techniques.  In  the  1860s  the  first  floor  of  the 
factory  held  four  large  roller  printers,  each  of  which 
had  the  capacity  to  print  twenty-four  thousand  yards 
of  paper  a  day.  The  machines  had  a  dozen  rollers 
each,  so  that  twelve  separate  colors  could  be  printed 
in  a  single  operation  (see  fig.  229).  The  second  floor 
housed  the  hand-printing  department,  "where  all  the 
higher  grades  of  Paper  Hangings,  including  Gold  and 
Velvet  Papers  ...  are  produced."  On  the  three  floors 
above  were  other  large  mechanical  printing  presses, 
machines  for  polishing  papers  with  satin  or  glossy 
grounds,  and  large  areas  set  aside  for  grinding  pig- 
ments and  mixing  the  paints  used  to  print  the  papers. 
There  does  not  seem  to  have  been  a  design  depart- 
ment at  the  factory;  according  to  an  account  published 
in  1868,  "The  principal  designer  of  this  firm  resides 
in  France,  which,  it  must  be  conceded,  is  the  world's 
centre,  in  all  that  relates  to  Ornamental  Art."^'^  Doubt- 
less, the  firm  produced  all  types  of  papers  in  all  grades 
of  quality,  including  some  that  may  have  rivaled  the 
papers  produced  in  France,  but  rarely  before  the  1880s 
did  wallpaper  manufacturers  mark  their  products. 
Only  one  identifiable  piece  of  Christy  and  Constant 
paper  is  known  today.  Why  the  firm  went  out  of 
business  in  1887  remains  unknown.  Further  research 
may  show  that  it  was  bought  out  by  another  wall- 
paper company. 

Tiny  by  comparison  with  Christy  and  Constant,  the 
firm  of  Pratt— later  Pratt  and  Hardenbergh  — 
started  out  as  wholesalers  in  the  mid-i84os  but  by 
the  mid-i850S  had  begun  to  pursue  a  retail  business. 
In  1854  it  placed  an  advertisement  in  The  Independent^ 
annoimcing:  "PRATT  &  hardenbergh,  Manufac- 
turers and  Importers,  No.  360  Broadway,  New-York, 
have  added  to  their  wholesale  business  A  RETAIL 
DEPARTMENT,  and  are  constandy  receiving  all  the 
new  varieties  of  wall  and  paper  decorations, 
from  the  most  eminent  manufacturers  of  Europe 
which,  with  the  best  styles  of  American  production, 
they  will  be  pleased  to  exhibit  to  any  and  all  who  may 
call  upon  them,  either  with  a  view  of  purchasing,  or 
to  see  the  perfection  this  branch  of  manufacture  has 
obtained."  ^'^  That  same  year  the  company  announced 
that  it  was  planning  to  manufacture  an  American 
scenic  paper  equal  in  every  way  to  the  enormously 
popular  French  scenic  papers.  In  a  laudatory  article 


69.  NewTork  Mercantile  Re£fister^ 
1848-49,  p.  309. 

70.  See  List  of  Premiums  Awarded 
by  the  Managers  of  the  Seven- 
teenth Annual  Fair  of  the 
American  Institute,  October 
1844  [New  York,  1844],  P-  n; 
and  List  of  Premiums  Awarded 
by  the  Managers  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Annual  Fair  of  the 
American  Institute,  October 
1846  [New  York,  1846],  p.  20; 
copies  of  both  in  the  hbrary 
of  the  New-York  Historical 
Society. 

71.  J.  Leander  Bishop,  A  History 
of  American  Manufactures 
from  1608  to  i860,  ...  3  vols. 
(Philadelphia:  Edward  Young 
and  Co.,  1868),  vol.  3,  p.  179. 

72.  Manufactures  of  the  United 
States  in  i860. 

73.  Bishop,  History  of  American 
Manufactures,  p.  180. 

74.  Ibid. 

75.  Nylander  et  al,,  Wallpaper  in 
New  England,  p.  192. 

76.  The  Independent,  April  27, 
1854,  p.  135- 


278    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  229.  Printing  the  Paper^  interior  views  of  Christy,  Shepherd  and  Garrett,  1880.  From  Scientific  American,  July  24, 1880,  front 
page.  The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations,  The  Science  and  Technology  Research  Center 


PRODUCTS  OF   EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  279 


published  in  Glances  at  the  Metropolis  (1854),  Pratt 
and  Hardenbergh's  store  is  described  and  its  ambi- 
tions are  discussed: 

But  a  si£fht  of  all  the  rooms  of  the  most  beautifully 
decorated  dwellings  in  New  Tork^ives  but  a  faint 
conception  of  the  immense  scope  of  variety y  the 
genius  and  labor  that  strike  the  eye  and  kindle  the 
fancy y  in  going  through  the  vast  Paper  Hanging 
Establishment  of  FRATTy  hardenbergh  &'Co., 
390  [sic]  Broadway.  These  young  men^  who  are  mas- 
ters of  this  branch  of  luxurious  commerce^  opened 
their  magnificent  store  last  spring.  It  was  built  for 
themy  and  they  have  directed  all  its  interior  propor- 
tions with  special  reference  to  the  convenience  of  visi- 
torSy  and  an  artistic  display  of  their  goods.  .  .  .  They 
are  the  only  House  of  the  Trade  in  New  Tork,  that 
retails  Paper  Hangings  of  their  own  manufacture. 

There  has  hitherto  been  one  thing  to  be  desired  in 
this  department  of  Commerce — American  Scenes. 
.  .  .We  are  rejoiced  to  learn  that  these  accomplished 
young  men  are  preparing  to  manufacture  original 
styles  of  Paper,  which  will  illustrate  our  own  His- 
tory and  scenes.  In  this  laudable  design  they  will  be 
greeted  by  praise,  and  be  rewarded  by  the  most  gen- 
erous appreciation.'^'^ 

The  passage  above  is  followed  by  a  poem  entided 
"Lines  inscribed  to  Pratt,  Hardenbergh  &  Co.,  on 
hearing  that  they  had  determined  to  manufacture 
Wall  Paper  illustrated  with  scenes  from  American  His- 
tory and  Landscape."  The  poem  is  anti-European  in 
tone,  citing  beautiful  American  landscapes  that  more 
than  equal  those  found  in  Europe.  The  subtext  is  pro- 
American  manufacturers  and  proposes  that  they  can 
rival  French  jfirms  such  as  Zuber,  which  had  been 
producing  papers  showing  American  scenes  since  the 
18305.^^  Despite  all  the  high  hopes  thus  expressed, 
Pratt  and  Hardenbergh  did  not  achieve  a  lasting  suc- 
cess, possibly  because  the  business  was  just  too  small. 
According  to  the  1855  New  York  State  census  records, 
it  manufactured  only  $13,000  worth  of  paper  that  year 
and  had  a  mere  six  employees. Also  the  firm  must 
have  been  hand  printing  its  papers,  which  was  enor- 
mously time  consuming;  this  can  be  surmised  because 
the  census  lists  the  value  of  the  company's  tools  and 
machinery  at  only  $100.  According  to  the  R.  G.  Dun 
credit  reports,  it  was  never  financially  strong,  no 
matter  how  affluent  the  shop  may  have  appeared.  By 
October  21, 1856,  the  company  had  failed,  although  it 
limped  along  for  a  few  more  years,  selling  off  stock  to 
meet  debts,  finally  closing  in  1858.^^ 


Firm  names:  J.  H.  and  J.  M.  Pratt  (1845-50),  John 
Pratt  (1851),  Pratt  and  Hardenbergh  (1851-58) 
Owners:  James  H.  Pratt,  John  M.  Pratt,  John  P. 
Hardenbergh 
Locations 

1845         21  South  William  Street 
1846-47    141  Pearl  Street 
1848-49    138  Pearl  Street 

1850-  51     159  Pearl  Street 

1851-  53      32  Broadway 
1854-58     360  Broadway 


Like  Pratt  and  Hardenbergh,  Sutphen  and 
Breed  (later  Sutphen  and  Weeks)  must  have 
received  a  large  infusion  of  capital  in  the  mid-i850s 
that  it  used  to  open  a  store  on  Broadway.  Both  compa- 
nies kept  their  palatial  shops  for  only  a  few  years.  Ten- 
eyck  Sutphen  had  been  a  dry-goods  merchant  from 
1840  to  1854,  at  which  point  he  turned  to  wallpaper 
with  his  new  partner,  John  B.  Breed,  and  moved  the 
business  from  Pine  Street  to  404  Broadway,  where  they 
opened  a  grand  store  (see  figs.  230,  231).  The  existing 
illustrations  of  Sutphen  and  Breed's  provide  a  won- 
derful record  of  the  appearance  of  wallpaper  empori- 
ums in  the  1850s,  a  time  when  there  was  a  great  deal 
of  excitement  over  the  transforming  possibilities  that 
wallpapers  held  for  even  the  humblest  room.  As  an  1855 
editorial  in  the  Home  Journal  cn^honcz^y  expressed  it: 

Within  the  last  year,  so  much  has  been  done  for  the 
interior  decoration  of  our  private,  and  many  of  our 
public  buildings,  that  we  may  say  with  propriety, 
that  the  walls,  heretofore  so  bare  and  unmeaning, 
are  now  beginning  to  assume  a  character  that  adds 
much  to  the  pleasures  and  enjoyments  of  refined  life. 
The  production  of  paper  of  elegant  designs,  and  of 
untold  variety — placed  in  the  hands  of  skilful  deco- 
rators, who  take  their  multiplied  beauties,  and,  by 
new  art,  cut  and  arrange  them,  with  reference  to 
each  room — is  the  very  perfection  of  this  especial 
business.  Now,  instead  of  that  eternal  sameness 
which  once  prevailed,  we  have  the  most  pleasing 
variety  and  fitness. 


77.  Charles  Edwards  Lester,  ed., 
Glances  at  the  Metropolis 
(New  York:  Isaac  D.  Guyer, 
1854),  p.  37. 

78.  See  Zuber's  papers  called  Vues 
du  VAmerique  du  Nord  (1834- 
36),  illustrated  in  Lynn,  Wdll- 
paper  in  America,  p.  193. 

79.  New  York  State  Census,  1855, 
Sixth  Ward,  Second  Election 
District. 

80.  R.  G.  Dun  Reports,  October  21, 
1856  (New  York  vol.  365,  p.  134), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration. 

81.  "Interior  Decorations,"  Home 
Journal,  March  23, 1855,  p.  3. 


Firm  names:  Sutphen  and  Breed  (1854-57), 

Sutphen  and  Weeks  (1858-61) 

Owners:  Teneyck  Sutphen,  John  B.  Breed, 

Fielder  S.  Weeks 

Locations 

1854-59     404  Broadway 

1860-61    100  Liberty  Street  and  105  Cedar  Street 


280    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


I* 


1  i  f ' 


Faper  Hangings,  Borders^ 


Kn,   mi   !',1{()ADWAY,  KKW  VOUK. 





Fig.  230.  Exterior  of  Sutphen  and  Breed's  Paper-Han0in0s  Store,  404  Broadway, 
1855.  Wood  engraving  by  William  Roberts,  after  A.  Waud(?),  from  The  Illus- 
trated American  Biography  (New  York:  J.  M.  Emerson  and  Company,  1855), 
vol.  3,  p.  18.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Elisha 
Whittelsey  Collection,  The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Fund,  1958  58.521.3 


SUTPHEN  &  BREED, 

XmperteriB^  MajmAotann  and  Tobbwn 


FiMifrib  OhiSf  Owfw^j  «*iit|iiiMt  mkmm 


Fig.  231.  Interior  of  Sutphen  and  Breed's  Paper-Han0in£fs  Store,  404  Broadway, 
1855.  Wood  engraving  by  William  Roberts,  after  A.  Waud(.>),  from  The  Illus- 
trated American  Biography  (New  York:  J.  M.  Emerson  and  Company,  1855), 
vol.  3,  p.  21.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Elisha 
Whittelsey  Collection,  The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Fund,  1958  58.521.3 


82.  "Elegant  Parlor  Papers  and 
Decorations,"  The  Independent, 
March  30, 1854,  p.  loi. 

83.  Lynn,  Wallpaper  in  America, 
p.  2l8. 

84.  AH  information  in  tiiis  para- 
graph was  found  in  die  R.  G. 
Dun  Reports  (New  York 

vol.  193,  p.  625,  vol.  195,  p.  849, 
vol.  364,  pp.  55, 58),  R.  G. 
Dun  &  Co.  Collection,  Baker 
Library,  Harvard  University 
Graduate  School  of  Business 
Administration. 

85.  Statistics  from  the  federal  cen- 
sus of  i860,  in  Bishop,  History 
of  American  Manufactures, 
vol.  3,  pp.  119-22. 


Sutphen  and  Breed  apparendy  specialized  in 
imported  papers;  in  an  1854  advertisement  announc- 
ing that  the  firm  had  "removed  from  their  old  stand 
in  Pine  street  to  the  new  and  spacious  building,  404 
Broadway,"  it  listed  the  French  manufacturers 
whose  wares  it  carried,  including  "Zuber,  Delecourt, 
Lamperlier,  Deguette,  Mader,  Gillon,  and  other  Paris 
makers."  The  illustration  of  the  interior  of  the  store 
shows  clearly  distinguishable  French  scenic  papers, 
such  as  Eldorado  over  the  paneled  dado  on  the  right, 
and  Isola  Bella  on  the  left,  both  of  which  were  made 
by  Zuber.^^  The  firm  must  have  had  a  setback  after 
the  financial  panic  of  1857.  Breed  left  the  business  in 
July  1857,  perhaps  taking  capital  with  him.  Fielder  S. 
Weeks  joined  Teneyck  Sutphen  in  1858,  and  in  i860 
Sutphen  and  Weeks  moved  back  downtown  to  100 
Liberty  Street  to  run  a  wholesale  paper-hangings 
business.  In  1862  the  partnership  was  dissolved.  In 
1869  Sutphen  changed  his  speciality,  becoming  a 


partner  in  a  large  Brooklyn  carpet  business.  Weeks 
continued  to  run  a  wholesale  wallpaper  concern 
until  1875. 


Upholstery 

Although  the  upholstery  trade  was  never  a  major 
one  in  New  York  City,  upholsterers  performed 
essential  services  for  many  New  Yorkers  between 
1825  and  1861.  In  comparison  with  the  larger  home- 
decoration  industries  discussed  in  this  essay,  uphol- 
stery workshops  were  numerous  but  small-scale.  In 
i860  there  were  twenty- four  upholstery  shops  in 
the  city,  employing  a  total  of  ninety-five  men  and 
eighty  women.  Small  though  it  was,  this  trade  had  a 
yearly  produa  worth  $653,460— only  about  $140,000 
less  than  the  paper-hanging  business,  which  employed 
nearly  five  hundred  people. Upholsterers  were 
skilled  tradespeople  who  charged  relatively  high 


PRODUCTS  OF   EMPIRE:   HOME   DECORATIONS  28l 


prices  for  their  services  and  were  patronized,  for  the 
most  part,  by  middle-  and  upper-class  New  Yorkers. 

From  the  1820s  into  the  1840s  New  York  City 
upholsterers  seem  to  have  followed  the  traditional 
practices  of  the  upholstery  trade,  which  had  their  ori- 
gins centuries  earlier  in  Europe.  These  trademen  con- 
cerned themselves  with  many  aspects  of  a  room's 
appearance,  providing  curtains  as  well  as  the  requisite 
rods,  rings,  and  ornaments;  wallpapers;  upholstery 
for  furniture  (sometimes  also  the  wood  frames);  bed 
hangings;  mattresses;  and  pillows.  An  advertisement 
placed  in  1832  by  the  short-lived  firm  of  Dickie  and 
Murray  gives  a  comprehensive  description  of  the  tra- 
ditional upholsterer's  realm: 

DRAWING  AND  DINING  ROOM  CURTAINS,  UPHOL- 
STERY DICKIE  &  MURRAY,  UpholstCreVS 

in  general,  No.  152  Fulton  street,  respectfully  inform 
their  friends  and  the  public,  that  they  are  now 
reddy  to  execute  any  orders  for  drawing  room,  din- 
ing room,  and  bed  room  curtains,  which  will  be 
made  from  the  newest  and  best  designs.  .  .  . 

D.  &  M.  also  furnishes  and  stuffs  every  kind  of 
Cabinet  Furniture  in  a  superior  manner  .  .  . 

They  have  also  for  sale,  which  have  either  been 
imported  or  made  to  their  order,  a  great  variety  of 
material  for  curtains  or  furniture,  amongst  which 
are  viz.  sattin  damask  furniture  in  patterns  for 
sofas,  chaise  lounges,  chairs,  &c.  with  a  new  style 
satin  for  curtains  to  match,  including  galloons, 
cord,  tassels,  bell  pulls,  &c.  for  each  sett  of  furniture. 

India  satin  damask  of  the  most  fashionable  colours; 
French  furniture  cottons  of  the  newest  styles;  worsted 
damasks;  moreens;  chintzes,  &'c.  A  great  variety  of 
fringes;  gallons,  cords,  tassels,  &'c. 

Orris  Lace,  of  all  colours,  a  new  article  for  Cur- 
tains, and  the  first  ever  imported  into  this  market, 
which  they  particularly  recommend  as  a  trimming 
for  India  Damask.  They  are  likewise  manufactur- 
ing an  entire  new  style  of  cornices  of  most  superior 
workmanship  ^got  up  entirely  for  their  style  of 
curtains.  They  have  also  constantly  on  hand  a  large 
assortment  of  feather  beds,  mattr asses,  palliasters, 
paper  hangings,  &c.  ^c.^^ 

The  most  expensive  items  purchased  from  uphol- 
sterers were  undoubtedly  bed  hangings  and  window 
curtains.  Precious  silk  was  the  fabric  of  choice  for 
high-st}^le  draperies,  and  many  homeowners  paid  hun- 
dred of  dollars  for  the  curtains  in  a  main-floor  room, 
including  the  fabric  trimmings  and  fancy  hardware. 
The  well-known  1833  broadside  for  furniture  makers 
Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons  (cat.  no.  225)  advertises  both 


bed  hangings  and  curtains.  Bedsteads  shown  on  the 
broadside  could  be  purchased  for  $50  to  $100  apiece; 
if  they  were  bought  complete  with  hangings,  the  prices 
jumped  to  $200  to  $600  per  bed.  The  three  sets  of 
window  curtains  on  the  broadside  were  $200  to  $300 
per  pair.  Using  silk  often  doubled  the  price  of  fiirniture: 
upholstered  with  haircloth,  one  advertised  mahogany 
sofa  sold  for  $100;  with  silk,  it  cost  $150  to  $200. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  period  of  this  study,  uphol- 
sterers purchased  their  fabrics  from  wholesale  mer- 
chants and  importers,  but  by  the  later  years  larger 
upholstery  firms  such  as  Solomon  and  Hart  had 
begun  to  import  textiles  directly.  Either  way,  they 
must  have  made  money  by  retailing  the  fabrics  and 
trimmings  to  their  customers,  as  well  as  earning  a 
modest  sum  for  the  upholstery  fabrication.  The  firm 
of  Isaac  M.  Phyfe  reupholstered  a  leather  chair  for 
Evert  A.  Duyckinck  in  1855.  An  existing  invoice  details 
what  this  relatively  modest  job  entailed  and  reveals 
the  interesting  fact  that  upholsterers  did  not  make  a 
large  amount  of  money  for  their  day-to-day  work: 


4  Skins  for  chair  $7.  — 
6  Springs  .38 
ij  Tds  burlap  &i  Td  Muslin  .3$ 
2  J  lbs  hair  1.09 

5  Tds  Gimp  .78 
Restuffing  Chair  s-oo 
Cartage  .75 


The  job  fetched  $15.35,  including  materials.^^ 

Upholstery  was  one  of  the  few  trades  in  which  men 
and  women  were  employed  in  about  equal  numbers, 
judging  from  the  i860  federal  census  cited  above. 
Women  probably  did  much  of  the  stitching  and  trim- 
ming, while  men  may  have  done  more  of  the  founda- 
tion work.  In  some  cases,  women  owned  upholstery 
workshops.  We  know  that  Eleanor  D.  Constantine 
inherited  the  workshop  at  182  Fulton  Street  that  she 
had  run  with  her  husband  before  his  death,  and  Wil- 
son's  Business  Directory  of  New-Tork  City  also  lists 
several  other  women— Elizabeth  Bedell  at  13  Sixth  Ave- 
nue, Jane  Ferrin  at  131  Canal  Street,  Mary  B.  McKinney 
at  228  Hudson  Street,  and  Harriet  Pomroy  at  303  Division 
Street— as  owners  of  upholstery  workshops  in  1850. 

During  the  1840s  cabinetmakers  began  to  advertise 
that  they  could  provide  many  of  the  same  services  as 
upholsterers.  Joseph  Meeks  and  some  others  seem  to 
have  supplied  clients  with  curtains  and  mattresses  as 
early  as  the  1830s,  but  Meeks  probably  subcontracted 
that  part  of  his  business.  In  1844  Alexander  Roux,  a 
recent  emigrant  from  Paris,  advertised  "Cabinet  fur- 
niture, hair  &  spring  mattresses,  Sec.  made  to  order. 


86.  New-York  Evening  Post,  Octo- 
ber 1, 1832,  p.  I.  Dickie  and 
Murray  was  in  business 
between  1832  and  1834- 

87.  Isaac  M.  Phyfe  to  Evert  A. 
Duyckinck,  invoice,  June  15, 
1855,  Duyckinck  Family  Papers, 
New  York  Public  Library. 

88.  Conversation  with  Jodi  Pol- 
lack, June  1999. 


282    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


89.  TTte  Gem,  or  Fashionable  Busi- 
ness Directory,  for  the  City  of 
New  Tork  (New  York:  George 
Shidell,  1844),  p.  23.  Roux 
arrived  in  New  York  City  in 
1836  and  was  first  listed  as  an 
upholsterer,  adding  cabinet 
furniture  to  his  business  a 
few  years  later. 

90.  For  more  on  this  later  period, 
see  Katherine  S.  Howe,  Alice 
Cooney  Frelinghuysen,  and 
Catherine  Hoover  Voorsanger, 
Herter  Brothers;  Furniture  and 
Interiors  for  a  Gilded  Age  (exh. 
cat..  New  York:  Harry  N. 
Abrams,  in  association  with 
the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Houston,  1994). 

91.  "Inventory  of  the  Estate  of 
John  Constantine  dec.  /  Filed 
June  12, 1846,"  Joseph  Downs 
Collection  of  Manuscripts 
and  Printed  Ephemera, 

no.  54.106.12,  courtesy  The 
Winterthur  Library. 

92.  The  announcements  of  John 
Constantine's  death  invite 
"Friends  of  the  family  ...  to 
attend  the  funeral  from  his  late 
residence,  No.  182  Fulton  st." 
See  Evening  Post  (New  York), 
October  23, 1845;  and  New  Tork 
Herald,  October  24, 1845. 


Always  on  hand  a  variety  of  curtain  ornaments;  and 
Curtains  made  to  order  in  the  most  fashionable 
style."  In  a  business  directory  of  1840-41,  six  New 
York  firms  listed  themselves  both  as  manufacturers 
and  dealers  of  cabinet  furniture  and  as  upholsterers. 
They  were  C.  A.  Baudouine  at  332  Broadway;  Dem- 
ing,  Bulkley  and  Company  at  56  Beekman  Street; 
A.  Eggleso  at  137  Broadway;  M.  W.  King  at  365  Pearl 
Street;  Joseph  N.  Riley  at  47  Beekman  Street;  and 
J.  and  W.  C.  Southack  at  196  Broadway.  By  the  end 
of  the  period  of  this  study,  the  general  upholsterer 
who  provided  interior-decorating  services  was  being 
supplanted  by  high-end  cabinetmakers,  among  them 
Leon  Marcotte,  Pottier  and  Stymus,  and  Gustave 
Herter,  who  supervised  all  aspects  of  a  grand  house's 
interior,  not  just  the  "soft"  fiirnishings.^^  There  were 
also  professional  decorators,  such  as  the  aforemen- 
tioned George  Piatt.  Paper-hangings  retailing  gradu- 
ally became  its  own  profession,  until  by  the  1860s 
wallpaper  was  no  longer  necessarily  included  in  the 
list  of  products  an  upholsterer  provided.  After  cen- 
turies of  overseeing  the  decoration  of  houses,  uphol- 
sterers shortened  their  list  of  services  until  it  became 
much  more  like  what  we  know  today:  they  uphol- 
stered fiirniture  framed  by  a  cabinetmaker,  produced 
curtains,  and  often  retailed  fabric  purchased  from  a 
wholesaler  for  a  client's  specific  chair  or  curtain. 

Retailers  and  Manufacturers 

John  Constantine,  the  son  of  an  English  cab- 
inetmaker who  had  immigrated  to  the  United  States  in 
1793,  ran  a  business  in  New  York  from  1818  until  1845 
that  was  probably  very  like  a  traditional  European 
upholstery  practice.  An  inventory  taken  of  Constan- 
tine's  shop  soon  after  his  death  shows  that  he  served 
as  an  interior  decorator  to  his  wealthy  clients,  supply- 
ing them  with  many  decorative  products. At  that 
time  his  shop  on  Fulton  Street  held  thousands  of 
pieces  of  wallpaper  of  all  different  varieties,  as  well  as 
"4  Sets  Landscape"  paper,  seemingly  underpriced  at 
$15  per  set.  His  holdings  in  wallpaper  were  valued  at 
$2,919.81.  The  "Contents  of  Glass  Cases"  in  the  shop 
included  yards  of  fabrics,  such  as  worsted  damask, 
chintz,  moreen,  and  green  baize,  and  gimps  and  trims 
of  all  types.  The  stock  of  fine  covering  yardage  was 
surprisingly  limited;  Constantine  may  have  used  fab- 
ric provided  by  his  clients,  or  perhaps  he  went  to 
wholesale  textile  merchants  for  expensive  silk  goods 
on  a  job-by-job  basis.  He  stocked  more  trimmings 
than  wide  goods;  the  shop  had  silk  cords,  fringes,  tas- 
sels, worsted  tassels,  and  gimps  and  "18  pieces  wide 


galoon"  at  $6  each.  The  high  price  of  this  trim  may 
indicate  that  it  was  the  type  of  galloon  made  of  silk  or 
wool  interwoven  with  gold  threads.  Next  on  the 
inventory  came  all  that  was  needed  for  making  up 
upholstered  chairs  and  beds— from  the  moss,  horse- 
hair, and  feather  stuffing  to  the  decorative  hardware 
for  the  centers  of  bed  canopies  and  fancy  bed  crowns. 
Constantine  stocked  furniture  frames  for  upholstered 
pieces  normally  found  in  bedrooms,  such  as  "Cott 
frames,"  "Bed  chair  frames,"  and  screens  with  either 
six  or  eight  leaves.  He  also  had  numerous  ready-made 
mattresses,  bolsters,  and  pillows.  In  addition,  the 
inventory  lists  drapery  supplies,  such  as  figural  pole 
ends  and  curtain  pins,  as  well  as  the  makings  of  win- 
dow shades  and  finished  shades  painted  with  designs 
or  landscapes.  The  final  two  pages  of  the  inventory 
list  all  the  hundreds  of  pieces  of  hardware  he  stocked, 
both  utilitarian  and  decorative.  The  value  of  the  goods 
in  Constantine's  shop  came  to  $6,559.36. 

The  inventory  of  the  items  in  his  home,  which  was 
in  the  same  building  as  his  shop,  suggests  the  relative 
affluence  a  well-placed  upholsterer  enjoyed.  Among 
other  things,  Constantine  and  his  wife  owned  three 
haircloth-covered  sofas,  one  dozen  mahogany  chairs, 
two  sideboards,  two  breakfast  tables  and  a  dining 
table,  mahogany  and  "curled  maple"  bedsteads,  three 
looking  glasses,  and  a  piano. 

Constantine's  brother  Thomas  was  a  cabinetmaker 
in  New  York  between  1817  and  about  1827;  after  that, 
he  sold  mahogany  to  other  cabinetmakers.  In  1817-18 
Thomas  received  the  commission  to  produce  all  the 
chairs  for  the  United  States  Senate  in  Washington.  It 
is  believed  that  Thomas  and  John  worked  together  on 
this  commission,  since  from  1818  to  1820  they  shared 
a  shop  at  157  Fulton  Street.  In  1823  John  was  hired 
to  provide  new  draperies,  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  a 
canopy  for  that  chair  for  the  North  Carolina  State 
House.  The  carved  mahogany  chair  frame  appears  to 


Firm  names:  John  Constantine  (1818-45), 
Eleanor  D.  Constantine  (1846-54),  John 
Constantine  [Jr.]  (1854-64) 
Owners:  John  Constantine  (1796-1845),  Eleanor  D. 
Constantine  (b.  1805;  widow  of  John  Constantine, 
not  listed  after  1854),  John  Constantine  (son  of 
John  and  Eleanor  Constantine) 
Locations 

1818-20     157  Fulton  Street 

1820-  21     218  Broadway  (rear) 

1821-  28  162  Fulton  Street 
1828-53  182  Fulton  Street 
1854-64    201  Bleecker  Street 


PRODUCTS  OF   EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  283 


Fig.  232.  Thomas  Constantine,  cabinetmaker;  John  Constantine, 
upholsterer,  Chair  for  the  Speaker  of  the  North  Carolina  Senate, 
1823.  Mahogany;  original  underupholstery,  replacement  show- 
cover.  North  Carolina  Division  of  Archives  and  History, 
Raleigh  91. 171.  i 


be  from  Thomas's  shop.  John's  original  invoice  for 
the  job,  dated  July  19, 1823,  still  exists.  In  it  he  charged 
$1,650  "to  furnishing  draperie  of  Crimson  Damask 
and  ornaments  complete  for  6  windows,  and  a  canopy 
&  chair  for  the  Speaker  of  Senate  in  the  Capitol." 
Contemporary  viewers  described  the  draperies  as 
trimmed  with  gold  fringe  and  tassels,  which  were 
looped  up  through  the  beak  of  a  large  gilt  eagle  that 
stood  above  each  window.  Unfortunately,  the  State 
House  burned  to  the  ground  in  18  31,  and  the  Speaker's 
chair  was  one  of  the  few  furnishings  saved  from  the 
building.  When  it  was  brought  to  Colonial  Williams- 
burg in  1992,  conservators  discovered  that  the  under- 
upholstery of  the  chair  (not  the  showcover)  was  original 
and  could  be  attributed  to  John  Constantine  (fig,  232); 
this  is  the  one  example  of  his  work  that  survives. 

John  Constantine  was  a  judge  of  the  upholstery 
division  of  the  American  Institute  fair  in  1830,  and  he 
installed  wallpaper  with  gilt  borders  at  Mr.  Evert 
Duyckinck's  in  1840.^^  Constantine's  wife,  Eleanor, 
probably  ran  the  shop  from  the  time  she  inherited  it 
in  1845  until  1854,  when  her  son  John  took  over  and 
moved  the  business  to  201  Bleecker  Street.  In  i860. 


when  the  credit  checkers  of  the  R.  G.  Dun  Company 
visited  the  shop,  they  found  no  one  there  but  an  old 
woman,  perhaps  Eleanor,  "who  states  that  J  Constan- 
tine is  not  in  bus[iness]  there,  alth[ou]g[h]  his  name 
appears  abov[e]  the  door,  she  refused  to  state  who  is 
the  proprietor  of  the  store,  or  give  her  own  name— 
There  is  a  very  small  stock  on  hand  &  not  the  appear- 
ance of  much  bus[iness]."^^ 

The  Phyfe  name  is  usually  associated  with  Dun- 
can Phyfe,  the  famous  nineteenth- century  maker  of 
New  York  furniture,  but  in  their  day  Duncan  Phyfe's 
nephews  were  also  well  known  as  fine  upholsterers. 
The  sons  of  Duncan's  brother  John,  a  grocer,  they  were 
in  business,  working  both  in  collaboration  with  their 
uncle's  cabinetmaking  firm  and  on  their  own,  from  the 
1820S  until  just  before  the  Civil  War.  The  eldest  of  the 
sons,  Isaac  M.  Phyfe,  had  his  own  upholstery  business 
between  1830  and  i860;  his  brothers,  James,  William, 
Robert,  and  George,  and  James's  son,  John  G.  Phyfe, 
ran  their  firm  from  1824  to  1861. 

An  early  mention  of  the  Phyfe  brothers'  work  as 
upholsterers  appeared  in  the  New-Tork  Mirror  in 
1829.  Contained  in  a  short  description  of  an  event 
called  the  Bachelors'  Fancy  Ball,  it  was  highly  compli- 
mentary: "The  decorations  of  the  ballroom  in  the  city- 
hotel  were,  on  the  present  occasion,  unsurpassed  in 
elegance  and  splendour.  The  arrangements,  the  orna- 
ments, inscriptions,  &c.  were  designed  and  executed 
by  the  Messrs.  Phyfe,  upholsterers  in  Maiden-lane, 
with  the  aid  of  Mr.  Snooks,  the  carpenter."  The 
Phyfe  brothers  seem  to  have  done  a  significant  por- 
tion of  their  business  in  room  decoration,  namely, 
designing  window  draperies  complete  with  cornices 
or  other  ornamental  hanging  systems  to  match  uphol- 
stered furniture  and  coordinating  wallpaper.  The  firm 
may  have  had  practices  similar  to  John  Constantine's; 
by  comparison,  companies  that  opened  their  doors 
a  bit  later  in  the  century,  such  as  Solomon  and  Hart, 
made  a  good  deal  of  their  profit  through  the  impor- 
tation and  sale  of  fine  furnishing  fabrics.  The  Phyfe 
brothers  did  import  some  items  for  sale:  a  receipt  of 
1830  made  out  to  a  Mr.  D.  W.  Coxe  lists  the  items 
J.  and  W.  F.  Phyfe  (then  of  44  Maiden  Lane)  could 
provide.  In  addition  to  hair  mattresses  and  feather 
beds,  the  receipt  states  that  the  firm  imported  "paper 
hangings,  fringes,  &c."  Indeed,  Mr.  Coxe  purchased 
"30  Yds  Silk  Fringe"  and  "100  Yds  Silk  GaUoon"  from 
the  brothers  in  yardages  large  enough  to  suggest  that 
he  may  have  been  planning  to  retail  the  goods,  rather 
than  use  them  on  his  own  furniture. 

Some  of  the  best- documented  work  completed  by 
the  Phyfe  brothers  was  done  in  collaboration  with  their 


93.  Invoice,  Box  2,  Treasurer's  aiid 
Comptroller's  Papers,  North 
Carolina  Archives,  Capitol 
Buildings,  Raleigh,  North 
Carolina. 

94.  Wendy  A.  Cooper,  Classical 
Taste  in  America,  1800-1840 
(exh.  cat.,  Baltimore:  Baltimore 
Museum  of.Art;  New  York: 
Abbeville  Press,  1993),  p.  231  • 

95.  Raymond  L.  Beck,  "Thomas 
Constantine's  1823  Senate 
Speaker's  Chair  for  the  North 
Carolina  State  House:  Its  His- 
tory and  Preservation,"  Car- 
olina Comments  (Raleigh: 
North  Carolina  State  Depart- 
ment of  Archives  and  History) 
41  (January  1993),  PP-  25-30. 

96.  Duyckinck  Family  Papers, 
New  York  Public  Library. 

97.  R.  G.  Dun  Reports,  November 
7,  i860  (New  York  vol.  194, 

p.  728),  R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Col- 
lection, Baker  Library,  Harvard 
University  Graduate  School  of 
Business  Administration. 

98.  New-York  Mirror,  and  Ladies' 
Literary  Gazette,  February  21, 
1829,  p.  263. 

99.  J.  and  W.  F.  Phyfe  to  Mr.  D.  W. 
Coxe,  Esq.,  invoice,  Decem- 
ber 2, 1830,  Misc.  mss.  Phyfe, 

J.  &  W.  /  F,  Manuscript 
Department,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 


284    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


100.  For  the  complete  history  of  the 
decoration  of  Millford  Planta- 
tion, see  Thomas  Gordon 
Smith,  "Millford  Plantation  in 
South  Carolina,"  Antiques  151 
(May  1997),  pp.  732-41. 

10 1.  Phyfe  and  Brother  to  John 
Laurence  Manning,  invoice, 
January  7, 1842,  Williams- 
Chesnut-Manning  Families 
Papers,  South  Caroliniana 
Library  of  the  University  of 
South  Carolina,  Columbia;  cited 
in  Smith,  "Millford  Plantation." 

102.  Phyfe  and  Brother  to  Mrs! 
Duyddnck,  invoice,  Septem- 
ber 29, 1840,  Duyddnck  Fam- 
ily Papers,  New  York  Public 
Library. 

103.  A.  D.  Jones,  Use  Illustrated 
American  Biography,  .  .  .  vol.  i 
(New  York:  J.  M.  Emerson  and 
Co.,  1853),  p-  89.  Although,  as 
the  tide  promises,  this  volume 
contains  some  biographical 
sketches,  it  is  actually  a  book  of 
advertisements  for  merchants 
in  New  York  and  Boston. 

104.  Isaac  M.  Phyfe  to  Evert  Duyck- 
rnck,  receipts,  June  18, 1852, 
and  June  15, 1855,  Duyddnck 
Family  Papers,  New  York  Pub- 
lic Library. 

105.  New-Tork  Commercial  Adver- 
tiser, September  2, 1844,  p.  4, 
col.  7. 


Firm  names:  J.  and  W.  F.  Phyfe  (1824-33),  R.  a^id 
W.  F.  Phyfe  (1833-35),  Phyfe  and  Brother  [James 
Phyfe  and  Robert  Phyfe]  (1835-43),  James  Phyfe 
and  George  W.  Phyfe  [separate  listings,  but  at  the 
same  location]  (1844-47),  James  Phyfe  (1847-51), 
Phyfe  and  Ck>mpany  [James  Phyfe,  John  G.  Phyfe, 
and  James  Jackson]  (1851-57),  Phyfe  and  Jackson 
[John  G.  Phyfe  and  James  Jackson]  (1857-61} 
Owners:  James  Phyfe  (1800-87),  William  F.  Phyfe 
(1803-42),  Robert  Phyfe  (b.  1805),  George  W.  Phyfe 
(b.  1812),  John  G.  Phyfe  (son  of  James  Phyfe), 
James  Jackson 
Locations 

1824-26    34  Maiden  Lane 
1826-32    44  Maiden  Lane 
1832-52     43  Maiden  Lane 
1852-57     323  Broadway 
1857-61     706  Broadway 


uncle  Duncan  Phyfe.  In  early  1842  the  firm  (then  known 
as  Phyfe  and  Brother)  billed  for  the  upholstery  for 
many  pieces  of  furniture  made  by  Duncan  Phyfe  and* 
his  son  James  Duncan  for  Millford  Plantation  in  central 
South  Carolina  (see  fig.  233).^**°  The  house  was  built 
between  1839  and  1841  for  John  L.  Manning  and  his 
wife,  Susan  Hampton  Manning.  In  addition  to  uphol- 
stering the  Duncan  Phyfe-made  fiimiture,  Phyfe  and 
Brother  supphed  the  plantation  house  with  drawing- 
room  curtains  topped  with  gilt  cornices,  as  well 
as  more  pedestrian  items,  such  as  bed  canopies,  mat- 
tresses, bolsters,  pillows,  and  silk  fringe  and  tassels. 

Phyfe  and  Brother  was  especially  esteemed  for  its 
ornamental  curtain  and  drapery  arrangements.  In 
1840  it  sold  a  i3i-foot  length  of  "Velvet  Curtain  bar"  to 
Mrs.  Duyckinck,  enough  for  three  windows.  Included 
in  the  same  order  were  three  pairs  of  gilt  curtain  orna- 
ments and  thirty  brass  curtain  rings. In  1853  an 
advertisement  for  Phyfe  and  Company  read  "Uphol- 
stery, Paper  Hangings  and  Interior  Decorations, 
Wholesale  and  Retail." 

Isaac  M.  Phyfe,  the  independent  eldest  brother, 
may  have  concentrated  on  less  showy  upholstery  work. 
The  few  biUs  that  have  survived  for  work  done  by  him 
are  for  jobs  such  as  reupholstering  a  leather  chair  and 
making  linen  chandeher  covers  and  crimson  moreen 
valances  for  a  bookcase,  i*^"*^  (It  was  common  practice 
to  make  overhanging  fabric  valances  on  the  edges  of 
bookshelves  to  protect  fine  bindings  from  Ught  and 
dirt.)  Isaac  left  the  upholstery  business  between  1842 
and  1845,  and  during  those  years  he  worked  as  a 
"U.  S.  Inspector,"  perhaps  examining  items  that  came 
into  the  port.  He  opened  a  shop  on  Broadway  five 


years  before  his  brothers  did  and  in  1859  served  as  a 
judge  of  the  upholstery  category  at  the  American 
Institute  fair. 

During  the  1830s  and  1840s  the  firm  of  Solomon 
AND  Hart  supphed  New  Yorkers  with  a  wide  variety 
of  fine  fabrics  and  upholstery  services.  An  advertise- 
ment placed  in  the  New-Tork  Commercial  Advertiser 
on  September  2, 1844,  gives  a  wonderful  description 
of  the  European  textiles  that  they  stocked: 

FALL  UPHOLSTERT  GOODS— Just  received  per 
Utica,  Ville  de  Lyon  and  other  packets  from  France; 
alsOy  per  steamers  Hibernia  and  Caledonia,  from 
England,  the  largest  and  handsomest  assortment  of 
the  above  £foods  that  can  be  found  in  the  city.  .  .  . 
Amon£f  a  variety  of  other  articles  will  be  found 
the  following: 

Rich  French  Silk  Brocatels,  various  colors;  Satin 
de  Laines,  a  lar^e  assortment;  Worsted;  Satin  striped 
and  watered  Tabouretts;  India  Satin  Damasks; 
Chintz  Furnitures^  French  and  En^flish;  Printed 
Lustrin£fSy  French,  large  variety;  Velvet  Flush, 
figured,  plain  and  striped,  all  colors;  Satin  and 
other  Galloons,  all  widths  and  colors;  broad  and 
narrow  Gimps;  gilt  and  French  Cornices,  Bands, 
Fins,  Clasps,  &'c.;  Lace  and  embroidered  Curtains, 
all  sizes;  Fainted  Window  Shades,  all  sizes  and 
prices;  English  Chintz  and  white  and  bt^  Hollands 
for  shades. — Together  with  every  other  article  in  the 
Upholstery  line.^^^ 

In  1844  the  shop  moved  to  243  Broadway  (see 
fig.  223)  and  the  owners  added  French,  Enghsh,  and 
American  wallpapers  to  their  line,  advertising  them 
extensively.  By  the  1850s  Solomon  and  Hart  had 
become  the  leading  upholstery  firm  in  the  city.  It  dis- 
played both  curtains  and  wallpapers  at  the  1853  New 


Firm  nams:  Isaac  M.  Phyfe  (1830-60) 
Owner:  Isaac  M.  Phyfe  (b.  1796) 
Locations 

1830-  31     Tryon  Row  and  Chatham  Street 

(paperhanger) 

1831-  32     II  Ann  Street  (paperhanger) 

1833-  34     51  John  Street  (upholsterer) 

1834-  35     59  Church  Street 

1835-  36     256  Greenwich  Street 

1836-  42    128  WiUiam  Street 
1845-47    15  Rose  Street 
1847-49    669  Broadway 
1849-54    687  Broadway 
1854-60    893  Broadway 


PRODUCTS  OF  EMPIRE:   HOME  DECORATIONS  285 


and  Brother,  upholsterer,  Armchair  for  Millford  Plantation, 
Clarendon  County,  South  Carolina,  1842.  Chestnut;  replace- 
ment upholstery.  Private  collection 

York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  and  was  the  only 
American  firm  to  win  an  honorable  mention  in  the 
upholstery  category.  An  1857  advertisement  described 
not  only  the  goods  the  company  had  for  sale  but 
also  the  services,  such  as  curtain  making,  it  could  pro- 
vide: "S.  &  H.  being  Practical  upholsterers,  purchasers 
can  have  their  curtains,  Sec,  made  up  in  the  best  style, 
and  after  the  Newest  French  Designs,  received  by 


every  steamer  from  their  House  in  Paris."  This 
description  is  somewhat  unclear:  were  the  curtains 
being  sent  by  steamer  from  France,  or  were  the 
"newest  designs"  sketches  for  curtains?  It  has  not 
been  ascertained  if  Solomon  and  Hart  actually  had  a 
"house"— that  is,  a  retail  establishment— in  Paris; 
however,  by  the  1860s  the  firm  did  have  a  store  in 
San  Francisco, 

The  great  success  of  Solomon  and  Hart  is  particu- 
larly interesting  because  the  owners  were  both  Jewish, 
a  fact  that  is  made  much  of  in  the  R.  G.  Dun  credit 
reports.  An  early  entry  on  the  firm,  dated  Novem- 
ber 10,  1851,  reveals  that  the  owners  "are  Jews— was 
started  some  10  [to]  12  years  ago  by  his  fath[er],  a 
Pawnbroker  in  the  Bowery  reputed  wealthy,  who  is 
said  to  have  given  the  y[ou]ng  man  cap[ital]  at 
starting."  On  March  i,  1853,  the  reporter  from  Dun 
noted  "D[oin]g  a  large  &  profitable  bus[iness].  Have 
rem[ove]d  to  BVay  where  they  h[a]v[e]  built  a  large 
store."  His  next  remark,  "Are  decidedly  the  best  Israel- 
ite ho  [use]  in  this  city"  (the  firm  was  estimated  to 
have  over  $40,000  in  capital  at  this  time),  must  be 
evaluated  in  light  of  the  fact  that  there  were  very  few 
large  Jewish- owned  businesses  catering  to  a  high- end 
clientele  in  mid-nineteenth-century  New  York.  None 
of  the  other  Dun  reports  read  in  the  course  of  prepar- 
ing this  essay  mentions  the  religion  of  the  merchant 
whose  credit  is  being  investigated. 

In  1863  Henry  1.  Hart  died  in  Halifax,  England 
(a  noted  textile  manufacturing  center),  no  doubt 
while  he  was  on  a  buying  trip.  The  firm  continued 
under  Barnett  L.  Solomon  and  his  two  sons;  after 
1866  it  expanded  its  line,  listing  itself  as  "importers  of 
upholstery  goods,  house  linens  &  paper  hangings: 
manufacturers  of  furniture  &  window  shades"  in  the 
New  York  City  directories.^**^  The  business  survived 
until  1885. 

This  essay  examines  only  a  small  number  of  the  many 
businesses  intent  upon  furnishing  the  thousands  of 
new  houses  that  sprang  up  along  the  streets  of  New 
York  City  between  1825  and  1861.  The  reader  of  this 
survey  of  a  handful  of  the  manufacturers  and  retailers 
in  a  mere  four  industries  should  bear  in  mind  that 
there  were  many  others  who  provided  the  comforts  of 
home  to  New  Yorkers— painters  and  stencilers, 
gilders,  plaster  molders,  makers  of  mirrors,  picture 
frames,  and  window  cornices,  and  producers  of  chan- 
deliers and  other  lighting  fixtures.  This  essay  was  writ- 
ten in  the  hope  of  inspiring  further  research  into  the 
products  and  practices  of  these  important  yet  mostly 
forgotten  craftsmen  of  the  nineteenth  century. 


Firm  names:  Solomon  and  Hart  (1834-38, 

1843-  64),  Barnett  L.  Solomon  (1838-43), 
B.  L.  Solomon  and  Sons  (1864-85) 

Owners:  Barnett  L.  Solomon,  Henry  I.  Hart  (d.  1863), 
Isaac  S.  Solomon  (son  of  Barnett  L.  Solomon), 
Solomon  B.  Solomon  (son  of  Barnett  L.  Solomon) 
Locations 

1834-42    449  Broadway 
1842-44    187  Broadway 

1844-  58    243  Broadway 

1858-64     369  Broadway  and  229  Chrystie  Street 
1864-68    369  Broadway 
1868-79    657  Broadway 
1879-85     29  Union  Square 


106.  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  News- 
paper, November  i,  1857,  p.  561. 

107.  The  R.  G.  Dun  credit  reports 
for  January  i,  1864,  state  that 
after  Henry  I.  Hart's  death,  in 
1863,  "the  business  will  be  con- 
tinued in  NY  &  San  Francisco 
by  Barnet  [sic]  L.  Solomon  & 
Sons"  (New  York  vol.  191, 

p.  420),  R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Col- 
lection, Baker  Library,  Harvard 
University  Graduate  School  of 
Business  Administration. 

108.  Ibid.,  p.  406. 

109.  H.  Wilson,  comp.,  Trow^s 
New  York  City  Directory 
(New  York:  John  F.  Trow, 
1870),  p.  1040. 


^^Gor0eous  Articles  ofFurniture^^: 
Cabinetmakifig  in  the  Empire  City 

CATHERINE  HOOVER  VOORSANGER 


A  mong  the  thousands  of  tradesmen  and  artisans 
marching  in  the  Grand  Canal  Celebration  on 
.JL  JL.  November  4, 1825,  were  two  hundred  mem- 
bers of  the  Chair-Makers'  Society— mechanics,  jour- 
neymen, and  apprentices.  They  proudly  held  aloft  a 
two-sided  banner  that  juxtaposed,  on  one  side,  a  fig- 
ure of  Plenty  with  a  side  chair  posing  before  a  stand 
of  native  Indian  corn,  with  a  furniture  manufactory  at 
the  edge  of  New  York  Harbor  in  the  distance;  the 
other  side  showed  the  chair  makers'  arms  and  tools 
as  weU  as  the  products  of  their  industry  (fig.  234). 
The  mottoes  on  the  banner,  "By  Industry  We  Thrive" 
and  "Rest  for  the  Weary,"  conveyed  the  traditional 
republican  values  that  the  marchers  professed— com- 
mitment to  craft,  a  sense  of  responsibility  to  the 
community,  and  a  belief  in  the  importance  of  an  indi- 
vidual's contribution  to  society.  ^  To  produce  boxes 
that  held  commemorative  medals  coined  for  the  occa- 
sion (cat.  no.  282A,  b),  Duncan  Phyfe,  the  most  lion- 
ized cabinetmaker  of  the  day,  collaborated  with  the 
turner  Daniel  Karr,  employing  bird's-eye  maple  and 
cedar  procured  from  the  western  forests  and  trans- 
ported to  New  York  on  the  Seneca  Chiefs  the  first 
canal  boat  to  enter  New  York  Harbor.  Even  as  they 
celebrated  the  completion  of  the  Erie  Canal,  and 
understood  what  it  portended  for  their  city,  the  chair 
makers  and  other  members  of  the  New  York  ftirniture 
making  trades  could  not  have  predicted  how  much 
their  world  would  be  transformed  in  the  decades  be- 
fore the  Civil  War.  In  fact,  no  word  so  apdy  describes 
cabinetmaking  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  as  "change"— in  the  methods  of  pro- 
ducing and  marketing  ftirniture,  in  the  relationship 
between  mechanics  and  journeymen,  and  in  the  struc- 
ture of  an  industry  inundated  by  immigrant  artisans 
and  subjected  to  the  vicissitudes  of  the  economy. 

This  profound  transformation  is  reflected  in  the 
constandy  evolving  appearance  of  the  ftirniture  itself 
Indeed,  the  exciting  multiplicity  of  styles  represented 
in  New  York  ftirniture  from  1825  to  1861  is  the  most 
obvious  evidence  of  how  colorftil  and  complex  a  story 
there  is  to  be  told.  Furniture  and,  by  extension,  the 


public  reception  rooms  in  private  dwellings  in  which 
it  was  displayed,  were  obvious  and  calculated  visual 
indicators  of  wealth,  taste,  and  social  standing,  by 
which  the  social  elite  of  New  York  (a  relatively  small 
segment  of  the  population)  judged  themselves  and 
each  other.  ^  In  addition  to  using  possessions  and  sur- 
roundings as  a  means  of  self- definition,  New  York- 
ers were  endeavoring  to  create  a  great  world  city  on 
a  par  with  London  and  Paris.  ^  And,  in  satisfying 
both  needs,  they  had  regular  recourse  to  Europe  as  a 
source  of  culture  and  tradition.  American  cabinet- 
makers and  decorators,  many  of  them  European- 
born,  naturally  turned  to  European  examples  for  the 
most  fashionable  designs.  But,  more  often  than  not, 
they  transformed  these  prototypes,  making  objects 
that  are  often  extremely  original.  At  their  best,  they 
are  superb  in  quality,  as  the  pieces  selected  for  this 
exhibition  demonstrate. 

In  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century 
not  only  did  New  York  become  the  largest  furniture- 
manufacturing  center  in  the  country,  eclipsing  Phila- 
delphia and  Boston,  but  it  also  became  known  for 
producing  the  finest,  most  stylish  handcrafted  and 
custom-made  ftirniture  in  America.  "New  York  is  the 
depot  for  everything  made  in  a  limited  quantity,"  the 
author  Virginia  Penny  advised  her  readers,  "and  for 
everything  new  in  style.""^  Once  the  Erie  Canal  con- 
neaed  New  York  to  the  western  states  with  inexpen- 
sive transportation,  the  city's  primacy  as  the  capital  of 
American  commerce  and  culture  was  assured.  Cabinet- 
making  (and  its  allied  trades)  benefited  from  this  newly 
established  link  with  the  West  and  from  New  York's 
hegemony  in  international  and  domestic  trade,  manu- 
facturing, and  finance.  By  the  1850s  it  had  become  one 
of  the  largest  industries  in  the  city. 

The  goal  of  achieving  world-city  status  was  under- 
stood to  depend  on  the  growth  of  New  York's 
population,  which,  by  extension,  would  result  in  an 
expanding  clientele  for  the  city's  merchants,  trades- 
men, and  artisans,  including  the  cabinetmakers.  In 
1820,  when  the  city's  population  exceeded  Philadel- 
phia's for  the  first  time,  there  were  nearly  124,000 


Many  people  have  contributed  to 
the  preparation  of  this  essay  over  a 
long  period,  only  some  of  whom 
can  be  mentioned  here.  My  first 
thanks  are  to  Cynthia  V  A.  SchafF- 
ner  for  invaluable  research  assistance 
and  support.  I  am  indebted  as  well 
to  Medill  Higgins  Harvey,  Austen 
Barron  Bailly,  Brandy  S.  Gulp,  and 
Jodi  A.  Pollack  not  only  for  research 
assistance  but  also  for  their  superb 
management  of  myriad  details 
involved  in  bringing  this  book  to 
fruition.  Without  Jeni  L.  Sandberg's 
periodical  research,  the  story  could 
not  have  been  told.  Mary  Ann  Api- 
cella,  Nancy  C.  Britton,  Barry  R. 
Harwood,  Peter  M.  Kenny,  Thomas 
Gordon  Smith,  and  Dell  Upton 
generously  shared  insights  and  con- 
structive criticisms,  as  did  Bart 
Voorsanger.  I  sincerely  thank  Mar- 
garet Donovan  for  her  deft  and  judi- 
cious editing,  Carol  Fuerstein  for 
her  refinements  of  the  text,  and  Jean 
Wagner  for  her  passionate  attention 
to  bibliographic  accuracy. 

The  tide  of  this  essay  is  abridged 
from  Thomas  Mooney's  comment, 
"The  Americans  begin  to  make 
gorgeous  articles  of  furniture  now," 
in  Thomas  Mooney,  Nine  Tears  in 
America  .  .  .  in  a  Series  of  Letters 
to  His  Cousin y  Patrick  Mooney,  a 
Farmer  in  Irelandy  id  ed.  (Dublin: 
James  McGlashan,  1850),  p.  150. 
For  the  sake  of  convenience,  I  have 
used  the  term  "cabinetmaking" 
throughout  to  refer  to  all  aspects 
of  the  furniture- making  trade. 

1.  See  Sean  Wilentz,  "Artisan 
Republican  Festivals  and  the 
Rise  of  Class  Conflict  in 
New  York  City,  1788-1837," 
in  Working-Class  America: 
Essays  on  Labor,  Community, 
and  American  Society,  edited 
by  Michael  H.  Frisch  and 
Daniel  J.  Walkowitz  (Urbana: 
University  of  Illinois  Press, 
1983),  pp.  37-77.  The  descrip- 
tion of  the  elements  in  the 
banner  is  drawn  from  Cad- 
wallader  D.  Colden's  Memoir 
(cat.  no.  117),  pp.  373-74. 

2.  In  1820  De  Witt  Clinton 
commented,  "I  find  cabinet- 
makers in  employ  all  over 
this  country,  and  it  is  an 


Opposite:  Gustave  Herter,  cabinetmaker  and  decorator;  James  Templeton  and  Company,  Glasgow,  carpet  manufacturer;  painted  wall 
and  ceiling  decorations  attributed  to  Giuseppe  Guidicini,  Reception  room,  Viaoria  Mansion,  Portland,  Maine,  the  home  of  Ruggles 
Sylvester  Morse  and  Olive  Ring  Merrill  Morse.  Victoria  Mansion,  The  Morse-Libby  House,  Pordand,  Maine 


288    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


occupation  which  deserves 
encouragement.  I  always  judge 
the  housewifery  of  the  lady  of 
the  mansion  by  the  appearance 
of  the  sideboard  and  the  tables." 
Cited  in  Burl  N.  Osbum  and 
Bemice  B.  Osbum,  Measured 
Drawings  of  Early  American 
Furniture  (Milwaukee,  Wis- 
consin: Bruce  Publishing  Com- 
pany, 1926;  unabridged  and 
corrected  republication.  New 
York:  Dover  Publications, 
1975),  p.  70. 

3.  See  Sven  Beckert,  'Tlie  Making 
of  New  York  City's  Bourgeoi- 
sie, 1850-1886"  (Ph.D.  disser- 
tation, Columbia  University, 
New  York,  1995),  pp.  29-132. 

4.  Virginia  Penny,  How  Women 
Can  Make  Money  (1863;  reprint, 
New  York:  Amo  Press,  1971), 
p.  446,  as  cited  in  Richard 
Stott,  Workers  in  the  Metropo- 
lis: Class,  Ethnicity,  and  Touth 
in  Antebellum  New  Tork  City 
(Ithaca:  Cornell  University 
Press,  1990),  p.  130. 

5.  Ira  Rosenwaike,  Population 
History  of  New  Tork  City  (Syra- 
cuse: Syracuse  University  Press, 
1972),  pp.  33-36. 

6.  "Population  of  This  City . . 
New -Tork  Mirror,  Oaober  29, 
1825,  p.  II. 

7.  These  figures  are  from  Rosen- 
waike, Population  History  of 
New  Tork,  p.  33. 

8.  "Great  Cities,"  P«f»«wV 
Monthly  5  (March  1855), 
pp.  254,  259. 

9.  The  1825  figure  is  drawn 
from  the  Berry  Tracy  Archives, 
Department  of  American 
Decorative  Arts,  Metropolitan 
Mmeum. 

10.  "The  Industrial  Classes  of 
New  York,"  New  Tork  Herald, 
June  18, 1853,  p.  2:  3,000  cabi- 
net makers,  300  carvers,  400 
upholsterers,  and  300  chair 
makers. 

11.  "Chronicle.  Erie  Canal  Naviga- 
tion," Niles^  Weekly  Register, 
September  4, 1824,  p.  16. 

12.  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine  8 
(1843),  pp.  526-29,  cited  in 
Stott,  Workers  in  the  Metropo- 
lis, p.  56. 

13.  "Industrial  Classes  of  New 
York,"  p.  I.  In  1830,  for  example, 
Jesse  Cady,  at  50  South  Street, 
advertised  "Fancy  Cabinetware. 
For  Exportation.  Portable  writ- 
ing desks,  of  mahogany,  rose- 
wood, &c.  suitable  for  Buenos 
Ayres,  the  Mexican  and  South 
America  markets,  finished  in 
every  variety  of  style,  for  sale 
in  quantities  to  suit."  Commer- 
cial Advertiser  (New  York), 
March  27, 1830.  See  also  "Gen- 
eral Convention  of  the  Friends 


Fig.  234.  Chair-Makerr'  Emblems  Reprmnud  on  the  front  and  Back  of  the  Chair-Makers^  Society  Banner,  1825.  Lithograph  by  Anthony 
Imbert  from  Cadwallader  D.  Golden,  Memoir,  Prepared  at  the  Request  of  a  Committee  of  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  New  Tork, 
and  Presented  to  the  Mayor  of  the  City,  at  the  Celebration  of  the  Completion  of  the  New  Tork  Canals  (New  York:  Printed  by  W.  A.  Davis, 
1825),  opp.  p.  373.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1941  41.51 


inhabitants.^  On  the  eve  of  the  Canal  celebration,  the 
New-Tork  Mirror  proudly  announced  a  new  record— 
an  estimated  170,000  inhabitants,  an  "astonishing" 
increase— and  predicted  that  just  "a  few  more  years 
will  place  New-York  among  the  proudest  emporiums 
in  the  world  During  the  1830s  New  York  surpassed 
Mexico  City  in  size,  becoming  the  largest  metropolis 
in  the  Western  Hemisphere.  With  a  population  of 
almost  630,000  in  1855  and  close  to  814,000  by  i860 
(and  the  greater  metropoUtan  area  comprising  more 
than  one  million),^  New  York  saw  itself  fast  closing 
in  on  its  European  counterparts.  Equating  size  and 
population  with  importance,  Putnam's  Monthly  pro- 
claimed in  1855  "^the ^reat  phenomenon  of  the  A^e  is  the 
growth  of  great  cities. . . .  New  York  ...  is  greater  than 
Paris  or  Constantinople,  and  will  evidendy  be  here- 
after (in  the  twentieth  century,  if  not  sooner)  greater 
than  London."^ 

Keeping  apace  of  the  city's  growth,  cabinetmak- 
ing  shops  proliferated.  In  1825  there  were  approxi- 
mately 250  cabinetmakers  in  New  York  (not  including 
carvers,  gilders,  turners,  japanners,  upholsterers,  and 
makers  of  chairs,  looking  glasses,  and  frames,  who 
were  listed  separately  in  the  city  directory  that  year).^ 
In  1853  the  New  Tork  Herald  estimated  3,000  cabinet- 
makers, a  twelvefold  increase,  among  an  industry  that 


employed  about  4,000.^**  Accordingly,  the  volume  of 
furniture  production  increased  exponentially,  not 
only  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  local  clientele  and  those 
who  traveled  to  New  York  to  furnish  their  houses  but 
also  to  supply  pieces  for  exterior  markets.  In  this  way. 
New  York  set  the  style  for  the  rest  of  the  country,  as 
statistics  make  abundandy  clear.  The  city  of  Utica,  for 
example,  received  ten  tons  of  furniture  in  one  week 
during  the  summer  of  1824.  In  1843  ^  total  of  4,i49 
tons  was  shipped  from  New  York  along  the  Canal. 
Ten  years  later,  when  the  furniture  produced  in  New 
York  annually  was  valued  at  $15  million,  nearly  eighty- 
five  percent  of  the  city's  output  was  destined  for  the 
South,  Southwest,  California,  and  South  America  and 
even  as  far  away  as  China. 

Furniture  making  in  New  York  was  stratified  by 
both  quality  and  quantity,  and  even  the  best  shops 
produced  middle-range  goods.  Some  of  the  better 
New  York  cabinetmakers,  including  Deming  and  Bulk- 
ley  and  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons,  seized  upon  improved 
transportation  systems  and  distributed  their  own  fur- 
niture through  warehoiases  they  established  in  south- 
ern cities  such  as  Charleston  and  New  Orleans. 
Many  small  New  York  shops  that  produced  middle- 
and  lower-grade  goods  sold  their  wares  to  wholesale 
merchants  who  dispersed  them.  Even  though  the  vast 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE" 


CAB INETMAKING  289 


majority  of  the  furniture  made  in  New  York  was  at 
the  lower  end  of  the  quality  scale,  it  was  perceived 
as  better  than  equivalent  European  manufactures,  as 
Thomas  Mooney,  an  Irish  traveler  in  America,  observed 
in  1850:  "The  inventive  Americans  are  certainly  before 
the  English  or  Irish  in  the  rapidity  with  which  they 
get  up  work,  and  the  high-finish  they  impart  to  cheap 
goods;  it  is  likely  they  do  not  finish work  better 
than  we  do,  but  it  is  certain  that  they  do  finish  cheap 
work  much  better,  quicker,  and  cheaper."^^ 

As  New  York  developed,  various  logistical  prob- 
lems made  it  increasingly  uneconomical  for  dozens  of 
industrial  concerns,  including  some  manufacturers  of 
machinery,  bricks,  soap,  textiles,  and  hats,  to  expand 
their  operations  within  the  city.^*^  Crowding  on  the 
city's  streets  was  legendary,  and  before  the  1850s  only 
Fulton  Street  connected  the  east  and  west  shores  of 
Manhattan.  Real  estate  prices  escalated  wildly  through- 
out the  antebellum  period  (sometimes  tripling  within 
just  a  few  years),  and  many  manufacturers  found  it 
more  profitable  to  sell  their  land  than  to  stay  in  busi- 
ness. Others  chose  to  maintain  a  retail  presence  in 
lower  Manhattan  while  moving  their  factories  farther 
afield.  Like  most  port  cities,  New  York  had  litde 
usable  waterpower.  New  Jersey  therefore  beckoned, 
with  falls  and  rivers,  cheaper  land,  a  lower  cost  of  liv- 
ing, and,  eventually,  an  extensive  rail  system,  which 
was  in  place  by  i860.  Brooklyn,  then  a  separate  city, 
also  became  a  haven  for  certain  industries,  such  as 
glass,  ceramics,  and  iron,  that  not  only  caused  pollu- 
tion but  also  posed  serious  fire  hazards  to  Lower 
Manhattan,  which  was  densely  built.  An  industrial 
belt  was  thus  formed  around  New  York,  extending  its 
economic  boundaries  and  helping  to  supply  its  local, 
national,  and  international  markets. 

Cabinetmakers  and  other  craftsmen  such  as  gold- 
smiths, makers  of  shoes,  boots,  and  cigars,  and  those 
involved  in  the  needle  trades,  could  afford  to  stay  in 
Manhattan  precisely  because  they  had  modest  real 
estate  requirements.  Until  after  the  Civil  War  the  typical 
cabinetmaking  shop  was  small  and  had  its  workshop 
and  wareroom  within  the  same  narrow,  multistoried 
building.  1^  Proximity  to  the  port  and  to  related  indus- 
tries was  essential;  for  cabinetmakers,  these  industries 
were  lumber  merchants,  sawmills,  dealers,  auction 
houses,  and  craftsmen  in  allied  businesses  (upholster- 
ers and  turners,  for  example).  Moreover,  the  inner- 
city  trades  depended  almost  entirely  on  hand  labor, 
which  was  in  plentiful  supply  from  the  early  1830s  on, 
as  hundreds  of  thousands  of  European  immigrants 
disembarked  in  New  York.  Constantly  changing  styles 
helped  keep  cabinetmaking  labor-intensive,  and,  as  a 


result.  New  York  shops  were  slow  to  mechanize  until 
after  the  Civil  War.^^ 

By  1855  more  than  80  percent  of  New  York  workers 
were  foreign  born.^^  German  craftsmen,  both  skilled 
and  semiskilled,  dominated  cabinetmaking  and  piano 
making  (a  separate  but  related  industry)  and  consti- 
tuted a  major  cultural,  economic,  and  political  force. 
Nearly  125,000  Germans  immigrated  to  the  United 
States  in  the  1830s,  followed  by  nearly  half  a  million 
between  1840  and  1850.^^  By  1861  their  population  in 
New  York  equaled  that  of  the  fourth  largest  city  in  the 
nation.^'^  The  vast  majority  of  cabinetmakers— those 
who  ran  the  middle-  and  lower-end  shops— were  clus- 
tered on  the  Lower  East  Side,  and  that  area  became 
known  as  Kleindeutschland  because  of  the  concentra- 
tion of  Germans  who  lived  and  worked  there. 

Nearly  all  the  high-end  cabinetmakers,  whose  work 
is  the  subject  of  this  essay,  lined  Broadway,  above 
City  Hall,  in  the  heart  of  the  most  elegant  shopping 
district,  their  warerooms  and  manufactories  dotted 
among  posh  hotels,  purveyors  of  luxury  goods,  dress 
shops,  and  daguerreotypists.  By  the  1850s  these  included 
the  elite  of  the  New  York  cabinetmaking  world: 
Charles  A.  Baudouine,  J.  H.  Belter,  Julius  Dessoir, 
Gustave  Herter,  Edward  Whitehead  Hutchings,  Leon 
Marcotte,  Auguste-Emile  Binguet-Leprince,  and  Alex- 
ander Roux,  Closer  to  City  Hall,  at  194  Fulton  Street, 
Duncan  Phyfe  maintained  his  long  and  prolific  practice 
until  1847.  Still  farther  downtown,  on  Broad  Street, 
and  later  on  Vesey  Street,  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons, 
and  subsequendy  J.  and  J.  W.  Meeks,  continued  a 
family-owned  business  that  dated  back  to  1797.  Belter, 
at  547  Broadway  by  1853,  was  the  only  one  of  this 
group  to  so  substantially  enlarge  his  operations  in  the 
antebellum  period  that  he  had  to  seek  larger  quarters 
uptown.  Ini856  he  moved  his  factory  to  Third  Avenue 
near  Seventy-sixth  Street,  then  an  urban  hinterland, 
occupying  a  five-story  brick  structure  equivalent  in 
size  to  half  a  city  block,  which  he  had  built.  For  retailing 
purposes,  however,  Belter  opened  a  new  showroom 
at  552  Broadway,  adjacent  to  Tiffany  and  Company,  at 
the  center  of  the  carriage  trade. 

As  time  went  on,  master  cabinetmakers  became 
more  entrepreneurial  businessmen  and  designers  than 
craftsmen.  By  the  1850s  many  had  enlarged  their  oper- 
ations to  supply  the  full  spectrum  of  interior  decora- 
tion, including  carpets,  draperies,  upholstery,  and 
wallpapers.  Many  of  their  luxury  goods,  among  them 
fine  silks  and  other  fabrics,  were  of  necessity  imported 
from  Europe  because  nothing  of  comparable  quality 
was  yet  manufactured  in  the  United  States.  Some  of 
the  high-end  cabinetmakers  (Roux  and  Marcotte, 


of  Domestic  Industry,  Assem- 
bled at  New  York  October  26, 
1831.  Reports  of  Committees. 
Manufacture  of  Cabinet  Ware," 
Niles^  Weekly  Register,  adden- 
dum to  vol.  42,  p.  11:  "The  arti- 
cle [furniture],  has  become  one 
of  considerable  export.  It  is 
carried  in  American  ships  to 
canton  [sic],  in  China,  South 
America  and  the  West  Indies." 

14.  On  Deming  and  Bulkley,  see 
Maurie  D.  Mclnnis  and  Robert 
A.  Leath,  "Beautiful  Specimens 
and  Elegant  Patterns:  New 
York  Furniture  for  the  Charles- 
ton Market,  1810-1840,"  in 
American  Furniture  1996, 
edited  by  Luke  Beckerdite 
(Hanover,  New  Hampshire: 
University  Press  of  New 
England  for  the  Chipstone 
Foundation,  1996),  pp.  137-74- 
On  the  Meeks  firm  in  New 
Orleans,  see  Jodi  A.  Pollack, 
"Three  Generations  of  Meeks 
Craftsmen,  1797-1869:  A  His- 
tory of  Their  Business  and 
Furniture"  (Master's  thesis, 
Cooper-Hewitt,  National 
Design  Museum,  and  Parsons 
School  of  Design,  New  York, 
1998),  chap.  3. 

15.  Mooney,  Nine  Tears  in  Amer- 
icay  p.  150. 

16.  For  this  discussion,  I  have 
relied  on  Richard  B.  Stott, 
"Hinterland  Development  and 
Differences  in  Work  Setting: 
The  New  York  City  Region," 
in  New  Tork  and  the  Rise  of 
American  Capitalism:  Eco- 
nomic Development  and  the 
Social  and  Political  History  of 
an  American  State,  1780-1870, 
edited  by  William  Pencak  and 
Conrad  Edick  Wright  (New 
York:  New-York  Historical 
Society,  1989),  pp.  45-71- 

17.  Ibid,,  pp.  46-48.  Edwin  G. 
Burrows  and  Mike  Wallace, 
Gotham:  A  History  of  New  Tork 
City  to  1898  (New  York:  Oxford 
University  Press,  1999),  p-  576. 

18.  See  Joshua  Brown  and  David 
Mem,  Factories,  Foundries, 
and  Refineries:  A  History  of 
Five  Brooklyn  Industries 
(Brooklyn:  Brooklyn  Educa- 
tional and  Cultural  Alliance, 
1980).  I  am  grateful  to  Cyn- 
thia H.  Sanford,  Brooklyn  His- 
torical Society,  for  supplying 
me  with  a  copy. 

19.  See  Catherine  Hoover  Voor- 
sanger,  "From  the  Bowery  to 
Broadway:  The  Herter  Broth- 
ers and  the  New  York  Furni- 
ture Trade,"  in  Katherine  S. 
Howe,  Alice  Cooney  Freling- 
huysen,  and  Catherine  Hoover 
Voorsanger,  Herter  Brothers: 
Furniture  and  Interiors  for  a 


290    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Gilded  A^e  (exh.  cat..  New 
York:  Harry  N.  Abrams,  in 
association  with  the  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts,  Houston,  1994), 
pp.  56-77,  242-46. 

20.  See  ibid.  This  observation  is 
based  on  the  Products  of 
Industry  schedules  attached  to 
the  U.S.  Censuses  taken  in 
New  York  in  1850  and  i860  as 
well  as  on  the  "Special  Schedule 
for  Industry  other  than  Agri- 
culture'* attached  to  the  1855 
New  York  State  Census. 

21.  Robert  Ernst,  Immigrant  Life 
in  New  Tork  City,  1825-1863 
(1949;  reprint.  New  York: 
Octagon  Books,  1979),  cited  in 
Stott,  Workers  in  the  Metropo- 
lis, p.  3. 

22.  See  Nancy  Jane  Groce,  "Mu- 
sical Instrument  Making  in 
New  York  City  during  the 
Eighteenth  and  Nineteenth 
Centuries,"  2  vols.  (Ph.D.  dis- 
sertation. University  of  Michi- 
gan, Ann  Arbor,  1982);  and 
Aaron  Singer,  "Labor  Manage- 
ment Relations  at  Steinway 
and  Sons,  1853-1896"  (Ph.D. 
dissertation,  Columbia  Univer- 
sity, New  York,  1977). 

23.  Mack  Walker,  Germany  and 
the  Emigration,  1816-1885 
(Cambridge,  Massachusetts: 
Harvard  University  Press, 
1964),  cited  in  Charles  L. 
Venable,  "Germanic  Crafts- 
men and  Furniture  Design 
in  Philadelphia,  1820-1850," 
in  American  Furniture  1998, 
edited  by  Luke  Beckerdite 
(Hanover,  New  Hampshire: 
University  Press  of  New 
England  for  the  Chipstone 
Foundation,  1998),  p.  41. 

24.  Stanley  Nadel,  Little  Germany: 
Ethnicity,  Religion,  and  Class 
in  New  Tork  City,  1845-80 
(Urbana:  University  of  Illinois 
Press,  1990),  pp.  1, 17-18,  22. 

25.  Generally  these  cabinetmakers 
had  additional  workshop  space 
in  contiguous  buildings.  See 
Voorsanger,  "From  Bowery  to 
Broadway,"  pp.  63-64. 

Photographs  of  documents 
relating  to  the  construction 
of  Belter's  building  have  been 
given  to  the  Winterthur 
Library,  Henry  Francis  du  Pont 
Winterthur  Museum,  Wmter- 
thur,  Delaware,  by  Richard 
and  Eileen  Dubrow,  Courtesy 
of  the  Service  Collection, 
Grant  A.  Oakes. 

26.  On  Baudouine,  see  Ernest 
Hagen,  "Personal  Experiences 
of  an  Old  New  York  Cabinet 
Maker,"  written  in  Brooklyn, 
October  1908,  quoted  in  its 
entirety  in  Elizabeth  A.  Inger- 
man,  "Personal  Experiences 


Fig.  235.  Drawin0-Room. 
Engraving,  from  Thomas 
Hope,  Household  Furniture 
and  Interior  Decoration 
(London:  Longman,  Hurst, 
Rees,  and  Orme,  1807), 
pi.  6.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund, 
1930  30.48.1 


notably)  had  relatives  in  France  who  acted  as  business 
partners,  shipping  furniture  and  decorative  accesso- 
ries; others,  such  as  Baudouine,  made  regular  trips 
to  Europe  to  assess  what  was  in  vogue.  Still  others 
must  have  relied  on  American  agents  posted  abroad, 
as  a  journalist  reported  in  1843:  "We  have  a  large  col- 
ony of  Americans  in  Paris  engaged  in  the  business  of 
exporting  French  fabrics,  elegancies,  and  conveniences, 
for  this  country,  and  aknost  none  of  the  same  class  in 
England."  Ultimately,  as  the  city  expanded  north- 
ward, many  successful  cabinetmakers  seem  to  have 
made  fortunes  in  real  estate  speculation.  Baudouine, 
perhaps  the  best  example,  left  an  estate  estimated  at 
nearly  $5  million  upon  his  death  in  1895.^^ 

As  early  as  1830  the  Uves  of  the  cabinetmakers  and 
the  journeymen  who  fabricated  their  products  began 
to  diverge.  Relationships  between  employers  and 
employees  were  strained  throughout  the  antebellum 
period  by  workers'  demands  for  higher  wages,  reduced 
hours,  and  a  shorter  work  week,  goals  that  were  hard 
to  achieve  in  the  face  of  constant  competition  from 
newly  arrived  immigrants.  And  among  the  immigrants 
themselves,  the  Germans  were  actively  involved  in  the 
movement  for  workers'  rights. The  disparity  in  life- 
styles between  owners  and  workers  was  becoming 
increasingly  visible.  As  one  European  visitor  observed, 
the  American  "mechanic"  "dresses  like  a  member  of 
Congress;  and  his  wife  and  daughters  are  dressed 
like  the  wife  and  daughters  of  a  rich  New  York  mer- 
chant, and  like  them,  follow  the  Paris  fashions.  His 
house  is  warm,  neat,  comfortable;  his  table  is  almost 


as  plentifully  provided  as  that  of  the  wealthiest  of  his 
fellow  citizens." 

Even  the  most  affluent  New  Yorkers  did  not 
have  homes  with  ostentatious  exteriors;  their  town 
houses  were  meant  to  read  as  identical  imits  (see  cat. 
no.  87).  Mrs.  TroUope,  a  famous  English  visitor  who 
was  enthusiastic  about  her  experiences  in  New  York, 
recounted  in  1832  that  although  she  had  "never 
[seen]  a  city  more  desirable  as  a  residence,"  she 
found  that  "the  great  defect  in  the  houses  is  their 
extreme  uniformity— when  you  have  seen  one,  you 
have  seen  all."^^  Behind  the  brick  and  marble  facades 
of  the  1820S  and  1830s  there  were  beautiful  interi- 
ors and  elegant  furnishings  in  the  classical  style.  In 
the  summer  of  1832  the  wealthy  businessman  Matthew 
Morgan  wrote  to  his  friend  James  C.  Colles,  a  mer- 
chant in  New  Orleans,  about  venturing  from  Staten 
Island  into  the  city  to  witness  the  construction  of 
new  houses.  One  of  these,  that  of  Luman  Reed,  in 
Greenwich  near  the  Battery,  most  impressed  Morgan, 
both  for  its  unusually  large  size  (about  one  and 
half  times  the  width  of  a  normal  New  York  town 
house  of  the  period)  and  for  the  elegance  of  its 
appointments: 

The  principal  story  has  a  white  marble  base  in  the 
hall  and  parlours  and  for  the  pilaster  and  frieze 
between  the  parlours.  The  Chimney  and  pier  glasses 
are  set  in  the  walls  with  frames  of  the  same  material. 
Italian  marble  mantels  and  mahogany  doors  pol- 
ished as  highly  as  any  cabinet  work  ever  is.  .  .  . 


GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE":   CAB  IN  ETMAKI  N  G  291 


T(tke  it  altogether  perhaps  ifs  not  equalled  by  any 
house  in  the  city,  every  part  of  it  is  completely  finished. 
Silver  plated  knobs  on  every  door  in  the  house. 

The  cost  of  a  typical  highly  finished  three-story  house, 
on  a  twenty-five-by-fifty-two-foot  lot,  was  about 
$10,000  or  $11,000,  Morgan  reported,  but  Reed's 
house  cost  much  more.  From  what  he  could  gather, 
$16,000  to  $17,000  would  obtain  a  lot  and  house  such 
as  "our  city  [New  Orleans]  cannot  produce." 

The  social  aristocracy  of  New  York  spared  no 
expense  in  furnishing  their  houses.  "The  dwelling- 
houses  of  the  higher  classes  are  extremely  handsome, 
and  very  richly  furnished,"  Mrs.  Trollope  wrote  ad- 
miringly in  1832.  "Silk  or  satin  furniture  is  as  often,  or 
oftener,  seen  than  chintz;  the  mirrors  are  as  handsome 
as  in  London;  the  cheffoniers  {sic'\^  slabs,  and  marble 
tables  as  elegant."^"^  An  exquisite  watercolor  rendering 
of  about  1830  by  the  architect  Alexander  Jackson  Davis 
(cat.  no.  112)  allows  us  to  imagine  the  scale  and  stately 
ambience  of  such  an  interior.  A  pair  of  Corinthian 
pilasters  and  a  mahogany  door  with  a  pedimented 
frame  from  a  distinguished  classical  house  in  Brook- 
lyn called  Clarkson  Lawn,  dating  to  about  1835  (cat. 
no.  89A,  b)  are  also  illuminating  in  this  context. 

Davis's  meticulous  rendering  illustrates  the  level  of 
sophistication  to  which  wealthy  New  Yorkers  aspired. 
Its  delicate  white-and-gold  sofa,  which  may  have  been 
imported  from  Europe,  bears  no  specific  reference  to 
any  extant  piece  of  New  York  furniture;  yet  the  size 
and  disposition  of  the  mantel  mirror  and  paintings,  as 
well  as  the  side  table,  klismos  chairs,  and  torchere, 
compare  closely  with  those  of  designs  in  Household 
Furniture  and  Interior  Decoration  (London,  1807) 
by  Thomas  Hope,  a  wealthy  British  connoisseur  of 
the  Regency  period  (fig.  235).  Although  Davis's  two 
round  center  tables  with  tapering,  three-sided  con- 
cave supports  have  Renaissance  prototypes,  his  use 
of  the  form  is  no  doubt  based  on  Hope's  plate  39, 
a  design  for  a  "round  monopodium  or  table  in 
mahogany."  There  is  also  a  surviving  counterpart, 
made  in  New  York,  that  demonstrates  the  practical 
application  of  this  particular  Hope  design  in  America: 
a  richly  decorated  center  table  of  this  form,  with  rose- 
wood and  rosewood-grained  mahogany  veneers  and 
an  expensive  black  "Egyptian"  marble  top  (cat.  no.  222) 
made  in  1829  for  Governor  Stephen  D.  Miller  of  South 
Carolina  by  Barzilla  Deming  and  Erastus  Bulkley, 
who  had  begun  as  early  as  1818  to  aggressively  market 
New  York  furniture  in  Charleston. 

The  splendid  gilded  decoration  on  the  Deming  and 
Bulkley  table  incorporates  several  different  techniques 


and  draws  on  a  number  of  French  and  English  design 
sources  for  inspiration;  the  lyre-and-foliate  motif  on 
the  base,  for  example,  clearly  derives  from  Hope's 
plate  39.  While  Hope's  text  recommended  inlays  of 
ebony  and  silver  for  such  a  piece,  here  the  exquisite 
gilded  decoration  on  the  base,  superimposed  on 
the  deep  hue  of  the  rosewood-grained  veneer,  con- 
veys a  different  dual  impression  than  that  intended 
in  the  prototype:  not  only  of  metal  inlay  but  also  of 
marquetry  executed  in  light-colored  woods  (a  type 
of  decoration  seen  on  French  furniture  of  about 
the  same  date).^^  The  gilded  swan-and-fountain  motif 
on  the  apron  derives  from  quite  another  source:  a 
specific,  nearly  identical  gilt-bronze  mount  made  in 
Birmingham,  England.  The  overlapping  ellipses 
carefully  drawn  and  inscribed  in  gold  on  the  plinth 
emulate  die-cut  inlaid  brass,  as  does  a  small  rim  of 
repeated  elements  around  the  base  of  the  apron. 
Finally,  the  snub-nosed  dolphins  (a  Deming  and 
Bulkley  trademark)  are  freehand-gilded  and  high- 
lighted with  penwork  to  create  the  illusion  of  three- 
dimensional  carving. 


of  an  Old  New  York  Cabinet- 
Maker"  Antiques  84  (Novem- 
ber 1963),  pp.  576-80. 

27.  "Sketches  of  New-York,"  New 
Mirror,  May  13,  1843,  p-  85. 

28.  New  Tork  Herald,  January  14, 
1895,  p.  10.  At  the  time  of 
his  death,  Baudouine  owned 
fifteen  commercial  properties, 
including  the  Baudouine 
building  (1895),  which  still 
stands  at  1181-1183  Broadway, 
My  thanks  to  Kate  Wood  for 
sharing  her  unpublished  paper 
on  the  Baudouine  Building 
(December  1998). 

29.  See  Sean  Wilentz,  Chants 
Democratic:  New  Tork  City 
and  the  Rise  of  the  American 
Working  Class,  1788-1850  (New 
York:  Oxford  University 
Press,  1984). 

30.  Michael  Chevalier,  Society, 
Manners  and  Politics  in  the 
United  States,  Bein^  a  Series 
of  Letters  on  North  America, 
translated  from  3d  French  ed. 
(Boston:  Weeks,  Jordon 
and  Company,  1839;  reprint, 
New  York:  A.  M.  KeUey, 
1966),  p.  431. 


Fig.  236.  Asher  B.  Durand,  after  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  The  Wife,  1830.  Engraving,  from 
Atlantic  Souvenir  (Philadelphia:  H.  C.  Carey  and  I.  Lea,  1830).  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Randolph  Gunter,  1959  59.627.3 


292    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


31.  Mrs.  [Frances]  Trollopc,  Domes- 
tic Manners  of  the  Americans 
(London:  Whittaker,  Treacher 
and  Co.;  New  York,  reprinted 
for  the  booksellers,  1832), 

pp.  269-70. 

32.  Matthew  Morgan  to  James 
Colics,  July  29, 1832,  in  Emily 
Johnston  de  Forest,  James 
ColleSy  1788-1883:  Life  and  Let- 
ters (New  York:  Privately 
printed,  1926),  p.  83. 

33.  Ibid. 

34.  Trollope,  Domestic  Manners  of 
Americans,  p.  269. 

35.  John  Morlcy  compares  this 
sofa  to  contemporary  Italian 
furniture,  specifically  that  of 
Filippo  Pelagio  Palagi  (1775- 
1860).  John  Morley,  The  His- 
tory of  Furniture:  Twenty  five 
Centuries  of  Style  and  Design 
in  the  Western  Tradition 
(Boston:  Little,  Brown  and 
Company,  1999),  p-  217.  A 
white-and-gold  Itahan  draw- 
ing-room suite  with  turquoise 
blue  and  gold  silk  upholstery 
(Peabody-Essex  Museum, 
Salem,  Massachusetts)  was 
acquired  by  Joseph  Peabody  in 
1827  as  a  wedding  gift  for  his 
daughter  Catherine  Peabody 
Gardiner.  See  Gerald  W.  R. 
Ward,  The  Andrew-Safford 
House  (Salem,  Massachusetts: 
Essex  Institute,  1976),  fig.  6. 

36.  Morley,  History  of  Furniture, 
pp.  215-17,  fig.  192.  See  also 
Thomas  Hope,  Household  Fur- 
niture and  Interior  Decoration 
(London:  Longman,  Hurst, 
Rees  and  Orme,  1807);  reprinted 
as  Regency  Furniture  and  Inte- 
rior Decoration,  with  correc- 
tions and  a  new  introduction 
by  David  Watkin  (New  York: 
Dover  Publications,  1971),  ill. 
opp.  p.  30,  pis.  20,  22,  39.  Davis 
owned  a  copy  of  Hope's  book, 
which  he  recorded  in  his  note- 
book under  "Furniture  Practical 
Examples  for  Americans,"  A.  J. 
Davis  Collection,  Todd  System 
notebook,  F-U,  transcribed  by 
Cynthia  V.  A.  Schaffner,  New 
York  Public  Library. 

37.  For  a  discussion  of  this  table, 
see  Mclnnis  and  Leath,  "Beau- 
tiful Specimens,"  pp.  153-55- 
The  firm  of  Deming  and  Bulk- 
ley  is  first  listed  in  New  York 
by  Lon^orth's  American 
Almanac,  New-Tork  Register, 
and  City-Directory  (New  York: 
Thomas  Longworth,  1820); 

it  continued  to  be  Usted  until 
1850,  with  its  last  appearance 
being  in  Do£^ett^s  New  Tork 
City  Directory  fori8so-i8si 
(New  York:  John  Doggett  Jr., 
1850).  Erastus  Bulkley  was 
advertising  furniture  in 


Fig.  237.  Dramn£f-Rnom  Chmr.  Aquatint  with  hand  coloring, 
from  George  Smith,  ^  Collection  of  Desi^fns  for  Household 
Furniture  and  Interior  Decoration  (London:  J.  Taylor,  1808), 
pi.  56  (detail).  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1930  30.48.2 


Contemporary  with  Davis's  rendering,  an  engraving 
by  Asher  B.  Durand  after  The  Wife  by  Samuel  R  B. 
Morse  depicts  a  handsome,  although  more  modest 
parlor  (fig.  236). The  scrolled  sofa  wdth  paw  feet, 
the  litde  footstool,  and  the  armchair  in  Morse's  paint- 
ing find  general  parallels  in  English  design  sources, 
such  as  George  Smith's  Cabinet-Maker  and  Uphol- 
sterer^s  Guide  (London,  1828 )'^^  and  Thomas  King's 
Modern  Style  of  Cabinet  Work  Exemplified  (London, 
1829).  These  probably  document  furniture  Morse  had 
at  hand. 

The  style  of  New  York  furniture  of  the  late  1820s 
has  been  called  "Greek  Revival"  or  "Empire"  during 
the  twentieth  century;  more  recendy,  the  period  term 
"Grecian"  has  come  into  use.  "Grecian,"  as  applied 
to  fiirniture  of  the  1820s  and  1830s  was  synonymous 
with  "modern"  style,  a  synthetic  version  of  Neo- 
classicism,  rather  than  one  based  on  purely  archaeo- 
logical prototypes. Grecian  furniture  of  the  later 
1820S  differs  from  New  York's  delicate  Federal-period 
furniture  that  was  in  favor  up  to  about  1820  in  that  it  is 
conspicuously  assertive,  featuring  bold,  architectonic 
forms  and  exaggerated  elements  (large  bolecrion  mold- 
ings, beefy  scrolls)  as  well  as  classical  details  (anthemia, 
paw  feet,  Ionic  capitals)  that  become  inflated  in  scale. 


Fig.  238.  Duncan  Phyfe,  Window  bench  (one  of  a  pair),  made  for  Robert  Donaldson,  Fayetteville,  North  Carolina,  1823.  Rosewood 
veneer;  probably  pine;  gilding;  replacement  underupholstery  and  showcover.  Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  Mrs.  J.  Amory 
Haskell  42.118. 13 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES   OF  FURNITURE":   CAB  I  N  ETM  AKI  N  G  293 


Fig.  239.  Robert  Fisher,  Secretary-bookcase, 
1829.  Ebonized  wood,  mahogany  veneer; 
painted  and  gilded  decoration;  replacement 
fabric;  glass.  Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Peter  G.  Terian 


It  shares  some  of  these  characteristics  with  Grecian 
architecture,  which  became  fashionable  in  the  mid- 
1820s  and  was  much  admired  for  "its  Doric  simplicity 
and  grandeur."^  (See  "Building  the  Empire  City"  by 
Morrison  H.  Heckscher  in  this  publication,  pp. 
171-80.)  The  ongoing  publication  (and  repub- 
lication) of  James  Stuart  and  Nicholas  Revett's 
Antiquities  of  Athens  (volumes  4  and  5  of  which  were 
published  in  1816  and  1830,  respectively)  was  also  an 
important  stimulus. The  Grecian  style  included  ele- 
ments inspired  by  Egyptian  as  well  as  ancient  Greek 
architecture  and  furniture.  Moreover,  in  its  curvi- 
linear outlines  and  in  its  lavish  use  of  curling  acan- 
thus ornament  and  scrolling  foliate  embellishments 
(which  often  seem  more  Roman  than  Greek),  the 


Grecian  style  held  the  seeds  of  the  Rococo  Revival 
style  predicated  on  naturalistic  ornament  that  would 
become  dominant  by  1850,  encompassing  both  the 
Louis  XrV  Revival  and  Louis  XV  Revival  styles  under 
its  rubric. '^'^ 

Although  its  maker  remains  anonymous,  a  highly 
animated  ebonized  armchair,  with  sweeping  scroll 
arms,  low-relief  carving,  gilded  details,  and  resolutely 
forward- facing  front  and  back  legs  terminating  in  ani- 
mal feet,  must  surely  have  been  manufactured  in  New 
York  about  1825  (cat.  no.  221).  Both  its  stance  and  its 
form  pay  homage  to  ancient  Greek  and  Egyptian  fur- 
niture, as  transformed  in  Hope's  designs  and  in  those 
of  Smith's  first  publication,  A  Collection  of  Designs 
for  Household  Furniture  and  Interior  Decoration 


Charleston  as  early  as  1818. 
Deming  and  Bulkley  begin  to 
advertise  in  Charleston  about 
1820  and  remained  aaive  there 
until  at  least  1840.  The  table 
is  documented  to  1829  (not 
1828  as  stated  in  Mclnnis  and 
Leath,  "Beautiful  Specimens" 
pp.  154-55,  n.  38)  by  a  letter 
from  Deming  and  Bulkley  to 
Stephen  D.  Miller,  April  26, 
1829,  which  describes  shipping 
the  marble  top  for  the  table. 

38.  See  relevant  French  examples 
in  Janine  Leris-Laffargue, 
Restauration,  Louis  Philippe 
(Paris:  Editions  Massin,  1994), 
pp.  58-59- 

39.  Mclnnis  and  Leath,  "Beautiful 
specimens,"  pp.  155, 173  n.  39. 

40.  On  gilded  ornamentation,  see 
essays  by  Donald  L.  Fenni- 
more  and  Cynthia  Moyer  in 
Gilded  Wood:  Conservation 
and  History  (Madison,  Con- 
necticut: Sound  View  Press, 
1991)-  See  also  John  A.  Court- 
ney Jr.,  "'All  that  Glitters': 
Freehand  Gilding  on  Phila- 
delphia Empire  Furniture, 

1 820-1840"  (Master's  thesis, 
Antioch  University,  Balti- 
more, Maryland,  1998);  and 
Cynthia  Van  Allen  Schaffner, 
"Secrets  and  'Receipts':  Ameri- 
can and  British  Furniture 
Finishers'  Literature,  1790- 
1880"  (Master's  thesis,  Cooper- 
Hewitt,  National  Design 
Museum,  and  Parsons  School 
of  Design,  1999)- 

41.  See  Paul  J.  Staiti,  Samuel  F.  B. 
Morse  (Cambridge:  Cam- 
bridge University  Press,  1989), 
pp.  129-30,  260,  278.  I  thank 
Valentijn  Byvanck  for  bringing 
this  image  to  my  attention. 

42.  This  volume  is  frequendy 
dated  1826;  however,  as  many 
of  its  plates  are  dated  1828,  the 
compilation  must  be  assigned 
the  later  date. 

43.  For  this  discussion,  I  have 
drawn  on  Neo-Classical  Fur- 
niture Designs:  A  Reprint 
of  Thomas  Kind's  ^'Modern 
Style  of  Cabinet  Work  Exem- 
pl^ed,  ^       with  a  new  intro- 
duction by  Thomas  Gordon 
Smith  (New  York:  Dover 
Publications,  1995).  See  also 
Thomas  Gordon  Smith,  John 
Hall  and  the  Grecian  Style  in 
America  (New  York:  Acanthus 
Press,  1996). 

44.  "Public  Buildings,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  and  Ladies'  Literary 
Gazette,  August  23,  1828, 

p.  49,  col.  I. 

45.  For  example,  an  1828  entry  in 
Davis's  daybook:  "First  study  of 
Stuart's  Athens  from  which  I 
date  professional  practice."  A.  J. 


294    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  240.  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons,  Pier  table,  ca.  1830.  Mahogany  veneer;  pine;  gilding;  Fig.  241.  Duncan  Phyfe,  Pier  table,  made  for  Benjamin  Clark, 

white  marble;  gilt-bronze  mounts;  mirror  glass.  The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  Fanewood,  New  Windsor-on-Hudson,  near  Newburgh, 

Mrs.  R.  Livingston  Ireland  1981.65  New  York,  1834,  Mahogany  veneer;  white  pine,  tulip  poplar; 

marble;  mirror  glass.  The  White  House  961.45. i 


Davis,  Daybook,  vol.  1,  p.  13, 
transcribed  by  Cynthia  V.  A. 
Schaffiicr,  New  York  Public 
Library. 

46.  For  insight  into  the  origins 
of  the  Rococo  Revival,  see 
Simon  Jervis,  High  Victorian 
Design  (exh.  cat.,  Ottawa: 
National  Gallery  of  Canada, 
1974),  pp.  61-88. 

47.  See  The  New-Tork  Book  of 
Prices  for  Manufacturing  Cab- 
inet and  Chair  Work  (New 
York:  Printed  by  J.  Seymour, 
1817),  pi.  6;  and  Second  Supple- 
ment to  the  London  Chair- 
Makers^  and  Carvers'  Book  of 
Prices  for  Workmanship,  2d  ed. 
(London:  T.  Brettell,  1829), 
pi.  I.  From  the  late  eighteenth 
through  the  mid-nineteenth 
century,  shop  owners  and  jour- 
neymen in  Great  Britain  and 
America  relied  on  published 
price  books  to  establish  the 
wages  paid  for  certain  tasks 
involved  in  making  furniture. 
The  books  were  updated  as 
new  styles  created  new  demands 
in  production  procedures  or  as 
new  techniques  developed.  It 
can  be  assumed  that  any  detail 
documented  by  a  price  book 
had  been  in  use  for  some  time 
prior  to  its  publication. 


(London,  1808),  from  which  plate  56  (fig.  237)  makes 
an  apt  comparison.  Other  details— the  "water-leaf" 
carving  on  the  stiles  and  upper  legs,  the  paw  feet  with 
carved  hairy  ankles— are  part  of  a  vocabulary  that  had 
become  well  established  in  New  York  earlier  in  the 
century.  Large  volute-shaped  arms  appear  in  the  1817 
New-Tork  Book  of  Prices  and  an  even  larger,  more 
forcefiil  version  of  the  arm,  closer  to  that  of  the  pres- 
ent example,  is  illustrated  in  a  London  price  book  of 
1829."^^  A  related,  although  smaller  and  less  exuberant, 
pair  of  ebonized  and  gilded  armchairs  with  similar 
front  legs  and  carving,  now  in  the  Museum  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  was  acquired  by  Stephen  and  Har- 
riet Suydam  Whitney  for  their  house  at  7  Bowling 
Green,  built  in  1827. 

Surely  one  of  the  earliest  documented  examples 
of  the  Grecian  style  is  the  suite  of  seating  furniture 
made  by  Phyfe  for  Robert  Donaldson  of  Fayetteville, 
North  Carolina,  in  1823.  The  suite,  which  returned 
to  New  York  when  Donaldson  moved  to  the  city  in 
1825,  included  a  pair  of  window  benches  (fig.  238) 
that  had  extremely  accomplished  gilded  ornamen- 
tation and  posts  adapted  from  chair-leg  designs 
published  by  Hope.'^^  The  voluptuous  feet,  com- 
posed of  ribbed,  urn-shaped  elements  atop  plump 
carved  and  gilded  acanthus-encased  spheres,  are  quite 


a  departure  from  the  vocabulary  employed  by  Phyfe 
before  1820."^^ 

A  previously  unpublished  ebonized  and  mahogany- 
veneered  pedimented  bookcase  is  distinguished  by  its 
monumental  scale  (nearly  ten  feet  in  height  by  five 
feet  in  width),  its  gilded  decoration,  and  a  penciled 
inscription  by  its  maker  (fig.  239).  On  the  underside 
of  the  upper  case  Robert  Fisher  wrote  his  name  and 
the  date,  1829,  making  this  handsome  bookcase  an 
extremely  important  document  in  the  chronology  of 
the  late  1820s  Grecian  style.  Fisher,  who  was  first 
listed  in  Longworth's  city  directory  of  1824-25,  occu- 
pied several  addresses  in  lower  Manhattan  imtil  1837, 
when  he  disappeared,  probably  a  casualty  of  the  eco- 
nomic crisis  of  that  year.  In  1829  he  was  recorded  at 
148  Orchard  Street,  for  only  one  year.  Like  the  Dem- 
ing  and  Bulkley  table,  the  bookcase  is  embellished 
with  a  magnificent  stencil  of  a  mount,  executed  in 
gold,  across  the  bolection-molded  drawer  front.  Its 
chunky  ribbed  melon  feet,  separated  from  the  case  by 
carved  and  gilded  "cushions,"  are  related  in  spirit  to 
those  on  the  Donaldson  window  bench. 

Many  details  on  the  Fisher  bookcase— notably,  the 
distinctive  pattern  of  the  glazing  bars  on  the  cabinet 
doors,  the  flat,  horizontal  arch  under  the  cornice,  the 
double  pair  of  Ionic  columns  with  deeply  carved  and 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE" 


CABINETMAKING  295 


gilded  capitals,  and  the  acanthus  leaves  and  garlands 
stenciled  in  metallic  powder— relate  to  an  unsigned 
case  piece  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum's  collection 
(cat.  no.  223).  For  sheer  grandeur  and  monumentality, 
few  pieces  equal  this  ebonized  and  gilded  secretary- 
bookcase,  a  masterpiece  of  New  York's  Grecian  style. 
Its  virtuosic  gilded  and  metallic-powder  ornamen- 
tation, applied  freehand  and  with  stencils,  comprises 
six  different  border  patterns  of  anthemia,  Gothic 
arches,  interlocking  rings,  and  arabesques,  as  well 
as  gilded  striping  and  stenciled  foliate  clusters  with 
fruit  and  acanthus— all  in  striking  contrast  to  the 
black  groimd.  The  upper  bookcase,  surmounted  by 
an  architectural  cornice,  relates  in  form  to  New  York 
wardrobes  and  French  presses  of  the  period.  The 
lower  half,  which  includes  three  short  drawers  over 
a  bolection-molded  desk  drawer  containing  a  baize- 
covered  writing  stand  and  storage  compartments, 
is  virtually  identical  in  form  to  any  number  of 
contemporary  New  York  pier  tables.  The  powerful 
hairy-paw  feet,  with  gilded  cornucopia  brackets  that 
support  the  plinth  on  which  the  whole  piece  rests, 
are  a  common  feature  in  New  York's  furniture  vocab- 
ulary of  the  time.^^ 

Many  New  York  pier  tables  from  the  late  1820s 
share  a  vocabulary  with  the  Metropolitan's  secretary- 
bookcase— columnar  supports,  Ionic  capitals,  and 
oversized,  carved  paw  feet  attached  to  carved  and 
gilded  cornucopia  that  support  the  shelf— but  few  are 
labeled  or  firmly  documented.  A  notable  exception  is 
a  pier  table  by  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons  in  the  Cleve- 
land Museum  (fig.  240),  which  is  distinguished  by 
its  white  marble  top  and  columns,  ormolu  caps  and 
bases,  and  stenciled  gilding;  it  can  be  firmly  attributed 
and  dated  to  1829-35  on  the  basis  of  its  paper  label. 
Comparison  with  an  identically  labeled  Meeks  pier 
table  in  the  veneered  style  of  the  183QS  (cat.  no.  227)  as 
well  as  a  Phyfe  pier  table  firmly  dated  to  1834  (fig.  241) 
suggest  a  more  narrowly  focused  date  of  about  1830. 
An  elegant  box  sofa  by  an  anonymous  cabinetmaker 
(cat.  no.  224)  relates  to  the  Cleveland  table  in  its  use 
of  costly  white  marble  columns  and  ormolu  caps 
and  bases.  Its  tapering  feet,  each  surmounted  by  a 
sculpted,  bell-like  form,  are  ultimately  derived  from 
late-eighteenth-century  Louis  XVI  precedents,  here 
expanded  to  1820s  scale.  Box  sofas  (in  which  the  ends 
are  the  same  height  as  the  back)  were  particularly 
favored  in  New  York  City  starting  in  the  1820s,  and 
the  form  is  documented  in  the  New-Tork  Book  of 
Prices  for  1834. 

About  1830  the  appearance  of  New  York  furniture 
changed  dramatically.  Carving,  gilding,  painting,  and 


other  forms  of  surface  decoration  gave  way  to  the 
use  of  highly  figured  and  brightly  polished  mahogany 
and  rosewood  veneers  that  were  selected  for  the  intrin- 
sic patterns  and  rubescent  color  of  the  wood.  Ample 
forms  with  bold  oudines  that  incorporate  geometric 
components —large  convex  moldings,  urn-shaped 
pillars,  scrolled  feet,  and  console  standards,  which 
replaced  architectural  columns— became  the  norm. 
Still  called  "Grecian"  (and  later  referred  to  as  the 
''present  plain  style"), in  order  to  denote  its  contin- 
uing affinity  for  the  simple  geometries  associated  with 
Greek  architecture,  the  American  furniture  of  the 
18 30s  bears  a  pronounced  resemblance  to  contem- 
porary German  Biedermeier  furniture.  This  kinship 
can  no  doubt  be  related  to  the  large  number  of  well- 
trained  German  immigrant  craftsmen  who  entered 
the  New  York  cabinetmaking  trades  at  this  time.^*^ 

Several  other  factors  contributed  to  the  prolifera- 
tion of  veneered  furniture  in  the  1830s  and  early 
1840s.  With  its  trade  connections  to  the  West  Indies 
and  South  America,  nineteenth-century  New  York 
had  access  to  seemingly  unlimited  supplies  of  exotic 
woods  (especially  mahogany  and  rosewood),  which 
were  delivered  to  the  city  both  for  local  use  and  for 
exportation.  In  one  week  in  December  1838,  20,000 
board  feet  of  Santo  Domingo  mahogany  arrived  on 
the  brig  America;  220  logs,  "part  of  [them]  extra 
large  size  and  fine  quality,"  were  deposited  by  the 
Albert;  and  the  Oriole  delivered  another  210  logs,  "a 
portion  of  which  is  crotch  logs  and  large  wood."^^ 
Concurrendy,  methods  of  cutting  veneers  improved. 
Cabinetmakers  procured  the  veneers  from  the  lum- 
beryards in  which  they  were  cut.  As  Ernest  Hagen,  a 
German  who  later  worked  for  Baudouine,  explained, 
"The  work  was  all  done  by  hand,  but  the  scroll  saw- 
ing, of  course  was  done  at  the  nearest  sawmill.  The 
employers  .  .  .  having  no  machinery  at  aU,  all  the 
moldings  were  bought  at  the  molding  mill  and  the 
turning  done  at  [the]  turning  mill."^^ 

The  invention  of  French  (or  friction)  polishing 
about  1820  was  another  timely  innovation  that  com- 
plemented the  production  of  veneered  furniture.  The 
New  York  press  announced  in  1824  that  "the  Parisians 
have  introduced  an  entirely  new  mode  of  polishing, 
which  is  called  plaque,  and  is  to  wood  precisely  what 
plating  is  to  metal.  The  wood  ...  is  made  to  resemble 
marble,  and  has  all  the  beauty  of  that  article,  with 
much  of  its  solidity."  A  technique  involving  the 
application  of  numerous  coats  of  transparent  varnish 
to  produce  a  glossy  shine,  French  polishing  replaced 
methods  that  employed  waxing  and  oiling.  It  brought 
out  the  richly  figured  grain  of  the  woods  and  was 


48.  See  Hope,  Household  Furni- 
ture, pis.  24  no.  2,  26  no.  6. 

49.  This  information  is  from  cor- 
respondence in  the  object's  file 
in  the  Department  of  Decora- 
tive Arts,  Brooklyn  Museum 
of  Art.  A  couch  with  identical 
feet,  gilded  metal  mounts,  and 
brass  inlay,  has  the  same  prove- 
nance as  the  benches. 

50.  The  gilded  mount  on  the  pedi- 
ment may  be  a  later  addition. 
The  bookcase  has  been  associ- 
ated v^^ith  the  "Coffin"  family 
of  New  York  and  Westchester. 
My  thanks  are  extended  to 
Peter  G.  Terian  for  permitting 
me  to  study  the  piece  in  1996. 

51.  This  kind  of  foot  is  documented 
in  a  design  for  a  tea  poy  in  Peter 
and  Michael  Angelo  Nicholson, 
The  Practical  Cabinet-Maker, 
Upholsterer,  and  Complete 
Decorator  (London:  H.  Fisher, 
Son,  and  Company,  1826). 

52.  This  piece  was  attributed  to  the 
firm  of  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons 
for  most  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, but  there  is  no  firm  basis 
for  the  attribution  ("w"  [w]  is 
incised  in  several  places).  The 
pattern  of  the  glazing  bars  on 
the  doors  does  not  appear  in 
the  New-Tork  Book  of  Prices  for 
Manufacturing  Cabinet  and 
Chair  Work  (New  York:  Har- 
per and  Brothers,  1834),  but  it 
is  illustrated  in  the  Book  of 
Prices  of  the  United  Society  of 
Journeymen  Cabinet  Makers  of 
Cincinnati,  for  the  Manufac- 
ture of  Cabinet  Ware  (Cincin- 
nati: N.  S.  Johnson,  1836), 

no.  19  in  table  no.  44,  and  also 
is  present  on  the  Robert  Fisher 
bookcase.  To  date,  these  two 
case  pieces  stand  alone  amidst 
New  York  furniture  of  about 
1830;  no  others  comparable  in 
size  have  come  to  light. 

Close  inspection  of  this 
bookcase  has  raised  questions 
about  whether  the  doors  origi- 
nally had  fabric  behind  the 
glass,  as  they  do  now  (the  pres- 
ent textile  is  a  re-creation  of 
the  one  the  piece  had  by  1943). 
Construction  details  seem  to 
confirm  that  there  was  always 
a  textile  presentation  on  the 
lower  half  of  the  piece,  but 
the  pattern  and  color  of  the 
original  fabric  remain  a  matter 
of  speculation. 

53.  The  pier  table  bears  the  paper 
label  of  Joseph  Meeks  and 
Sons,  at  43  and  45  Broad 
Street,  a  firm  that  was  in  busi- 
ness between  1829  and  1835. 

54.  The  Arabic  meaning  of  the 
word  "sopha"  (a  type  of  alcove) 
was  interpreted  by  Pierre  de  la 
Mesangere  as  a  type  of  seating 


296    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


furniture  in  plate  20  of  his  Col- 
lection des  mmbks  et  objets  de 
gout  (Paris,  1802-31),  which 
illustrated  a  banquet  sofa,  a 
rectilinear  form  with  sofa  ends 
equal  in  height  to  the  back. 
George  Smith  illustrated  a  sim- 
ilar library  sofa  in  1808.  Despite 
these  early  incarnations,  the 
box  sofa  was  not  particularly 
popular  in  either  France  or 
England  during  the  first  quar- 
ter of  the  nineteenth  century. 

55.  Smith,  HaU  and  Grecian  Style 
in  America,  p.  v. 

56.  See  Venable,  "Germanic  Crafts- 
men and  Furniture  Design," 
pp.  41-80. 

57.  Evening  Post  (New  York), 
December  12, 1838. 

58.  See  Clive  D.  Edwards,  Vic- 
torian Furniture:  Technolo£fy 
and  Design  (Manchester: 
Manchester  University  Press, 
1993),  p.  37. 

59.  Quoted  in  Ingerman,  "Personal 
Experiences,"  p.  577. 

60.  See  "New  French  PoUsh,"  The 
Minerva,  March  6, 1824,  p.  382. 
This  description  was  published 
earlier  in  England,  in  Mechan- 
ics' Magazine,  November  22, 
1823.  See  Edwards,  Victorian 
Furniture,  pp.  76-77-  Accord- 
ing to  Edwards,  it  was  later 
asserted  that  French  polishing 
had  been  developed  as  early  as 
1808,  but  the  practice  seemed 
to  take  hold  in  the  later  1820s 
and  the  1830s.  See  also  SchafF- 
ner,  "Secrets  and  ^Receipts, ' " 
pp.  53-55. 

61.  See  Pollack,  "Three  Generations 
of  Meeks  Craftsmen."  The  other 
complete  copy  of  the  broadside 
is  at  Yale  University.  The  cut- 
and-pasted  copy  (including 
forty-two  of  the  forty-four 
designs)  is  in  Nicholson  and 
Nicholson,  Practical  Cabinet- 
Maker,  Thomas  J.  Watson 
Library,  Metropolitan  Museum. 

62.  Pollack,  "Three  Generations  of 
Meeks  Craftsmen,"  pp.  19-20. 

63.  ]ohn.Ybi\L,  The  Cabinet  Makers' 
Assistant:  Embracing  the  Most 
Modem  Style  of  Cabinet  Furni- 
ture (Baltimore:  John  Murphy, 
1840).  The  American  Repertory 
of  Arts,  Sciences  and  Manufac- 
tures (i  [July  1840],  p.  467) 
announced  the  publication  of 
Hall's  book:  "The  drawings 
are  all  to  a  scale,  and  therefore 
available  as  working  drawings." 

64.  This  previously  unpublished 
pier  table  came  to  light  as  a  re- 
sult of  Jodi  A.  Pollack's  research 
for  her  thesis,  "Three  Genera- 
tions of  Meeks  Craftsmen." 

65.  Ernest  Hagen  recalled  (with 
sketches  augmenting  his  de- 
scription), "A  great  many  shops 


admired  for  producing  a  bright,  mirroriike  surface  that 
was  relatively  impervious  to  liquid  stains  and  scratches. 

The  Grecian  style  of  the  1830s  and  early  1840s  is 
best  illustrated  by  the  furniture  of  Joseph  Meeks 
and  Sons,  one  of  the  most  prolific  New  York  cabi- 
netmaking  firms  during  the  second  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  In  1833  the  firm  issued  a  large, 
hand-colored  broadside  (cat.  no.  225)  that  has  sur- 
vived as  one  of  the  rarest  documents  in  the  history  of 
American  furniture.  Perhaps  intended  to  be  hung  as 
an  advertising  poster  in  the  firm's  warerooms,  it  may 
also  have  been  distributed  to  other  retail  agents,  as  the 
instructions  for  placing  orders  at  the  bottom  suggest. 
Yet,  despite  its  having  been  printed  as  a  lithograph  (a 
medium  that  lends  itself  to  multiple  copies),  only  two 
intact  examples  of  the  broadside  are  known  to  exist;  a 
third,  cut  up  and  pasted  into  a  pattern  book,  attests  to 
the  fact  that  other  cabinetmakers  probably  utilized  it 
as  a  design  source  in  its  own  right. 

The  Meeks  and  Sons  broadside  presents  a  picture 
of  an  industry  in  transition.  Of  its  forty-four  im- 
ages, seventeen  are  taken  directly  from  Smith's  1828 
Cabinet-Maker  and  Upholsterer^s  Guide.^^  The  rest 
of  the  furniture  pictured  is  in  the  new  plain  version  of 
the  Grecian  style.  The  broadside  is  thus  especially  sig- 
nificant in  that  it  predates  by  seven  years  John  Hall's 
Cabinet  Makers^  Assistant  (Baltimore,  1840),  the  first 
American  pattern  book  to  popularize  Grecian  furni- 
ture, which  was  by  then  being  produced  in  many 
parts  of  the  country. 

A  labeled  mahogany-veneered  pier  table  (cat. 
no.  227),  similar  to  but  not  exacdy  replicating  one 
of  the  pier  tables  on  the  broadside,  is  an  exceptional 
example  of  the  furniture  produced  in  the  new  Grecian 
style  by  Meeks  and  Sons.  The  curved  serpentine 
plinth  and  the  scrolled  feet  tucked  under  it  are  hall- 
marks of  the  1830S  style;  the  large  calligraphic  scrolls, 
which  on  similar  tables  often  seem  structurally  incon- 
gruous, are  here  energetic  whorls  in  perfect  balance, 
effordessly  supporting  both  the  molded  rails  and  the 
''Egyptian"  marble  top.  The  simplicity  of  these  shaped 
elements  belies  the  considerable  skill  involved  in  select- 
ing, matching,  and  applying  thin,  brittle  veneers  to 
such  curvilinear  forms.*^"^ 

An  index  of  retail  prices  at  the  bottom  of  the  Meeks 
broadside  indicates  that  furniture  could  be  modified 
to  fit  the  customer's  taste  and  budget.  Among  the 
available  options  were  selecting  rosewood  veneer 
over  mahogany,  black  "Egyptian"  marble  over  wood 
or  white  marble  tops,  and  silk  upholstery  over  horse- 
hair or  requesting  gilding,  all  of  which  increased 
the  price  of  an  object  by  twenty  to  fifty  percent.  One 


pier  table  (related  to  cat.  no.  227),  for  example,  sold 
for  $90  with  a  white  marble  top  and  for  $110  with  one 
of  black  "Egyptian"  marble.  French  chairs  such  as 
numbers  11  and  12  on  the  broadside,  were  advertised  in 
rosewood  with  silk  upholstery  for  $15  and  in  mahogany 
with  horsehair  for  three  dollars  less. 

The  long-lived  French  chair  was  one  of  the  most 
popular  types  of  seating  furniture  during  the  second 
quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  many  varia- 
tions of  this  elegant  form  were  made.  Like  the  Greek 
klismos  chair,  the  French  chair  has  cyma-curved  legs 
and  a  concave  back  rail  that  connects  to  the  stiles, 
which  curve  continuously  down  to  meet  the  front  seat 
rail.^^  A  particularly  refined  example  (cat.  no.  226), 
with  mahogany  veneers  on  the  splat  and  crest  rail,  has 
the  additional  distinction  of  retaining  its  original 
imderupholstery  and  horsehair  (preserved  beneath  a 
replacement  horsehair  showcover).  The  chair  is  enriched 
by  the  use  of  such  delicate  details  as  the  turned  "but- 
tons" at  the  edges  of  the  crest  rail  and  the  stylized 
lotus  leaves  that  conceal  the  joinery  of  the  seat  rails 
and  embellish  the  tops  of  the  legs.  These  carved  details 
suggest  a  date  about  1830,  especially  when  the  piece  is 
compared  with  the  absolutely  undecorated  chairs  that 
Phyfe  made  in  1837  for  a  New  York  lawyer  named 
Samuel  Foot,  now  in  the  Metropolitan's  collection. 

An  unusual  fall-front  secretary  attributed  to  New 
York  represents  the  best  of  American  1830s  veneered 
furniture  (cat.  no.  229).  This  type  of  secretary,  which 
originated  in  France  in  the  late  eighteenth  century, 
had  been  popular  in  New  York  since  the  early  nine- 
teenth century.  However,  none  of  the  other  extant 
examples  from  New  York  resemble  this  one,  which 
recalls  contemporary  German  or  Austrian  models. 
The  book-matched  veneers  on  the  fall  front  are  divided 
into  panels  that  correspond  to  the  paired  cabinet  doors 
below.  The  circular  front  feet  are  unusual,  although 
they  have  applied  rimmed  disks,  a  detail  that  is  asso- 
ciated with  New  York  furniture  of  the  1830s. Here, 
the  tight,  rectilinear  outline  found  in  French-inspired 
precedents  has  been  transformed  by  the  broad,  over- 
hanging cornice  and  applied  bracket  pilasters  into  a 
baroque  statement  of  sculpted  mass  and  glowing  sur- 
face. In  its  flamboyant  use  of  luminous  mahogany 
veneers,  the  piece  knows  no  equal. 

Although  he  worked  within  the  rubric  of  the  Gre- 
cian style,  Phyfe  was  more  attracted  by  French  models 
(the  Second  Bourbon  Restoration  and  early  Louis- 
Philippe  periods,  from  1815  to  about  1840)  than  by  the 
German  examples  emulated  by  the  Meekses  and  oth- 
ers. A  pier  table  he  made  for  Benjamin  Clark  in  1834 
(fig.  241)  has  become  a  benchmark  in  the  history 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE" 


CABINETMAKING  297 


of  American  furniture:  its  being  documented  by  a 
bill  of  sale  allows  for  a  precise  determination  of  the 
early  date  by  which  Phyfe  adapted  to  the  1830s  ver- 
sion of  Neoclassicism.^^  Elegandy  attenuated  and 
severe  in  its  simplicity,  Phyfe's  table  is  all  legs  (stand- 
ing on  its  maker's  signature  rounded  block  feet); 
unlike  the  Meeks  pier  tables  (cat.  no.  227;  fig.  240),  it 
has  no  shelf  connecting  them, 

Ini836,  as  part  of  an  order  for  furniture  totaling  an 
extravagant  $1,900,  Lewis  Stirling  of  Wakefield  Plan- 
tation, near  Saint  Francisville,  Louisiana,  commis- 
sioned from  Phyfe  a  pair  of  larger  pier  tables  similar 
to  the  cabinetmaker's  1834  piece.  When  Stirling  vis- 
ited New  York  with  his  family  in  the  summer  of  1836, 
he  carried  with  him  a  rough  sketch  of  Wakefield's 
floor  plan,  along  with  measurements  of  each  room. 
These  materials,  supplemented  by  a  note  that  read 
"width  between  windows  for  looking  glasses,  5  feet  4," 
indicated  two  spaces,  one  each  in  the  parlor  and  the 
dining  room,  for  pier  mirrors  and  tables. Pier  tables 
with  gilded  looking  glasses  were  found  in  virtually 
every  upper-class  Grecian  drawing  room.  The  mirrors 
were  often  extremely  tall,  owing  to  the  high  ceilings 
in  formal  parlors,  as  is  the  example  labeled  by  John  H. 
Williams  and  Son  of  New  York  (cat.  no,  228),  which 
is  nearly  eight  feet  in  height.  In  1839  James  Bleecker, 
a  New  York  auctioneer,  advertised  "handsome  pier 
glasses,  109  by  38  inches."  Placing  such  a  looking 
glass  above  a  pier  table  (which  generally  had  a  mirror 
between  the  legs)  produced  the  effect  of  a  continuous 
reflective  surface  often  ten  to  twelve  feet  high,  visually 
extending  the  size  of  the  room  and  casting  light  back 
into  the  interior. 

Stirling  was  only  one  of  many  wealthy  Southern 
plantation  owners  who  decorated  their  magisterial 
Grecian  houses  with  Phyfe's  furniture.  In  June  1841 
fifiy-eight  pieces  of  furniture  in  forty-seven  boxes 
arrived  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  from  Duncan 
Phyfe  and  Son,  destined  for  Millford  Plantation  in 
Clarendon  County,  home  to  John  L.  Manning  and  his 
new  bride,  Susan  Hampton  Manning;  this  partial 
delivery  was  in  addition  to  two  others  comprising 
forty-two  crates.  Some  seventy-five  pieces,  including 
thirty-one  different  types  of  furniture,  survive  from 
this  well-documented  commission. 

Couches  were  a  popular  form  of  seating  furni- 
ture throughout  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, and  Phyfe  made  several  pairs  for  the  Millford 
commission.  One,  made  of  rosewood  (cat.  no.  232) 
probably  for  the  drawing  room,  illustrates  Phyfe's 
habit  of  producing  particularly  urbane  versions  of 
traditional  forms.  The  piece  is  distinguished  by  its 


unusual  scrolled  feet  outlined  by  arabesque  bands  of 
flat  molding  that  also  define  all  the  contours,  an  inno- 
vative detail  not  previously  seen  on  Phyfe's  furni- 
ture. This  detail  reflects  the  revival  of  "Old  French" 
styles,  which  were  coming  into  vogue  in  Europe  and 
America  about  1840,  and  recalls,  among  other  pos- 
sible sources,  furniture  made  during  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIV  (1638-1715)  and  during  the  Restoration  in 
France  (1815-30).^'^ 

Phyfe's  mahogany  armchair  for  Millford,  one  of 
a  suite  of  chairs  (cat.  no.  231),  is  also  a  sophisticated 
restatement  of  a  French  form  that  had  tremendous 
longevity  during  the  nineteenth  century,  both  in 
France  and  in  the  United  States.  In  fact,  the  New- 
York  Book  of  Prices  of  1834  includes  specifications  for 
"French  Chairs"  including  the  concave  back  shared 
by  Phyfe's  chair  and  the  side  chair  previously  dis- 
cussed (cat.  no.  226),  as  well  as  costs  for  supplying 
other  details  of  Phyfe's  chair,  such  as  the  scrolled  arm 
uplifted  by  a  carved  lotus  blossom  and  the  peaked 
crest  rail  that  hints  at  the  growing  influence  of  the 
Gothic  Revival  style  7^ 

Finally,  the  smart  litde  set  of  six  nested  tables  from 
the  Millford  parlor  (cat.  no.  230)  is  unusual.  Few 
American  examples  of  the  type  have  come  to  light, 
even  though  it  had  been  known  since  the  early  nine- 
teenth century  (nested  tables  are  depicted  in  Thomas 
Sheraton's  Cabinet  Dictionary  [London-  1803])  and 
despite  the  fact  that  both  the  1817  and  the  1834  New 
York  price  books  include  sets  of  four  tables,  called 
"quartettos."  Nested  tables  seem  to  come  into  favor 
with  New  York  cabinetmakers  about  1835-40.^^  Light 
and  compact,  the  form  was  well  suited  to  the  eco- 
nomics of  the  China  trade,  which  may  explain  why 
such  tables,  including  the  present  example,  are  often 
conceived  with  ring-turned  supports  that  are  remi- 
niscent of  bamboo. 

Frederick  R.  Spencer's  Family  Group  of  1840  (cat. 
no.  13)  presents  a  fare  interior  view  of  an  upper- 
middle- class  drawing  room  in  the  vicinity  of  New 
York  City.'^^  The  mahogany-veneered  Grecian  center 
table  is  depicted  in  a  colorful  period  context,  created 
by  the  red  curtains  with  gold  trim,  the  red  velvet  (or 
plush)  upholstery  with  fringe,  and  a  carpet  (probably 
British)  with  red,  green,  and  black  medallions— all 
typical  of  fashionable  interior  decoration  in  the  1830s 
and  1 840s  (see,  for  example,  cat.  no.  212).  A  compari- 
son of  this  center  table  with  the  one  owned  about 
1848  by  a  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  Henry  Augustus 
Carter  (see  fig.  242),  in  which  the  feet  can  just  be  dis- 
cerned beneath  the  table  skirt,  shows  how  volumetric 
this  particular  brand  of  Neoclassicism  became  over 


made  what  was  then  called  a 
'three-quarter  French  chair'; 
they  were  all  the  fashion  then. 
The  'full  French  chair'  had  a 
round  back  and  was  more  ex- 
pensive and  on  that  account 
was  going  out  of  style.  .  .  . 
about  1855."  Ingcrman,  "Per- 
sonal Experiences,"  p.  577. 

66.  Nancy  C.  Britton,  Associate 
Conservator  in  charge  of  up- 
holstered works  of  art.  Depart- 
ment of  Objects  Conservation, 
Metropolitan  Museum,  who 
has  examined  related  chairs 
from  the  1850s  in  close  detail, 
posits  an  early  1830s  date  for 
this  chair  based  on  the  struc- 
ture and  materials  of  the 
underupholstery.  According 
to  family  tradition,  this  ten- 
piece  suite  of  seating  furniture 
(66.221.1-10)  was  purchased 

in  1837  from  Duncan  Phyfe 
for  Samuel  A.  Foot's  new  resi- 
dence at  678  Broadway. 

67.  See  Hope,  Household  Furni- 
ture, pi.  27;  and  Book  of  Prices 
of  Journeymen  Cabinet  Makers 
of  Cincinnati,  pi.  14.  This  detail 
does  not  appear  in  the  New 
York  price  books.  Such  disks  are 
considered  a  Phyfe  trademark 
(see  fig.  241),  although  they 
were  also  part  of  the  general 
vocabular)'  of  the  period,  and 
many  variations  exist. 

68.  The  secretary  can  be  dated  to 
between  1833  and  about  1841, 
when  Lewis,  McKee  and  Com- 
pany of  Terryville,  Connecticut, 
made  die  lock,  which  bears  an 
impressed  mark.  See  Thomas  F. 
Hennessy,  Locks  and  Lockmak- 
ers  of  America,  3d  ed.  (Park 
Ridge,  Illinois:  Locksmith 
Publishing,  1997),  pp.  6-7. 
Lewis,  McKee  was  established 
in  1833.  After  the  firm  was  dis- 
solved in  1841,  its  successor 
agreed  not  to  make  any  of  the 
same  locks  until  the  inventory 
of  Lewis,  McKee  was  sold; 
hence,  the  circa  1841  bracket. 

69.  The  pier  table  was  originally 
one  of  a  pair;  Phyfe  charged 
$130  for  each  table,  making 
these  the  most  expensive  items 
among  the  thirty  or  so,  for 
which  Clark  was  charged 
$i,i54-50-  The  White  House 
retains  a  photograph  of  a 
photocopy  of  the  original  bill. 
I  am  grateful  to  Betty  C. 
Monkman,  curator,  the  White 
House,  for  supplying  informa- 
tion and  photographs  of  the 
table  and  the  bill  of  sale.  A 
related  pier  table  made  for 
Phyfe's  daughter,  Eliza  Phvfe 
Vail,  is  on  view  at  the  Museum 
of  the  City  of  New  York 
(L.5654.5).  It  is  dated  by  the 


298    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  242.  Attributed  to  Nicholas  Biddle  Kittell,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  Henry  Augustus  Carter;, 

ca.  1848.  Oil  on  canvas.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Edward  C.  Moen  62.234.12 


Duncan  Phyfe  and  Sons  label 
tacked  to  the  interior  under 
the  top.  The  firm  included 
both  of  Phyfe's  sons,  James 
and  William;  it  is  listed  in  the 
city  directories  for  1837-38 
through  1839-40;  when 
William  left  the  firm  in  1840, 
it  became  Duncan  Phyfe  and 
Son,  active  from  1840  through 
1S47,  when  Phyfe  terminated 
his  business. 
70.  The  tables  are  in  a  private  col- 
lection. The  Stirling  papers 
are  in  the  Rare  Book  Library, 
Louisiana  State  University, 
Baton  Rouge.  There  is  no 
Phyfe  bill  of  sale,  but  the  trans- 
fer of  fimds  to  Phyfe  in  Febru- 
ary 1837  from  Brown  Brothers 
by  Stirfing's  factor.  Burke  Watt 
and  Company  of  New  Orleans, 
is  documented  by  a  ledger 
entry.  I  am  gratefiii  to  Debo- 
rah D.  Waters  for  alerting  me 
to  the  Stirling  commission, 
and  to  Paul  M.  Haygood  for 
sharing  his  research  on  Lewis 
Stirling  and  his  ftimiture. 


time.  Such  deceptively  simple  volumes  and  the 
monochromatic  appearance  of  mahogany-veneered 
furniture  are  appreciated  today  for  their  intrinsic  ele- 
gance and  craftsmanship,  but  in  1833  they  may  have 
elicited  Colonel  Thomas  Hamilton's  remark  that 
New  York  drawing  rooms  struck  him  as  "comfort- 
able," but  "plain."  Noting  the  absence  of  the  "Buhl" 
tables,  ormolu  clocks,  gigantic  mirrors,  and  japanned 
cabinets  that  he  was  accustomed  to  seeing  in  England, 
he  concluded,  "In  short,  the  appearance  of  an  Ameri- 
can mansion  is  decidedly  republican." 

In  fact,  Grecian  ultimately  became  the  most  char- 
acteristically republican  style,  for  it  was  both  distinc- 
tively American  and  national  in  scope.  There  were 
so  many  inventive  interpretations  of  its  exuberant 
curvilinear  forms  in  the  1830s  and  1840s  that,  in  the 
absence  of  labels,  regional  differences  are  often  difficult 
to  distinguish.  Many  Grecian  pieces  were  composed 
of  identical,  or  nearly  identical,  elements  that  were 
combined  in  various  furniture  forms.  This  flexible 
method  of  design,  which  encouraged  economy  as 


well  as  high  volume  in  a  piecework  system,  was  one 
of  the  factors  that  allowed  New  York  cabinetmakers 
to  export  their  fiirniture  to  the  American  South. 
Joseph  Meeks  established  a  presence  in  New  Orleans 
as  early  as  1820. A  bold  Meeks  and  Sons  center  table 
with  a  black  "Egyptian"  marble  top,  one  of  the  firm's 
most  aesthetically  successfiil  pieces,  identical  to  num- 
ber 27  on  the  Meeks  broadside,  is  preserved  at  Melrose, 
a  renowned  Grecian  house  in  Natchez,  Mississippi.  It 
was  probably  acquired  by  the  McMurrans  of  that  city 
at  the  time  of  their  marriage  in  the  early  1830s  and 
moved  with  the  family  to  Melrose  when  it  was  built 
in  1845.^^ 

By  the  1850s  the  meaning  of  the  term  "Grecian"  had 
evolved  again:  it  now  connoted  greatiy  simplified, 
rectilinear  forms  with  painted  decoration  instead  of 
veneers.  "Modem  Grecian  furniture  has  the  merit  of 
being  simple,  easily  made,  and  very  moderate  in 
cost,"  Andrew  Jackson  Downing  stated  in  The  Archi- 
tecture of  Country  Houses  (1850),  in  which  he  equated 
the  style  with  painted  "cottage"  furniture.  "Its  univer- 
sality is  partiy  owing  to  the  latter  circumstance,  and 
partiy  to  the  fact  that  by  far  the  largest  number  of 
dwellings  are  built  in  the  same  style,  and  therefore  are 
most  appropriately  furnished  with  it."^^ 

As  early  as  the  1830s  the  hegemony  of  Neoclassi- 
cism  was  beginning  to  be  challenged  by  other  sources 
of  design,  and  by  1850  the  consumer  of  fiirniture  would 
be  confronted  by  a  multiplicity  of  choices  that  had 
been  inconceivable  just  a  quarter  century  before.  The 
Gothic  style,  never  fiilly  eclipsed  in  England  after  the 
Middle  Ages,  gained  momentum  in  the  late  1820s  and 
the  1830S  as  it  became  associated  with  the  social  reform 
effort  led  by  the  architect  and  designer  A.  W.  N. 
Pugin,  who  became  the  most  vociferous  and  influential 
polemicist  for  the  style.  In  London,  several  important 
Gothic  projects  were  under  way  by  the  mid-18 30s, 
most  notably  the  design  of  the  new  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment by  Charles  Barry,  with  interior  details  by  Pugin, 
which  began  construction  in  1836. 

Although  full-blown  Gothic  motifs  did  not  prolif- 
erate in  American  furniture  until  the  1840s,  harbin- 
gers of  the  style  emerged  in  the  1830s.  Under  the 
influence  of  England,  American  cabinetmakers  began 
to  incorporate  Gothic  details  into  Grecian  forms; 
nimiber  28  on  the  1833  Meeks  broadside,  for  example, 
is  a  wardrobe  that  has  recessed  panels  with  Gothic 
arches  on  the  doors. By  the  early  1840s  Gothic-style 
furniture  was  being  manufactured  with  details  bor- 
rowed from  churches,  such  as  window  tracery  (popular 
for  the  backs  of  chairs),  crockets,  and  finials.  Gothic 
furniture  was  used  in  domestic  interiors  alongside 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE":   C  AB INETMAKI N  G  299 


Grecian  pieces,  as  the  portrait  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Carter 
(fig.  242)  illustrates.  A  powerful,  thronelike  rose- 
wood armchair  (fig.  243)  is  an  excellent  example  of  a 
contemporaneous  cabinetmaker's  conception  of  the 
Gothic  style.  The  chair  can  be  attributed  to  Thomas 
Brooks  on  the  basis  of  details  that  relate  it  to  a  docu- 
mented twelve-piece  suite  of  walnut  parlor  furniture 
that  he  made  for  Roseland  Cottage,  the  Woodstock, 
Connecticut,  retreat  of  Henry  Chandler  Bowen,  a 
wealthy  dry-goods  merchant  from  Brooklyn.  Its 
fluidly  carved  handholds  are  draped  with  a  stylized 
wilted-leaf  motif,  thought  to  be  a  Brooks  hallmark, 
that  melds  into  the  carving  on  the  arm  supports, 
which  end  in  an  acanthus  flourish  where  the  support 
meets  the  rail.^'^ 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis  was  the  major  exponent  of 
the  Gothic  style  in  America  prior  to  the  Civil  War.  With 
his  older  partner,  Ithiel  Town,  the  young  Davis  had 
established  a  reputation  as  an  architect  with  his  Gre- 
cian designs.  Under  the  influence  of  Pugin  he  began 
to  design  Gothic  Revival  houses  and  furniture  in  the 
early  1830s  (see  "Building  the  Empire  City"  by  Morrison 
H.  Heckscher  in  this  publication,  p.  180).^^  Davis 
gained  his  understanding  of  the  style  by  studying 
British  architectural  and  design  publications;  from 
1825  until  1827  he  had  access  to  plates  from  Gothic 
Furniture  (London,  1828)  by  A.  C.  Pugin,  the  father 
of  A.  W.  N.,  several  of  which  appeared  in  Rudolph 


Fig.  243.  Attributed  to  Thomas  Brooks,  Armchair,  ca.  1847. 
Rosewood;  replacement  upholstery;  casters.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Lee  B.  Anderson,  1999 
1999.461 


Fig.  244.  Gothic  Furniture  [Episcopal  Chair,  Table  for  a  Boudoir,  Drawing-Room  Chair].  Etching  with  aquatint  and  hand  coloring, 
from  Rudolph  Ackermann's  Repository  of  Arts,  Literature,  Fashions,  Manufaaures,  &c.,  ser.  3,  November  i,  1825,  pi.  29,  opp.  p.  307. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1942  42.74.2 


71.  New-Tork  Commercial  Adver- 
tiser, October  23, 1839. 

72.  Illustrations  showing  the  use  of 
pier  mirrors  in  American  interi- 
ors are  rare.  See  a  painting  by 
Oliver  Tarbell  Eddy,  Ue  Chil- 
dren of  Israel  Griffith,  ca.  1844 
(Maryland  Historical  Society, 
Baltimore,  18. 9.1),  in  Smith, 
Hall  and  Grecian  Style  in 
America,  pi.  21;  and  Augustin 
Edouart,  Family  in  Silhouette 
[New  York  City],  1842  (Win- 
terthur  Museum),  in  Elisabeth 
Donaghy  Garrett,  At  Home: 
The  American  Family,  1750-1870 
(New  York:  Harry  N.  Abrams, 
1990),  p.  154- 

73.  A  sofa  related  to  the  couch 
shown  here  (cat.  no.  232)  is  in 
the  Columbia  Museum  of  Art, 
South  Carolina.  The  MiUford 
commission  is  extensively 
documented  in  the  Williams- 
Chesnut-Manning  Families 
Papers  at  the  South  Carolini- 
ana  Library,  the  University  of 
South  Carolina,  Columbia. 
Additional  papers  are  at  the 
South  Carolina  Historical  Soci- 
ety, Charleston,  and  the  State 
Historical  Society,  Madison, 
Wisconsin.  See  Thomas  Gor- 
don Smith,  "Millford  Plantation 
in  South  Carolina,"  Antiques 
151  (May  1997),  pp.  732-41. 
My  thanks  are  due  to  Brandy 
Culp,  for  her  thorough  read- 
ing of  the  family  papers,  and 

to  Margize  Howell  and  Mrs. 
Charles  F.  Johnson  for  photo- 
graphs of  Millford. 

74.  "Couch,"  derived  from  the 
medieval  "'couche  "  (bed),  is 
the  English  term  for  a  daybed, 
known  as  a  mcridienm  or  lit  de 
repos  in  France.  Thomas  King, 
in  The  Modern  Style  of  Cabinet 
Work  Exemplified  (1829),  distin- 
guished between  sofas,  which 
had  two  ends,  and  couches, 
which  had  one,  as  did  the  New- 
Tork  Book  of  Prices  for  1834. 
The  couch  had  a  long  history 
in  the  nineteenth  century.  See 

a  related  French  example  with 
similar  banded  ornament  in 
Leris-Laffargue,  Restauration, 
Louis-Philippe,  pp.  38-39.  See 
also  "Chaises  Longues,"  pi.  10 
(and  also  pi.  136)  in  George 
Smith,  Smith's  Cabinet-Maker 
and  Upholsterer's  Guide  .  . , 
(London:  Jones  and  Company, 
1828),  used  as  the  source  for 
the  upholstery  presentation 
on  this  piece. 

75.  New-York  Book  of  Prices  for 
1834,  pi.  9.  The  showcover  on 
this  chair  has  been  added  for 
the  exhibition.  Its  color  was 
based  on  period  sources  from 
the  early  1840s,  such  as  Le 


300    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Garde-meuble,  and  on  the 
color  of  some  of  the  fabrics 
listed  in  Duncan  Phyfe's  auction 
sale  of  1847,  cited  in  note  76. 

76.  One  Meeks  and  Sons  table 
dated  to  1829-35  is  probably 
from  a  set.  See  Pollack,  "Three 
Generations  of  Meeks  Craffe- 
men,"  p.  127.  The  auctioneer 
James  Bleecker  listed  "quartette 
and  card  tables"  in  1839.  Ncw- 
Tork  Commercial  Advertiser, 
October  23, 1839.  The  1847 
catalogue  of  the  sale  of  Duncan 
Phyfe  and  Son's  inventory  also 
includes  mention  of  "quartett" 
tables.  Edgar  Jenkins,  Auction- 
eer, Peremptory  and  Extensive 
Auction  Sale  of  Splendid  and 
Valuable  Furniture^  on  .  .  . 
April  16,  and  17}  .  .  .  at  the  Fur- 
niture Ware  Rooms  of  Messrs. 
Duncan  Phyfe  &  Son,  Nos.  192 
and  ip4  Fulton  Street . .  .  (sale 
cat..  New  York:  Halliday  and 
Jenkins  [1847]),  copy  in  the 
Wmterthur  Library. 

77.  See  Teresa  A.  Carbone,  Ameri- 
can Paintings  in  the  Brooklyn 
Museum  of  Art:  Artists  Born  by 
1876  (Brooklyn,  forthcoming). 

78.  [Thomas  Hamilton],  Men 
and  Manners  in  America  (1833; 
reprint,  with  additions  from  the 
1843  ed.,  New  York:  Augustus 
M.  Kelley,  1968),  p.  103.  We 
do  not  know  whom  Colonel 
Hamilton  was  visiting  when  he 
made  this  remark.  "Buhl"  is  the 
nineteenth-century  version  of 
the  French  "Boulle,"  connoting 
a  decorative  form  of  marquetry 
made  with  tortoiseshell  and/or 
metais  (usually  silver  or  brass) 
in  the  manner  of  Andre-Charles 
Boulle  (1642-1732). 

79.  See  Pollack,  "Three  Generations 
of  Meeks  Craftsmen,"  pp.  24-27 
and  chap.  3.  Joseph  Meeks  adver- 
tised the  opening  of  a  fiimiture 
warehouse  in  New  Orleans  as 
early  as  1820.  His  two  sons 
operated  a  furniture  store  there 
from  1830  to  1839. 

80.  The  table  is  illustrated  and  dis- 
cussed in  Wendy  A.  Cooper, 
Classical  Taste  in  America, 
1800-1840  (exh.  cat.,  Baltimore 
Museum  of  Art;  New  York: 
Harry  N.  Abrams,  1993), 

pp.  215,  217.  It  no  longer  bears 
its  original  Meeks  and  Sons 
label.  The  price  of  the  table, 
with  an  "Egyptian  marble" 
top,  was  listed  on  the  Meeks 
broadside  as  $100. 

81.  A.  J.  Downing,  The  Architec- 
ture of  Country  Houses  (New 
York:  D.  Appleton  and  Com- 
pany, 1850;  reprint  with  a  new 
introduction  by  J.  Stewart 
Johnson,  New  York:  Dover 
Publications,  1969),  p-  413- 


  vm    


fiftHifQtt  6f 


I  Ui-Jfti  kfj  I  in  I  lilliHIIMII 


1/  \  /  \  /  \\ 


■  I  I 


Fig.  245.  Cast-iron  Table  Supports  Desijined  by  Robert  Mallet.  Wood  engraving,  from  J.  C.  Loudon,  ^»  Encyclopaedia  ofCottc^ej 
Famiy  and  ViUa  Architecture  and  Furniture  (1833;  new  ed.,  London:  Longman,  Brown,  Green,  and  Ix)ngmans,  1842),  pp.  704-5, 
fig.  1341.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


Ackermann's  influential  serial  publication  Repository 
ofArtSy  Litemture,  Fashions,  Manufactures,  one 
of  Ackermann's  plates  (fig.  244)  was  saved  by  Davis 
among  his  own  furniture  designs.  He  accumulated 
an  extensive  library  that  included  such  British  books 
as  Henry  Shaw's  Specimens  of  Ancient  Furniture 
(London,  1836),  A.  W.  N.  Pugin's  Gothic  Furniture  in 
the  Style  of  the  Fifteenth  Century  (London,  1835),  and 
J.  C.  Loudon's  influential  treatise  An  Encyclopaedia 
of  Cottage,  Farm,  and  Villa  Architecture  and  Furni- 
ture (London,  1833),  which  Davis  ofi:en  consulted.^^ 
It  was  accepted  practice  to  leaf  through  such  books 
for  design  ideas.  Robert  Donaldson,  owner  of  the 
Phyfe  window  bench  (fig.  238),  called  at  Davis's 
office  in  January  1834  "to  look  for  a  gothic  villa  in 
books,  and  get  a  design  for  residence."  Philip  R. 
Paulding,  proprietor  of  Knoll,  later  renamed  Lynd- 
hurst,  in  Tarrytown,  New  York,  inquired  about  the 
whereabouts  of  a  design  for  a  bookcase  that  Davis 


had  promised  him,  '1  think  you  told  me  you  found  it 
going  in  one  of  your  books."  Davis  typically 
charged  his  clients  $3,  $4,  or  $5  to  design  a  piece  of 
furniture.  His  sketches  were  translated  into  walnut 
and  oak  (the  woods  most  favored  for  Gothic  furni- 
ture), in  Westchester  by  cabinetmakers  Richard  Byrne 
and  Ambrose  Wright,  and  in  New  York  by  William 
Bums  and  his  various  partners;  while  in  business 
with  Peter  Trainque,  Burns  was  known  for  "the  most 
correa  Gothic  fiimiture." 

Loudon  recommended  that  Gothic  houses  be  fiir- 
nished  in  the  Gothic  style  and  that  the  entire  commis- 
sion be  put  under  the  direction  of  a  competent  architea. 
The  latter  was  an  innovative  concept  for  American 
architects,  and  Davis  enthusiastically  embraced  it. 
Thus,  he  designed  not  only  the  house  but  also  the 
interiors  and  furniture  for  Knoll,  which  was  built 
between  1838  and  1842  on  the  bluffs  above  the  Hud- 
son River  for  two-term  New  York  mayor  William 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE": 


CAB INETMAKING  3OI 


Paulding  and  his  son  Philip.  The  interiors,  redolent  of 
romantic  medievalism,  were  appreciatively  described 
in  the  press: 

This  is  a  perfect  specimen  of  the  most  beautiful  of 
the  pointed  [Gothic]  styles^  and  the  whole  interior 
is  in  keeping  with  the  style,  Mr  Davis  has  designed 
every  article  of  furniture^  so  that  every  chair  and 
every  table  would  appear  ...  to  be  2it  home  in  its 
place  .  .  .  as  a  necessary  part  of  the  whole.  .  .  .  Every 
window  is  of  enameled  glassy  and  the  panes  made  of 
the  small  diamond  shape.  The  coloured  light  thrown 
into  the  rooms  when  the  sun  shines  .  .  .  carries  back 
the  association  to  the  olden  times.  There  is,  toOy  some- 
thing aristocratic  .  .  .  (which  we  take  to  be  gende- 
manlyj  in  these  gorgeous  windows  .  .  .  ;  the  lofty 
halls  with  ribbed  ceilings  of  oak;  the  gothic  sculp- 
tures; the  regular  irregularities  of  the  rooms;  the 
luxury  of  the  bay  windows  and  oriels  .  .  .  towers, 
and  pinnacles,  lawns  and  terraces  .  .  .  — all  these 
are  found  in  the  estate  of  Mr.  Paulding,  and  they 
remain  a  perpetual  monument  of  a  pure  and 
cultivated  taste. 

A  wheel-back  chair  in  oak  (cat.  no.  234)  —  one  of  a 
pair  that  Davis  designed,  probably  about  1845,  for  the 
reception  hall  at  Knoll— is  among  the  earliest  docu- 
mented pieces  of  Gothic  Revival  furniture  made  in 
America.  Davis's  daybooks  record  that  he  began  to 
conceive  of  furniture  for  the  Pauldings  in  1841,  when 
he  mentioned  "fifty  designs  for  furniture,"  and  contin- 
ued through  1847.^^  The  chair  is  typical  of  antebellum 
Gothic  Revival  seating  furniture  in  its  appropria- 
tion of  Gothic  tracery  for  the  dominant  motif  It  also 
displays  a  purposive  stiffness,  which  Loudon  said 
"belongs  to  the  style." Davis  inventively  adapted  the 
wheel-shaped  back  from  a  cast-iron  table  support 
designed  by  an  Irish  engineer  named  Robert  Mallet 
that  was  published  in  Loudon's  Encyclopaedia  (fig. 
245).  Cast-iron  furniture  was  still  a  new  idea,  having 
been  introduced  in  England  during  the  early  1830s. ^"^^ 
Loudon  advocated  its  use  in  domestic  settings  be- 
cause it  was  inexpensive  and  practical.  Some  of  the 
designs  he  published  emphasize  structure  over  style  to 
such  an  extent  that  they  seem  more  protomodern 
than  Gothic.  Although  there  is  no  evidence  that 
Davis  designed  any  cast-iron  pieces,  he  was  sympa- 
thetic to  the  innovative  use  of  the  material  and  its  pos- 
sible applications  to  furniture,  inscribing  in  his 
notebook  Loudon's  desire  that  "our  furnishing  iron- 
monger's [sic]  would  direct  a  portion  of  that  power 
of  invention  .  .  .  now  almost  exclusively  occupied  in 


contriving  bad  fireplaces,  to  the  improving  of  the 
designs,  and  lowering  the  price  of  cabinet  furniture, 
by  the  judicious  introduction  of  cast  iron."^^ 

A  later  Davis  design  (cat.  no.  235),  also  documented 
by  drawings,  was  probably  first  conceived  about  1857 
in  conjunction  with  the  architect's  most  ambitious 
castellated  villa,  Ericstan,  1855-59,  the  Tarrytown  seat 
of  the  wealthy  flour  merchant  John  J.  Herrick  (see 
cat.  no.  102).^^  By  any  standard,  this  walnut  chair  is 
one  of  the  most  aesthetically  refreshing  pieces  of 
American  Gothic  furniture.  Here  again,  there  seems 
to  be  a  relationship  between  Davis's  design  and  the 
medium  of  cast  iron:  the  way  the  sculpted  vertical 
tracery  elements  of  the  chair  back  flow  over  the  top 
of  the  crest  is  more  characteristic  of  cast  metalwork 
than  of  traditional  cabinetmaker's  joinery,  and  is  even 
more  remarkable  here  because  hand  craftsmanship 
is  employed.  The  carved  "ears"  at  the  edges  of  the 
crest,  an  allusion  to  similar  designs  on  medieval  spires 
and  canopies,  are  typical  elements  on  Gothic  Revival 
furniture.  The  delicate,  animated  legs,  however,  are 
unusual.  Canted  in  front  and  ending  in  stylized 
hoofed  feet  poised  as  if  en  pointe,  they  recall  litde  deer 
hooves,  even  including  abstract  dewclaws.  These  feet 
and  the  protruding  "knees"  at  the  juncture  of  the  legs 
and  the  seat  rail  are  both  elements  found  in  the  cast- 
iron  garden  furniture  then  being  made  for  the  newly 
created  urban  parks  and  for  the  rustic  landscapes  of 
rural  residences. 

While  some  took  issue  with  Davis  and  his  collabo- 
rator Downing  for  "corrupting  the  public  taste,  and 
infecting  the  parvenues  with  the  mania  of  Gothic 
Castle-building,"^^  there  were  actually  relatively  few 
Gothic  residences  as  monolithic  or  imposing  as  Knoll 
and  Ericstan.  In  architecture  the  style  was  more  typi- 
cally disseminated  in  the  form  of  designs  for  unpre- 
tentious rural  cottages  made  of  wood,  not  stone.  And 
these  were  not  necessarily  furnished  in  the  Gotfdc  style, 
because,  as  Downing  explained,  "there  has  been  litde 
attempt  made  at  adapting  furniture  in  this  style  to  the 
more  simple  Gothic  of  our  villas  and  country  houses  in 
America."  In  urban  residences,  Gothic  decoration  was 
generally  confined  to  Hbraries,  where— paradoxically, 
in  an  era  in  which  technological  advances  made  books 
accessible  to  everyone— it  recalled  medieval  scholar- 
ship and  the  monastic  preservation  of  knowledge. 

Gothic  furniture  was  also  criticized.  Downing,  echo- 
ing Pugin,  objected  that  it  was  often  "too  elaborately 
Gothic— with  the  same  high-pointed  arches,  crockets, 
and  carving  usually  seen  in  the  front  of  some  cathe- 
dral," which  resulted  in  interiors  that  were  "too  osten- 
tatious and  stately."  ^^'^  As  an  alternative,  Downing 


82.  See  many  examples  in  Kather- 
ine  S.  Howe  and  David  B. 
Warren,  The  Gothic  Revival 
Style  in  Americdy  1830-1870 
(exh.  cat.,  Houston:  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts,  1976). 

83.  See  Amy  M.  Goes,  "Thomas 
Brooks:  Cabinetmaker  and 
Interior  Decorator"  (Master's 
thesis,  Bard  Graduate  Center 
for  Studies  in  the  Decorative 
Arts,  New  York,  1999), 

pp.  36-41, 58-61. 

84.  The  motif  may  be  a  stylized 
oak  leaf,  in  keeping  with  the 
acorns  in  the  pierced  carving 
on  the  chair  back.  Collectors' 
accounts  are  the  basis  for  the 
suggestion  that  this  detail  is 

a  Brooks  hallmark.  I  am  grate- 
ful to  Lee  B.  Anderson  and 
David  Scott  Parker  for  sharing 
their  expertise  in  Gothic 
Revival  furniture, 

85.  See  also  Amelia  Peck,  ed.,  Alex- 
ander Jackson  Davis,  American 
Architect,  1803-1892  (exh.  cat., 
New  York:  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art  and  Rizzoli, 
1992);  Jane  B.  Davies,  "Gothic 
Revival  Furniture  Designs  of 
Alexander  J.  Davis"  Antiques 
in  (May  1977),  pp.  1014-27; 
and  Stanley  Mallach,  "Gothic 
Furniture  Designs  by  Alexan- 
der Jackson  Davis,"  (Master's 
thesis,  University  of  Delaware, 
Newark,  1966). 

86.  Davis's  copy  of  this  plate  is 
among  his  drawings  housed  in 
the  Avery  Architectural  and 
Fine  Arts  Library,  Columbia 
University. 

87.  Davis  acquired  a  copy  of 
Loudon's  Encyclopaedia  on 
September  8,  1835.  Davis,  Day- 
book, vol.  I,  p.  I,  New  York 
Public  Library.  Published  in 

1833,  Loudon's  book  was  reis- 
sued (with  revisions)  in  1835, 
1836,  1839,  1842,  1846,  1847, 
1850, 1857, 1863,  and  1867,  attest- 
ing to  its  widespread  popular- 
ity. See  the  preface  to  Loudon 
Furniture  Designs  from  the  En- 
cyclopaedia of  Cottage,  Farm- 
house and  Villa  Architecture 
and  Furniture,  1839  (East  Ards- 
ley:  S.  R.  Publishers,  1970). 

88.  Davis,  Daybook,  January  15, 

1834,  vol.  I,  p.  157,  transcribed 
by  Cynthia  V.  A.  SchafFner, 
New  York  Public  Library. 

89.  Davis,  Correspondence,  N-13-f 
(undated),  A.  J.  Davis  Col- 
lection, Avery  Architectural  and 
Fine  Arts  Library,  transcribed 
by  Cynthia  V.  A.  Schaffner. 
Davies,  "Gothic  Revival  Furni- 
ture Designs,"  p.  1027,  n.  35, 
postulates  an  1844  date. 

90.  Downing,  Architecture  of  Coun- 
try Houses  (reprint),  p.  440. 


302    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


91.  *TTie  Architects  and  Architec- 
ture of  New  Yorkf  Brother  Jon- 
athan, July  15, 1843,  pp.  301-3. 

92.  Davis  Journal,  vol.  i,  p.  59, 
Department  of  Drawings  and 
Prints,  Metropolitan  Museum 
(24-66.1400).  One  related 
drawing  for  this  chair  is  in  the 
A.  J.  Davis  Collection,  Avery 
Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library;  the  other  is  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  Museum  of  the 
City  of  New  York.  The  identity 
of  the  cabinetmaker  is  suggested 
by  an  entry  in  Davis's  Daybook, 
vol.  I,  p.  457:  "R.  Byrne,  Cabi- 
net maker.  White  Plains,  made 
Paulding's  chairs,"  transcribed 
by  Cynthia  V.  A.  Schaffiier, 
New  York  Public  Library.  The 
date  of  this  entry  is  not  dear; 

it  appears  in  a  section  tided 
"Visiting  Cards." 

Richard  Byrne  came  to 
America  from  Ireland  in  about 
1833  and  moved  to  White  Plains 
in  March  or  April  1845,  accord- 
ing to  the  obituaries  cited  in 
MaJlach,  "Gothic  Furniture 
Designs,"  pp.  132-33  (and  notes, 
pp.  108-9).  On  the  basis  of 
these  obituaries  and  the  Davis 
diary  entry  cited  above,  a  date 
of  about  1845  is  probable  for 
the  Knoll  hall  chairs. 

93.  J.  C.  Loudon,  An  Encyclopae- 
dia of  Cottage,  Farm,  and 
Villa  Architecture  and  Furni- 
ture, .  .  .  new  ed.  (London: 
Longman,  Brown,  Green,  and 
Longmans,  1842),  p.  1094. 

94.  J.  Ian  Cox,  "Cast-Iron  Furni- 
ture," in  Encyclopedia  of  Inte- 
rior Desi£fn,  vol.  i,  pp.  232-33. 

95.  Davis,  Todd  System  Note- 
book, page  F,  transcribed  by 
Cynthia  V  A.  Schaffiier,  New 
York  Public  Library. 

96.  The  drawings  are  in  the  Avery 
Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library,  Columbia  Univer- 
sity, A.  J.  Davis  Collection 
(194000100432),  and  in  the 
Department  of  Drawings  and 
Prints,  Metropolitan  Museum 
(24.66.1892);  the  latter  bears  a 
later  inscription.  When  oak 
versions  of  this  form  were  dis- 
covered in  the  possession  of 
Herrick  descendants,  the  date 
for  the  design  seemed  confirmed. 
The  walnut  versions  of  the  chair, 
such  as  this  one,  have  details 
that  differ  slightiy  from  those  in 
oak  and  thus  are  thought  to  be 
variants  of  the  Ericstan  chairs. 
See  Henry  Hawley,  "American 
Furniture  of  the  Mid-Nine- 
teenth Century,"  Bulletin  of  the 
Cleveland  Museum  of  Art  74 
(May  1987),  pp.  186-93. 

97.  Cynthia  V  A.  Schaffiier  observed 
the  subde  relationship  of  this 


Fig,  246,  Antique  Apartment— Elizabahm  Style,  Wood  engraving  by  John  William  Orr,  from  A.  J.  Downing,  The  Architecture  of 
Country  Houses  (New  York:  D.  Appleton  and  Company,  1850),  fig.  184.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts 


proposed  Elizabethan  or  Flemish  furniture  for  use  in 
Gothic  houses  because  these  styles  provided  a  success- 
ful combination  of  the  picturesque  and  the  domestic; 
moreover  the  admixture  of  styles  could  be  justified  on 
the  basis  of  European  precedents.  He  also  endorsed 
the  Elizabethan  style  for  interiors,  because  it  had 
a  "homely  strength  and  sober  richness"  and  was 
"addressed  to  the  feelings,  and  capable  of  wonderfully 
varied  expression."^**^  It  is  telling  that  Downing  gave 
as  the  best  reason  for  the  introduction  of  Elizabethan 
architecture  to  the  United  States  "the  natural  prefer- 
ence which  Europeans,  becoming  naturalized  citizens 
among  us,  have  for  indulging  the  charm  of  old  asso- 
ciations, by  surrotmding  themselves  by  an  antique 
style  that  has  been  familiar.  .  .  As  his  example 
of  a  fine  Elizabethan  interior,  he  chose  an  illustra- 
tion from  Sir  Walter  Scott's  Waverly  novels  (fig.  246) 
that  depicted  a  coffered  ceiling,  wainscoted  oak  wall 
paneling,  tapestries,  twisted  columns,  scrollwork,  and 
"heavy  and  quaint  carving  in  wood."  ^^"^  The  effect  was 
"often  grand  and  sombre,  always  massive,  rich,  and 
highly  picturesque— as  well  as  essentially  manorial 


and  country-like."  The  Elizabethan  dining  room 
of  James  Penniman's  "princely  residence"  (measuring 
about  forty-six  by  eighty-five  feet),  built  in  1846  on 
the  south  side  of  Union  Square,  was  commended 
in  the  press,  which  noted  in  particular  its  "mantel .  . . 
of  fine  statuary  marble,  each  side  being  supported 
by  two  figures  in  armour,  nearly  the  size  of  life," 
its  busts  in  period  costume,  and  its  fresco-painted 
decorations.  1**^ 

A  portfolio  cabinet  attributed  to  the  firm  of  J.  and 
J.  W.  Meeks,  successor  to  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons, 
which  dates  to  about  1845,  illustrates  an  American 
interpretation  of  the  Elizabethan  style  (cat,  no.  233),^*^^ 
It  opens  on  one  side  to  reveal  a  maple-veneered  inte- 
rior in  which  serpentine-shaped  dividers  create  four 
vertical  slots,  probably  designed  to  hold  bound 
volumes  or  perhaps  prints.  Fretwork  similar  to  that 
seen  on  the  sides  and  gallery  of  the  cabinet  is  a 
notable  feature  of  Meeks  furniture  produced  in  the 
1840s,  1**^  as  is  the  machine-carved  ripple  moldings, 
which  have  precedents  in  seventeenth-century  Ger- 
man and  Dutch  Baroque  cabinets.  The  cabinet's  most 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES   OF  FURNITURE" 


CABINETMAKING  3O3 


prominent  feature,  the  colorful  "Berlin"  needlework 
panel  depicting  a  scene  from  Romeo  and  Juliet, 
emphasizes  the  link  with  the  Elizabethan. 

The  evocation  of  "old  associations"  and  the  equa- 
tion of  interior  decoration  with  "something  aristo- 
cratic" reflected  values  that  New  Yorkers,  starting  in 
the  1840S,  increasingly  came  to  prize.  Objects  with  age 
became  desirable  indicators  of  established  social  posi- 
tion, for,  among  other  things,  they  implied  a  long, 
distinguished  family  lineage.  A  new  nostalgia  for  family 
heirlooms,  especially  those  from  the  late  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, gave  expression  to  an  incipient  Colonial  Revival 
movement,  which  was  to  be  even  more  strongly  artic- 
ulated after  the  Civil  War.  "The  fact  is,  my  friend," 
asserted  an  anonymous  speaker  in  a  brief  tale  called 
"The  China  Pitcher,"  "it  is  all  the  fashion  to  be  unfash- 
ionable now.  The  older  a  thing  is,  the  newer  it  is": 

Garrets  are  ransacked,  old  cellars,  lumber-rooms, 
and  auction-shops,  and  everything  turned  topsy- 
turvy .  .  .  pilla^fed  over  and  over  a^ain  by  people 
who,  six  months  ago,  had  their  great-grandmother^ s 
[eighteenth-century]  chairs  lugged  cff  into  the 
wood-house,  and  stowed  way  for  kindling-stuff.  ,  .  . 
something  new  in  the  shape  of  old  furniture  is 
always  sure  to  turn  up,  at  a  prodigious  bargain; 
some  undoubted  original,  of  great  worth,  in  the 
finest  possible  preservation,  which  had  been  most 
unaccountably  overlooked,  as  well  as  most  unac- 
countably spared,  for  nobody  knows  how  many 
generations.  ... 

In  short .  .  .  the  struggle  now  is  between  the  fami- 
lies of  yesterday  and  the  families  of  the  day  before. 
The  oldest  furniture,  and  the  ugliest,  always  did 
belong,  and  always  must  belong,  of  course,  to  the 
oldest  families.^^^ 

The  term  given  to  all  things  old,  odd,  and  "ugly" 
was  "rococo."  "Those  .  .  .  who  have  been  lately  in 
France  will  be  familiar  with  the  word,"  the  New 
Mirror  advised  in  1844.  "It  came  into  use  about  four 
or  five  years  ago,  when  it  was  the  rage  to  look 
up  costly  and  old-fashioned  articles  of  jewelry  and 
furniture.  ...  A  chair,  or  a  table,  of  carved  wood, 
cosdy  once  but  unfashionable  for  many  a  day,  was 
rococo.  .  .  .  things  intrinsically  beautiful  and  valuable, 
in  short,  but  unmeritedly  obsolete,  were  rococo." 
The  term  would  come  to  be  synonymous  with  "Old 
French"— Louis  XIV  and  Louis  XV— styles  revived 
during  this  period. 

The  mania  for  old  things  spurred  the  frenzied  sport 
of  shopping  conducted  in  other  people's  houses,  espe- 
cially on  May  i,  when  leases  were  up,  and  because  of 


frequent  bankruptcies  throughout  the  period.  (See 
"Inventing  the  Metropolis"  by  Dell  Upton  in  this 
publication,  p.  18.)  As  the  November  1848  Home 
Journal  reported,  "New-York  is  the  greatest  place  in 
the  world  for  sudden  sellings  out/'  but  there  was  little 
embarrassment  in  doing  so.  "People  build  houses  and 
furnish  them  as  if  for  twenty  generations,  occupy 
them  for  a  year  or  two,  and  sell  out  at  auction;  and  so 
frequent  is  this  summary  laying  down  of  splendor, 
that  the  discredit  and  mortification  which  would  attach 
to  it  in  older  coimtries  is  here  scarce  thought  of— the 
national  love  of  change  being  its  sufficient  apology,  if 
one  were  at  all  needed."  Grand  tours  of  Europe  usu- 
ally preceded  such  sales,  the  Home  Journal  explained: 
"these  suddenly  enriched  tourists  pick  up,  and  ship 
home,  such  articles  of  furniture  as  strike  their  fancy  in 
foreign  cities."  "The  amount  of  importation  of  arti- 
cles of  luxury  and  taste"  was  "surprising,"  and  "with 
the  facility  with  which  [such  goods]  soon  come  to  the 
hammer,  New-York  [was]  perhaps  the  best  place  in 
the  world  to  purchase  cosdy  and  curious  furniture 
second  hand."  ^^"^  Moreover,  buying  at  auction  com- 
bined "a  good  deal  of  the  excitement  of  gambling" 
with  the  opportunity  to  see  "how  every  class  fur- 
nishes/ which  is  a  considerable  feature  of  living." 
Sometimes  a  sorry  sham  was  uncovered.  "My  suspi- 
cions, .  . .  that  the  fine  furniture  displayed  by  Mrs.  B. 
at  her  party,  was  all  borrowed  for  the  occasion,  were 
well  founded,"  sniffed  one  nosy  neighbor  in  a  squib 
called  "House-Hunting,"  "for  her  house  is  to  let, 
and  I  examined  it  from  garret  to  cellar;  there  was 
neither  ottoman  nor  piano  in  the  parlour— not  a 
piece  of  French  furniture  in  the  house."  The  "per- 
fect mania"  for  auctions  also  brought  about  the 
inevitable  traumas  associated  with  impulse  buying,  as 
numerous  moralistic  tales  published  in  the  popular 
press  attested. 

Major  fluctuations  in  the  economy  and  imprudent 
expenditures  by  the  socially  ambitious  were  unfortu- 
nate stimuli  to  the  secondhand  furniture  market.  The 
Panic  of  1837  plunged  many  New  Yorkers  into  finan- 
cial ruin.  Philip  Hone,  who  was  a  retired  auctioneer 
in  addition  to  his  many  other  accomplishments,  con- 
fided to  his  diary  that  "one  of  the  signs  of  the  times 
is  to  be  seen  in  the  sales  of  rich  furniture,  the  prop- 
erty of  men  who  a  year  ago  thought  themselves  rich, 
and  such  expenditures  justifiable,  but  are  now  bank- 
j^pi-  "i2o  xhe  effects  of  the  depression  dragged  on  for 
several  years.  In  the  spring  of  1839  Hone  attended  an 
auction  at  the  home  of  John  L.  Bailey  of  Lafayette 
Place,  where  the  pictures,  statuary,  French  hang- 
ings, mirrors,  and  such  were  "all  of  the  most  cosdy 


diair  to  cast-iron  garden  furni- 
ture. Its  upholstery  has  been 
re-created  by  Nancy  C.  Britton 
on  the  basis  of  Davis's  own 
furniture  designs  and  colored 
plates  in  Ackermann's  Reposi- 
tory (for  example,  fig.  244);  a 
related  chair  in  the  Museum 
of  the  City  of  New  York  is  the 
source  for  the  configuration  of 
the  box  seat.  The  blue  rep  fab- 
ric replicates  a  fragment  of 
period  upholstery  from  a  mid- 
nineteenth-century  chair  in  the 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston. 
Davis's  drawings  show  the  use 
of  yellow-gold  trim,  and  lx>u- 
don  recommended  both  gold 
and  silver  trims  on  Gothic 
chairs  made  for  domestic  use. 

98.  "Our  New  Houses,"  United 
States  Magazine,  and  Demo- 
cratic Review  21  (November 
1847),  p.  392. 

99-  Downing,  Architecture  of  Coun- 
try Houses,  p.  440. 

100.  Ibid. 

101.  Ibid. 

102.  Ibid.,  pp.  449, 391. 

103.  Ibid.,  p.  391. 

104.  Ibid.,  p.  392. 

105.  Ibid. 

106.  "A  Princely  Residence,"  Mor- 
ris's National  Press,  April  11, 
1846,  p.  2. 

107.  The  portfolio  cabinet  can  be 
strongly  attributed  on  the 
basis  of  a  labeled  J.  and  J.  W. 
Meeks  sofa  table  on  loan  to  the 
Art  Institute  of  Chicago  that 
has  similar  bilaterally  symmet- 
rical supports. 

108.  Fretwork  of  this  kind  (decou- 
pure)  first  appears  about  1844 
in  Le  Garde-meuble. 

109.  Such  needlework  scenes,  more 
common  in  midcentury  fire 
screens  than  in  case  pieces, 
were  stitched  onto  a  canvas, 
stretched  around  a  frame,  and 
then  inserted  into  the  piece. 
Downing  {Architecture  of 
Country  Houses,  reprint,  p.  436) 
illustrated  a  related  piece  by 
Alexander  Roux,  an  "escritoire" 
(drop-front  desk),  next  to  a  set 
of  shelves  with  similar  fretwork 
decoration,  also  by  Roux. 

no.  "The  China  Pitcher,''  New  Mir- 
ror, April  8, 1843,  pp.  4-5. 
Such  references  contradict 
the  opinion  currently  held  by 
decorative  arts  scholars  that 
the  Antiques  Movement— 
which  advocated  fiirnishing 
the  home  with  old  fiirniture 
(and  equated  old  fiirniture 
with  domestic  virtue)— dates 
to  the  1870S  or  slightly  before. 
See  George  Whiteman,  "The 
Beginnings  of  Furnishing  with 
Antiques,"  Antique  Collector  43 
(February  1972),  pp.  21-28; 


304    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Stefan  Muthesius,  "Why  Do 
We  Buy  Old  Furniture?  Aspects 
of  the  Authentic  Antique  in 
Britain,  1870-1910,"  Art  His- 
tory II  (June  1988),  pp.  231-54; 
Julia  Porter,  "Antiques  Move- 
ment," in  Encyclopedia  of  Inte- 
rior Design,  vol.  i,  pp.  28-30. 

111.  "Chit-chat  of  New-York  [The 
Rococo],"  New  Mirror,  Febru- 
ary 17, 1844,  p.  318. 

112.  "Oddities  in  Furniture,"  Home 
Journal,  November  18, 1848, 
p.  2. 

113.  Ibid. 

114.  Ibid. 

115.  "Attending  Auctions,"  Morrises 
National  Press,  May  9, 1846, 
p.  2. 

116.  New  Mirror,  May  11, 1844,  p.  90. 

117.  "House-Hunting,"  New-Tork 
Mirror,  February  29, 1840, 
p.  287. 

118.  "Attending  Auctions,"  p.  2. 

119.  For  example,  Fanny  Smith, 
"My  Experience  in  Auctions," 
Peterson's  Magazine  25  (1854), 
pp.  113-16. 

120.  The  Diary  of  Philip  Hone,  1828- 
i8si,  edited  by  Allan  Nevins 
(New  York:  Dodd,  Mead  and 
Company,  1927),  vol.  i,  p.  252, 
entry  for  April  10, 1837. 

121.  Philip  Hone,  Diary,  entry  for 
April  19, 1839.  This  passage  does 
not  appear  in  the  published 
Diary,  cited  above.  I  am  grate- 
ful to  Jeffrey  Trask  for  review- 
ing on  microfilm  the  original 
manuscript  in  its  entirety. 

122.  For  example,  in  1824  John  T. 
Boyd  and  Company  advertised 
a  "large  and  general  assortment 
of  new  and  second-hand  furni- 
ture," in  the  New-Tork  Ameri- 
can, May  13, 1824.  In  1833 
James  C.  Smith,  a  New  York 
auctioneer,  sent  an  important 
shipment  of  furniture,  attrib- 
uted to  Phyfe,  to  Hyde  Hall, 
the  home  of  George  Clarke,  on 
Otsego  Lake  in  central  New 
York.  See  Douglas  R.  Kent, 
"History  in  Houses:  Hyde 
Hall,  Otsego  County,  New 
York,"  Antiques  92  (August 
1967),  pp.  187-93.  Ira  Cohen 
maintains  that  the  auction  sys- 
tem in  New  York,  in  use  since 
the  War  of  1812,  was  done  in 
by  the  economic  crisis  of  1837, 
after  which  the  number  of 
Ucenscd  auctioneers  greatly  de- 
cUned.  See  Ira  Cohen,  "The 
Auction  System  in  the  Port  of 
New  York,  1817-1837,"  Business 
History  Review,  autumn  1971, 
pp.  488-510,  esp.  p.  510.  But 
the  auction  sales  of  furniture 
seem  to  have  been  part  of  the 
distribution  system  for  such 
goods  in  New  York.  Thomas 
Mooney  included  a  long  section 


Fig.  247.  (left)  Possibly  J.  and  J.  W.  Meeks,  Side  chair,  ca.  1850.  Rosewood;  probably  replacement  undempholstery,  replacement 
showcover;  casters.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Bradford  A.  Warner,  1969  69.258.9 
(right)  Cabinetmaker  imknown,  New  York  City,  Side  chair,  ca.  1850.  Rosewood;  probably  replacement  undempholstery,  replacement 
showcover.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Friends  of  the  American  Wing  Fund,  1992  1992.81 


Fig.  248.  Desire  Guilmard,  designer.  Chaise  deftmtaisie.  Litho- 
graph with  hand  coloring,  from  Le  Garde-meublej,  ancien  et 
modcmCy  livraison  35,  no.  194  (Paris,  1844).  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution Libraries,  Cooper-Hewitt,  National  Design  Museum 
Branch,  New  York 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE" 


CABINETMAKING  3O5 


descriptions  suitable  for  [a]  european  Nobleman  with 
an  income  of  £50,000  . . .  and  yet  this  man  was  prob- 
ably never  worth  half  that  Sum,  but  swam  upon  the 
treacherous  stream  of  commercial  Speculation.  .  .  . 
There  are  now,  every  day,  three  or  four  sales  of  such 
furniture.  .  .  ."^^^ 

While  the  appreciation  for  old  things  may  have 
been  new,  purchasing  secondhand  furniture  was  an 
established  custom  in  New  York.^^^  There  were  '^mock 
auction  shops^'  in  certain  parts  of  town,  Chatham 
Square  notably,  which  were  to  be  avoided  (see  cat. 
nos.  177,  178),^^^  and  no  doubt  a  certain  amount  of 
fudging  about  the  merchandise  was  to  be  expected  no 
matter  how  reputable  the  auctioneer:  "The  furniture 
was  made  by  Phyfe  of  course, . . .  [It]  was  inventoried, 
and  catalogued,  and  all  the  English  names  turned 
into  French.  French  is  so  fashionable,  and  things  in 
that  winning  language,  command  such  excellent 
prices."^^"^  The  resale  market  created  its  own  class  of 
dealers  who  purchased  to  sell  again.  Daniel  Marley,  a 
dealer  in  secondhand  furniture  and  rococo  curiosities, 
starting  in  1840,  was  one  of  the  city's  first  antique 
dealers,  although  that  particular  term  did  not  come 
into  common  use  until  later  in  the  century. 

The  reason  it  had  become  "a  famous  time"  to 
buy  secondhand  furniture  was  that  French  furniture 
had  "come  in  lately  with  a  rush"  and  everyone  was 
"furnishing  anew,  a  la  Francaise,  from  skylight  to 
basement."  Among  the  upper  echelons  of  society, 
the  predominance  of  Gallicism  over  Anglicism  was 
striking.  As  one  objective  observer  recounted,  "The 
French  language  is  heard  all  over  a  crowded  drawing- 
room;  and  with  costume  entirely,  and  furniture 
mainly  French,  it  is  difficult  .  .  .  not  to  fancy  ones 
self  on  the  other  side  of  the  Adantic."^^^  French  taste 
was  embraced  wholeheartedly,  and  there  was  even 
national  pride  taken  in  the  fact  that  "with  a  sepa- 
ration of  only  twenty-miles  from  the  French  coast, 
the  English  assimilate  not  at  all .  .  .  while  we  [Ameri- 
cans], at  a  distance  of  three  thousand  miles,  copy 
them  with  the  readiness  of  a  contiguous  coun- 
^iy«i28  Interest  in  the  Louis  XIV  style  was  part 
and  parcel  of  this  pervasive  Francophilia.  "The  style 
of  interior  decoration,  so  much  in  vogue  in  the 
days  of  Louis  XIV,  has  lately  been  revived,"  Brother 
Jonathan  reported  in  1843.  "It  is  elaborate  and  gor- 
geous in  the  highest  degree— an  immense  quantity 
of  gilding  being  used.  ...  It  is  adapted  about  as 
well  to  one  style  [of]  building  as  another,  not  being 
strictly  appropriate  to  any.  The  Elizabethan  character 
best  accords  with  it,  and  the  florid  Roman  seems  to 
claim  some  consanguinity." 


From  the  late  1820s  on,  aristocratic  New  Yorkers 
had  indulged  in  a  taste  for  imported  French  flirni- 
ture^^^— a  taste  that  American  cabinetmakers  and 
journeymen  viewed  as  a  threat.  In  1835  New  Yorkers 
were  shocked  when  a  public  sale  of  French  furniture 
at  the  City  Hotel  was  disrupted  by  journeymen  and 
apprentices  who  had  recendy  been  on  strike  for  wage 
increases  and  were  determined  that  no  foreign  furni- 
ture should  be  sold  in  New  York.  Rich  tapestry  uphol- 
stery was  slashed  with  knives,  and  French-polished 
pieces  were  scratched  and  mutilated.  "The  Devil  is 
in  the  people,"  Philip  Hone  wrote  in  his  diary  that 
evening.  The  press  noted  that  the  troublemakers 
were  mosdy  German  immigrant  journeymen  and 
that  some  master  cabinetmakers  had  "openly  justified 
the  proceedings." 

In  the  ensuing  decade,  however,  American  cabinet- 
makers capitalized  on  New  Yorkers'  growing  love 
of  antiques  and  their  adoption  of  French  styles. 
"The  cabinet-maker  who  judiciously  comes  from  the 
antique,"  Dr.  George  Washington  Bethune,  a  clergy- 
man, counseled  in  1840,  "will  find  the  most  ready 
demand  for  his  furniture,"  ^^'^  New  York  cabinetmak- 
ers, such  as  Duncan  Phyfe,  who  had  been  working 
in  the  Grecian  idiom  had  to  accommodate  this  new 
trend.  "So  marked  is  this  change  of  taste,  and  the  new 
school  of  furnishing,  that  the  oldest  and  most  wealthy 
of  the  cabinet  warehouse-men  in  this  city  has  com- 
pletely abandoned  the  making  of  English  furniture," 
the  New  Mirror  vt^OTt^A  in  1844,  perhaps  referring  to 
Phyfe.  "He  sold  out  an  immense  stock  of  high-priced 
articles  last  week  at  auction,  and  has  sent  to  France  for 
models  and  workmen  to  start  new  with  the  popular 
taste."^^^  An  upholstered  armchair  attributed  to  Phyfe 
that  survives  from  Millford  Plantation  (fig.  233)  may 
be  of  a  type  unfamiliar  to  modern  eyes,  but  by  the 
1 840s  such  a  fauteuil  confor table  would  have  been 
deemed  among  the  most  fashionable  Parisian  designs. 
A  portrait  of  the  Fiedler  family  from  about  1850 
(fig.  211)  shows  similar  chairs  being  used  to  update 
the  drawing  room,  or  front  parlor,  of  a  New  York 
town  house  on  Bond  Street  built  in  the  1830s. 

The  New  York  market  enticed  many  accomplished 
cabinetmakers  from  Europe.  The  Frenchman  Alexan- 
der Roux  had  come  to  America  in  1835,  going  into 
business  as  an  upholsterer  on  Broadway  (1836-43), 
and  thereafter  as  a  cabinetmaker.  The  German 
cabinetmakers  who  immigrated  to  America  in  the 
1840S  were  also  prepared  to  take  advantage  of  the  new 
market  for  French  styles.  Of  these,  Julius  Dessoir, 
J.  H.  Belter,  Anthony  Kimbel,  and  Gustave  Herter 
all  managed  to  avoid  the  Kleindeutschland  shops 


on  auctioneers  in  Nine  Tears  in 
America,  which  begins  (p.  132), 
"The  root  of  auctioneering 
lies  in  New  York,  the  great 
emporium  of  imported  goods." 

123.  Mooney,  Nine  Tears  in  Amer- 
ica^ p.  90. 

124.  K.  K.,  "The  Fashionable  Auc- 
tion, or  the  Mysterious  Pur- 
chaser," Arcturus  3  (May  1842), 
pp.  417-18. 

125.  The  term  "antique  dealer"  first 
appeared  in  London  trade 
directories  in  1886.  See  Porter, 
"Antiques  Movement,"  p.  28. 
During  the  1840s  Markys  shop 
was  on  Arm  Street  near  P.  T. 
Barnum's  American  Museum, 
which  may  have  prompted  one 
commentator  to  liken  the 
"labyrinthine"  shop  to  a  rich 
museum.  "Oddities  in  Furni- 
ture," p.  2;  see  also  "To  Seekers 
of  Furniture,"  Home  Journal, 
April  14, 1849,  p.  2.  Marley's 
old  things  were  more  valuable 
than  new  ones,  it  was  said,  and 
one-fifth  the  price.  "On  Fur- 
nishing a  House,"  Home  Jour- 
nal, November  17, 1849,  p.  i. 
Sypher  and  Company  was  the 
successor  to  Daniel  Marley. 
See  F  J.  Sypher,  "Sypher  & 
Co.,  a  Pioneer  Antique  Dealer 
in  New  York,"  Furniture  His- 
tory ^^  (1992),  pp.  168-79. 

126.  New  Mirror,  May  11, 1844,  p.  90. 

127.  "Sketches  of  New-York,"  New 
Mirror,  May  13, 1843,  p.  85. 

128.  Ibid. 

129.  "The  Architects  and  Architec- 
ture of  New  York,"  p.  301.  The 
"florid  Roman"  style  of  archi- 
tecture probably  referred  to 
the  Corinthian  order.  See  the 
gilded  table  made  for  Edwin 
Clark  Litchfield  (cat.  no.  244) 
in  its  original  setting,  a  draw- 
ing room  with  Corinthian  col- 
umns and  decorated  pilasters 
(fig.  250). 

130.  For  example,  W.  F.  Pell  and 
Company  advertised  a  sale  of 
"Splendid  Parisian  Furniture" 
in  the  New-Tork  Evening  Post, 
October  26, 1829.  Horatio  N. 
Davis,  at  286  Broadway,  oppo- 
site the  Washington  Hotel, 
boasted  in  1835  that  he  had 
"received  from  Paris  a  rich 
Mahogany  Bedstead,  together 
with  the  most  approved  style 
of  French  Drapery"  and,  sub- 
sequendy  in  1836,  "the  latest 
French  and  English  designs 
for  fitting-up  and  decorating 
drawing-rooms."  Spirit  of  the 
Times,  December  12, 1835,  p.  7, 
February  27, 1836,  p.  16.  James 
Bleecker  advertised  "hand- 
some NEW  FRENCH  PARLOR 
FURNITURE,  just  imported"  in 


306    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


the  Evening  Post  (New  York), 
March  15, 1841,  p.  2. 

131.  Diary  of  Philip  Hone,  vol.  i, 
p.  157,  entry  for  April  29, 1835. 

132.  "Fruits  of  the  Trades'  Union," 
Niles'  Weekly  Register,  May  9, 
1835,  p.  171.  In  reporting  the 
event,  NiUs^  Weekly  Register 
sympathized  with  the  owner 
of  the  damaged  goods.  In  view 
of  the  expense  involved,  if  the 
French  fiimiture  were  to  have 
sold  without  a  loss,  it  "must 
have  sold  for  the  fashion  of  it." 

133.  "Oddities  in  Furniture,"  p.  2. 
"The  imitation  of  second-hand 
furniture  was  resorted  to,  at 
last,  by  the  despairing  fiimiture- 
deaiers,  and  to  avoid  any  look 
of  newness  In  furniture,  has 
every  [sic]  since  been  thought 
indispensable  to  style. . . ." 

134-  "Influence  of  Art,"  The  New- 
Torker,  July  4>  1840,  p.  248. 

135.  New  MirroTy  May  11, 1844,  p.  90. 

136.  See  note  203  below. 

137.  Dessoir,  a  Prussian  (in  spite  of 
his  French-sounding  name)  is 
discussed  in  note  209  below. 
Belter  is  discussed  in  note  217 
below.  Kimbel  arrived  in  New 
York  about  1847  (his  death  cer- 
tificate, dated  1895,  states  that 
he  had  been  in  New  York  for 
forty-eight  years).  He  was  the 
principal  designer  for  Bau- 
douine  for  several  years,  per- 
haps starting  in  1847,  at  351 
Broadway,  and  continuing  at 
335  Broadway  from  1849  to 
either  1851  or  to  about  1854, 
when  Baudouine  closed  his 
shop.  See  note  214  below.  The 
information  on  Kimbel  is  drawn 
from  a  chronology  prepared  by 
Medill  Higgins  Harvey.  Herter 
has  been  the  subject  of  recent 
scholarly  study.  See  Howe, 
Frelinghuysen,  and  Voorsanger, 
Herter  Brothers'^  and  Catherine 
Hoover  Voorsanger,  "Gustave 
Herter,  Cabinetmaker  and 
Decorator,"  Antiques  147  (May 
1995),  pp.  740-51. 

138.  The  copies  of  Le  Garde-meuble 
deposited  with  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  in  Paris  indicate  that 
publication  commenced  in 
1839.  (Pencil  inscriptions  and, 
later,  date  stamps  record  when 
the  copies  were  received  by 
the  library.)  Approximately 
fifty-four  lithographed  plates 
were  issued  each  year,  and  pub- 
lication continued  well  into  the 
twentieth  century.  See  Jean 
Adhemar,  Jacques  Letheve,  and 
Francois  Card,  Inventaire  du 
fonds fran^nis  apres  1800  (Paris: 
Bibliotheque  Nationale,  1958), 
vol.  10,  pp.  48-50.  See  also 
Kenneth  L.  Ames,  "Designed 
in  France:  Notes  on  the  Trans- 


4i'  £f*rmjh.'« 


^^"^  :ui  Ma  acme 


Fig.  2^9.  Ameubkmentd'un  salon  (0mre  Louis XV).  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring,  from  Le  Garde-meublej  ancien  et  modeme, 
livraison  33,  no.  88  (Paris,  1844).  Smithsonian  Institution  Libraries,  Cooper-Hewitt,  National  Design  Museum  Branch,  New  York 


and  were  working  on  Broadway  within  a  short  time 
after  arriving. 

Published  French  designs,  along  with  news  reports 
and  illustrations  of  Parisian  industrial  expositions, 
were  well  known  to  New  York  cabinetmakers.  A 
major  source,  issued  serially  as  loose  plates,  was  Le 


Garde-meubUy  ancien  et  moAerne^  published  in  Paris 
by  Desire  Guilmard  starting  in  1839. Evidence  of 
the  relevance  of  this  publication  to  American  cabinet- 
makers is  demonstrated  by  two  charming,  nearly 
identical  rosewood  side  chairs  (fig.  247).  Each  has  a 
scalloped  back,  punctuated  by  a  voided,  asymmetrical 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES   OF  FURNITURE":   CAB  I  N  ETMAKI  N  G  3O7 


mission  of  French  Style  to 
America"  Winterthur  Portfolio 
12  (1977),  PP-  103-14. 
139,  One  of  the  chairs  at  the  Metro- 
politan Museum  (69.258.9)  is 
attributed  to  J.  and  J.  W.  Meeks 
by  family  tradition.  The  mate 
to  the  other  (1992.81)  is  in  the 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art. 
Two  virtually  identical  designs, 
presumably  copied  from  Guil- 
mard's,  were  published,  respec- 
tively, in  Mainz,  Germany,  in 
1846  and  in  1853  by  Wilhelm 
Kimbel,  Anthony  Kimbel's 
father.  See  Georg  Himmel- 
heber,  Deutsche  Mobelvorla^en, 
1800-1900  (Munich:  Verlag 
C.  H.  Beck,  1988),  p.  424 
(no.  2708);  and  Heidrun  Zinn- 
kann,  Mainzer  Mdbelschreiner 
der  ersten  Hdlfte  des  19.  Jahr- 
hunderts  (Frankfurt  am  Main; 
Schriften  des  Historischen 
Museums,  1985),  p.  345 
(no.  221). 


Fig.  250.  Drawing  Room  of  Grace  Hill,  the  residence  of  Edwin  Clark  Litchfield  and  Grace  Hill  Hubbard  Litchfield,  Brooklyn, 
decorated  ca.  1857;  photograph  by  B.  J.  Smith,  ca.  1876-86,  showing  center  table  (cat.  no.  244).  The  New  York  Genealogical  and 
Biographical  Society,  New  York 


cartouche,  a  motif  that  has  roots  in  eighteenth-century 
engravings  but  which  is  unusual  in  American  Rococo 
Revival  furniture.  The  slight  differences  between  the 
two  pieces  suggest  two  makers  working  from  a  com- 
mon source,  a  supposition  that  seems  to  be  confirmed 
by  the  appearance  of  a  related  '"^chaise  de  fantasie"^ 
designed  by  Guilmard  and  published  in  Le  Garde - 
meuble'm  1844  (fig.  248).^^^ 

In  addition  to  publishing  designs  for  furniture, 
upholstery,  and  draperies,  Le  Garde-meuble  occasion- 
ally printed  floor  plans  and  views  of  rooms  that 
showed  recommended  arrangements  of  furniture  and 
the  number  of  pieces  considered  appropriate  for  a 
high-style  drawing  room.  In  one  plate  (fig.  249), 
twenty-four  pieces  in  the  Louis  XV  style  are  indicated. 
A  series  of  large  pieces  appear  along  the  four  walls: 
clockwise  from  the  top,  a  piano  (with  a  stool  and  a 
canterbury  to  hold  sheet  music),  an  etagere,  a  canape 
tete-a-tete  (see  cat.  no.  23 6a)  with  a  table  de  canape 
(a  sofa  table,  in  lieu  of  a  center  table)  in  front  of 


it,  a  console  (a  table  supported  by  two  front  legs 
and  placed  against  a  wall),  and  the  chimneypiece, 
shielded  by  a  fire  screen.  The  seating  farniture  in- 
cludes, in  ascending  order  of  size,  four  chaises  legeres 
(small,  lightweight  reception  chairs),  four  chaises 
(side  chairs),  two  chauffeuses  (called  slipper,  or  sew- 
ing, chairs  in  America),  four  fauteuils  (armchairs), 
and  two  large  confortables  (large  upholstered  arm- 
chairs, often  tufted).  With  the  possible  exception  of 
the  piano,  the  furniture  was  likely  en  suite,  rendered 
in  one  style  and  in  matching  upholstery. 

The  extent  to  which  the  arrangement  of  American 
drawing  rooms  after  1840  conformed  to  such  a  plan 
is  difficult  to  ascertain  because  there  are  few  period 
images  of  interiors  and  because  most  photographs 
showing  such  furniture  in  situ  are  much  later  in  date. 
Nevertheless,  there  is  one  photograph  that  is  instruc- 
tive in  this  regard— that  of  the  drawing  room  of 
Grace  Hill,  the  Brooklyn  villa  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Edwin 
Clark  Litchfield  designed  by  Alexander  Jackson  Davis 


308    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  251.  The  Children's  Sofa,  frontispiece  to  Jacob  Ishhotx.^  John  True;  or 
The  Christian  Experience  of  an  Honest  Boy  in  Harper's  Story  Books:  A  Series  of 
Narrativesy  Dialogues,  Biographies,  and  Tales  for  the  Instruaion  and  Entertain- 
ment of  the  Toun£f  (New  York:  Harper  and  Brothers,  Publishers,  1856).  Wood 
engraving  by  John  WHliam  Orr,  after  Carl  Emil  Doepler.  Courtesy  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


140.  Raymond  S.  Waldron  Jr.,  "The 
Interior  of  Litchfield  Mansion" 
Park  Slope  Civic  Council,  Civic 
News  29  (April  1966),  pp.  20-21. 
Nine  pieces  survive  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  Brooklyn  Museum 
of  Art:  two  sofas,  two  armchairs, 
four  side  chairs,  and  the  center 
table,  along  with  three  pairs  of 
red  silk  draperies,  and  two  pieces 
of  sculpture.  Some  of  the  seat- 
ing furniture  retains  its  original 
red  silk  damask;  other  pieces 
were  reupholstered  in  1956  by 
Ernest  LoNano.  Microanalysis 
by  the  Forest  Products  Labo- 
ratory, USDA,  Madison,  Wis- 
consin, reveals  the  wood  used 
in  the  center  table  to  be  a  pop- 
lar {Populus  sp.)  of  European  or 
American  origin.  The  gilding  is 
laid  on  a  red  bole  under  which 
there  is  white  gesso.  The  interior 
sides  of  the  skirt  are  painted 
with  a  matte  ocher-yellow  color 
not  seen  in  contemporaneous 
New  York  furniture. 

J41.  Davis,  Daybook,  p.  106, 
Oaobcr  13, 1857,  transcribed 
by  Amelia  Peck,  A.  J.  Davis 


(fig.  250).  It  shows  a  large  suite  of  gilded  French  fur- 
niture, all  embellished  with  intertwined  Ls,  com- 
prising a  center  table  with  dove  gray  marble  (cat, 
no.  244),  four  sofas,  four  armchairs,  four  side  chairs, 
and  four  consoles  with  looking  glasses  above  them. 
The  same  red  silk  damask  fabric  was  used  for  the 
upholstery,  striking  against  the  burnished  gold  sur- 
faces of  the  furniture,  and  for  the  draperies.  ^"^^^  The 
furniture  was  disposed  in  a  circular  arrangement 
within  the  reaangular  room,  with  the  center  table 
positioned  where  the  axis  of  the  colonnaded  bay 
window  and  entrance  met  that  of  the  windows  on 
the  side  walls.  As  was  the  current  fashion  in  France, 
the  room  was  painted  a  neutral  light  color  (prob- 
ably ivory  or  white)  with  details  and  moldings  picked 
out  in  gold.  Davis  specified  a  diaper  pattern  on 
the  ceiling,  marbleized  painted  decoration  for  the 
architraves,  an  imitation  bronze  finish  for  the  sashes, 
and  doors  "painted  and  grained  in  imitation  of 
old  oak,  varnished  with  copal  root  oak.''^"^^  No  doubt 
the  "Aubusson"  carpet  was  brightly  colored  to  har- 
monize with  the  room. 


Litchfield  and  his  wife  had  ordered  the  suite 
between  1855  and  1857  in  Europe,  where  they  had  trav- 
eled while  their  residence,  designed  in  the  Italianate 
style,  was  under  construction.  The  Litchfields  returned 
from  Europe  in  the  spring  of  1857.  In  October  Davis 
noted  a  visit  to  Brooklyn:  'Went  to  Litchfields.  The 
family  had  moved  into  the  new  house  and  were  plac- 
ing the  furniture."  ^"^^  A  frontispiece  from  a  chil- 
dren's storybook  of  the  mid-iSsos  (fig.  251),  although 
obviously  depicting  an  imagined  interior,  captures 
the  imposing  character  of  another  upscale  New  York 
drawing  room  of  the  time;  however,  the  diminutive 
Grecian  sofa  at  the  lower  left,  a  family  heirloom  per- 
haps, and  the  piano  seem  anachronistic  amid  the  ornate 
picture  frames,  swathes  of  draped  fabric,  and  French 
furniture  with  cabriole  legs. 

Imported  furniture  such  as  the  Litchfield  suite  was 
a  status  symbol  among  affluent  New  Yorkers,  not  only 
because  of  its  style  and  the  cachet  of  being  French  but 
also  because  of  its  exorbitant  cost.  Since  the  1820s 
there  had  been  a  stiff  30  percent  tariff  on  imported 
furniture.  The  General  Convention  of  the  Friends  of 
Domestic  Industry,  held  in  New  York  in  1831,  reported 
that  protective  tariffs  had  almost  eliminated  foreign 
imports.  ^"^^  Many  well-to-do  New  Yorkers  skirted  the 
tariff,  buying  furniture  and  other  decorative  objects 
during  their  European  sojourns.  Others  were  effec- 
tively discouraged  by  it.  In  Paris  in  1843  Howard  Hen- 
derson, a  colleague  of  James  Colles,  investigated  the 
costs  of  French  furniture  and  concluded,  "American 
furniture  must  answer  my  purpose.  The  duty  is  30  per 
cent,  packing,  transportation  to  Havre  and  fireight 
home  will  render  it  very  dear."^"^ 

As  a  result  of  the  craze  for  all  things  French,  several 
of  the  Broadway  cabinetmakers,  taking  advantage  of 
their  own  European  backgrounds,  began  to  import, 
as  well  as  to  make,  fiimiture  in  the  pedigreed  styles  of 
the  European  nobility.  Starting  in  the  mid-i840s,  for 
example,  Roux  advertised  fiirniture  that  he  had  com- 
missioned in  France: 

Rich  French  Furniture.  Alexandre  RouXy  Nos.  47S 
and  480  Broadway,  having  just  returned  from 
Paris,  where  he  had  made  a  very  rich  and  choice 
selection  of  Furniture,  manufactured  in  the  finest 
and  latest  styles,  .  .  .  he  has  now  ready  for  show  a 
Bookcase,  of  black  walnut,  which  for  neatness  and 
elegance  of  finish  has  never  been  equalled  in  this 
country,  being  after  the  stales  of  Henry  7th  .^^^ 

"We  have  no  aristocracy  of  blood,"  scoffed  Edgar 
Allan  Poe  in  response  to  this  phenomenon,  "having. 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE 


CAB  INETMAKING  309 


therefore  .  .  .  fashioned  for  ourselves  an  aristocraq^  of 
dollars.  .  ,  .  The  people  naturally  imitate  the  nobles. 
...  In  short,  the  cost  of  an  article  of  furniture  has  .  .  . 
come  to  be  . . .  nearly  the  sole  test  of  its  merit  in  a  deco- 
rative point  of  view."^"^  But  neither  Poe  nor  any  other 
critic  could  stem  the  desire  of  New  Yorkers  to  present 
themselves  as  cosmopolitan  world  citizens,  which 
meant  abandoning  the  old  allegiances  to  British  cul- 
ture. "New-York  is  much  more  like  Paris  .  .  .  than  like 
an  Anglo-American  metropolis"  Morrises  National 
Press  reported  in  its  inaugural  volume  in  1846: 

It  is  true  that  the  £food  old  Knickerbocker  blood 
still  flows  purely  in  many  aristocratic  veins,  and 
.  .  .  couples  respect  to  the  men,  and  worship  to  the 
women,  who  inherit  it.  True,  also,  that  the  full, 
steady -flowin£f,  ener£fetic  stream  of  the  pure  Puri- 
tanic fluid  which  flowed  at  Bunker  Hill,  imbues  us 
with  its  inimitable  and  unflagging  business  ener- 
gies. But  the  literature,  the  amusements,  the  social 
peculiarities,  the  habits  .  .  .  the  more  etherial  essence 
of  society — are  emphatically  French  in  their  inex- 
haustible brilliancy,  gaiety,  and  sparkle.  In  fact, 
New-Tork  is  rapidly  becoming  a  most  delightful 
moyennais  of  all  the  good  qualities  and  brilliant 
characteristics  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe — a  sort 
of  world-focus  into  which  the  rays  from  the  whole 
horizon  are  concentrated}^'^ 

The  correspondence  between  Colles  (retired  and 
soon  to  be  a  New  Yorker),  who  was  traveling  in  Europe 
between  1841  and  1844,  and  Matthew  Morgan  in  New 
York  provides  a  vivid  firsthand  account  of  New  York- 
ers' interest  in  the  historical  styles  and  furniture  of 
France.  Even  during  the  extended  banking  crisis  that 
had  begun  in  1837,  Morgan  was  able  to  afford  a  mag- 
nificent new  house  near  Washington  Square,  which 
was  just  being  developed  as  the  latest  fashionable  resi- 
dential neighborhood.  Amid  descriptions  of  other 
people's  bankruptcies,  he  noted  in  December  1842: 
"We  have  the  Croton  Water  in  every  story,  even  the 
attic ."^'^^  He  was  having  the  parlors  ornamented  in 
the  "Louis  Quatorze  style,"  and  thought  that  he  might 
need  to  call  upon  Colles  "to  procure  us  a  few  things 
that  come  out  with  your  own  plunder,"  ^'^^  Mrs.  Samuel 
Jaudon  of  New  York  wrote  to  her  friend  Mrs.  Colles 
in  Paris  to  say  that  the  Morgan  drawing  room  "will 
be  a  stylish,  elegant  affair.  .  .  .  They  have  finished  it  in 
the  most  elaborate  and  gorgeous  style  of  Louis  XIV 
and  when  arranged  will  have  a  fine  effect  to  us  Amer- 
icans. .  .  V^^^  In  praising  the  Louis  XIV  style,  a  local 
periodical  hastened  to  remark  that  "many  of  the 


Fig.  252.  Pierre  Ribaillier,  designer  and  cabinetmaker,  Dressoir- 
Renaissdnce  (vieux  bois).  Lithograph  with  hand  coloring,  from 
Le  Garde-meuble,  mcien  et  moderm,  livraison  72,  no.  417  (Paris, 
1850).  Smithsonian  Institution  Libraries,  Cooper-Hewitt, 
National  Design  Museum  Branch,  New  York 


excesses"  of  the  original  style  had  been  avoided,  lest  it 
seem  too  rich  for  republican  blood.  Blue  was  be- 
girming  to  replace  crimson  as  the  modish  color  for 
upholstery, and  damask  was  de  rigueur.^^^ 

In  selecting  furnishings  and  interior  decoration 
schemes  for  their  residences,  the  Morgans,  Jaudons, 
and  Colleses  were  assisted  by  a  Parisian  cabinetmaker, 
Auguste-Emile  Ringuet-Leprince.  Upon  orders  fi-om  his 
clients,  Ringuet-Leprince  shipped  to  New  York  entire 
rooms  of  furniture,  carpets,  looking  glasses,  wall- 
papers, decorative  objeas,  and  sculpture.  Mrs.  Jaudon 
was  insistent  nearly  to  the  point  of  rudeness  that  Mrs. 
Colles  do  her  the  favor  of  ordering  furnishings  from 
Ringuet-Leprince  (including  two  "Buhl"  tables  like 
Mr.  Morgan's)  while  she  was  in  Paris,  because  "we  on 
this  side  feel  as  if  everything  [is]  so  much  handsomer, 
and  better,  and  desirable  that  comes  from  Paris."  ^^^^ 

Colles  corresponded  regularly  with  Ringuet-Leprince 
while  he  was  traveling  in  Europe  and  after  his  return 
to  New  York,  ordering  items  to  furnish  the  house  he 
purchased  late  in  1844  at  35  University  Place,  between 
Tenth  and  Eleventh  streets.  The  scale  of  the  house 


Collection,  Avery  Architectural 
and  Fine  Arts  Library. 
14.2.  Ibid.,  document  Hi-2-0,  May 
1857- 

143.  "General  Convention  of  the 
Friends  of  Domestic  Industry," 
p.  II. 

144.  Howard  Henderson,  Paris,  to 
James  C.  Colles^  traveling  in 
Naples,  Italy,  January  30, 1843, 
transcribed  by  Henry  Metcalf 
(no.  630),  James  Colles  Papers, 
Manuscripts  and  Archives  Divi- 
sion, New  York  Public  Library 
(hereafter  Colles  Papers).  The 
Colles  correspondence  is  volu- 
minous, numbering  some 
twelve  hundred  letters.  Henry 
Metcalf,  Colles's  grandson, 
organized  the  letters  chronolog- 
ically and  transcribed  most  of 
them,  sometimes  not  completely. 
Some  of  the  transcribed  letters 
were  subsequently  edited  and 
published  with  additional  com- 
mentary by  De  Forest  in  James 
Colles.  I  am  indebted  to  Brandy 
Culp  for  her  detailed  review  of 
these  original  documents. 

145.  "Rich  French  Furniture," 
Evening  Post  (New  York), 
October  14, 1846,  p.  2.  The 
style  of  "Henry  yth"  was  the 
French  equivalent  to  the  Brit- 
ish Ehzabethan,  or  Jacobean, 
Revival  style. 

146.  Edgar  Allan  Poe,  "The  Philoso- 
phy of  Furniture,"  Burton's 
Gentleman's  Magazine  and 
American  Monthly  Review  6 
(May  1840),  p.  243. 

147.  "Franco-Americanism,"  Mor- 
ris's National  Press,  April  14, 
1846,  p.  z. 

148.  Matthew  Morgan,  New  York, 
to  James  Colles,  Paris,  Decem- 
ber 9, 1842,  transcribed  by 
Henry  Metcalf  (no.  622), 
Colles  Papers.  The  house  and 
grounds  were  worth  $30,000, 
at  a  time  when  "Wall  Street 
would  not  sell  for  25  percent 
of  the  values  of  1836."  Ibid. 
See  above,  pp.  290-91. 

149-  Ibid. 

150.  Mrs.  Jaudon,  New  York,  to 
Mrs.  Colles,  Paris,  May  12, 

1843,  in  De  Forest,  James 
Colles^  p.  170. 

151.  "The  Architects  and  Architec- 
ture of  New  York,"  Brother 
Jonathan,  July  15, 1843,  p.  301. 

152.  Mary  Davenport,  "Mildred," 
Godey's  Lady's  Book  and  Ladies' 
American  Magazine  26  (May 
1843),  p.  217. 

153.  "Neighbours,"  New  Mirror, 
December  2, 1843,  p.  137. 

154.  Mrs.  Jaudon,  Hell  Gate,  to 
Mrs.  Colles,  Paris,  July  14, 

1844,  in  De  Forest,  James 
Colles,  p.  203. 


3IO    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


155.  James  Colles  to  Ringuet- 
Leprince,  Paris,  December  28, 
1844,  transcribed  by  Henry 
Metcalf  (no.  770),  Colles 
Papers. 

156.  Two  armchairs  from  the  suite, 
no  longer  retaining  the  original 
showcover,  remain  in  family 
hands.  The  French  upholstery 
and  European  cabinetmaking 
woods  used  in  this  suite  sup- 
port its  attribution  to  Paris 
rather  than  to  New  York, 
where  Ringuet-Leprince  was  in 
business  during  the  1850s. 

The  suite  has  previously 
been  dated  as  late  as  about 
1854,  and  its  provenance  is  con- 
fused in  earlier  publications.  Its 
history  is  made  clear  by  a  letter 
in  the  Metropolitan  Museum's 
Archives  from  Emily  Johnston 
de  Forest,  the  Colleses'  grand- 
daughter, to  Preston  Reming- 
ton, dated  April  10, 1931,  which 
reads,  in  part:  "Tht  ftimiture 
.  .  .  belonged  to  my  grand- 
father, Mr.  James  Colles,  who 
then  hved  at  55  University 
Place.  It  was  made  in  Paris  in 

1843  by  Ringuet  Le  Prince,  the 
famous  Parisian  Cabinetmaker 
and  upholsterer.  He  was  the 
father-in-law  [brother-in-law] 
of  Leon  Marcotte,  who  held 
the  same  position  in  New  York 
from  about  1850. . . My 
thanks  go  to  Priscilla  de  Forest 
Williams,  a  descendant,  for  her 
assistance  with  the  history  of 
the  Colles  suite. 

157.  See  Ringuet-Leprince,  Paris, 
to  James  C.  Colles,  c/o  C.  P. 
Leverich,  New  York  City,  Janu- 
ary 2, 1845,  accompanied  by 

an  invoice  dated  December  7, 

1844  (no.  772^);  and  Octo- 
ber 13, 1845,  accompanied  by 
an  invoice  dated  December  7, 
1844;  April  23, 184s;  and  Sep- 
tember 25  [1845],  translated  and 
transcribed  by  Henry  Metcalf 
(no.  804),  Colles  Papers.  A 
stylistically  related  piece,  a 
superlative  mid-nineteenth- 
century  ebonized  table  with 
brass  inlay,  large  figural  and 
other  gilt-bronze  mounts,  and 
possibly  European  woods 
(beech,  hickory,  white  pine, 
and  oak)  is  in  the  collection 

of  the  Brooklyn  Museum  of 
Art  (86.4). 

158.  See  James  Colles  to  Ringuet- 
Leprince,  December  28, 1844 
(no.  770,  transcribed);  April  23, 

1845  (no.  788,  transcribed); 
May  14, 1845  (no.  790,  tran- 
scribed); December  15, 1845 
(no.  809,  transcribed); 
Ringuet-Leprince  to  James 
Colles,  January  30, 1845 

(no.  773,  neither  translated  nor 


was  impressive:  its  drawing  room,  second  parlor,  and 
dining  room  were  each  approximately  eighteen  by 
twenty-eight  feet,  and  the  ceilings  were  fourteen  feet 
high.^s^  In  1843,  while  in  Paris,  Colles  had  selected  an 
ebonized  Louis  XV-style  drawing-room  suite  embel- 
lished with  chased  ormolu  mounts  and  richly  uphol- 
stered in  rose,  red,  and  ivory  silk  brocatelle,  which 
survives  in  remarkable  condition  (cat.  no.  236A,  b). 
Two  sofas,  four  armchairs,  and  four  side  chairs  from 
the  suite  descended  in  the  family,  along  with  a  cen- 
ter table  and  a  fire  screen  with  an  Aubusson-tapestry 
panel;  except  for  two  armchairs,  all  of  these  pieces 
were  given  to  the  Metropolitan  Museum  lq  1969.^^ 
The  Colles  suite  is  an  extraordinary  document— per- 
haps unique  in  the  United  States— of  high-style 
French  drawing-room  furniture  and  upholstery  from 
the  1840S. 

Invoices  from  Ringuet-Leprince  indicate  that  other 
ebonized  pieces  with  gilt-bronze  decoration  were 
shipped  to  the  Colleses.  These  included  three  pieces  of 
"Buhl"  fiirniture  (a  large  corner  cabinet  with  two  mir- 
rored doors  and  Florentine-bronze  "caryatides"  and 
two  matching  corner  cabinets),  all  with  brass  inlays, 
black  marble,  and  gilt-bronze  mounts. 

For  his  second  parlor,  CoUes  chose  rosewood  seat- 
ing furniture  in  the  Louis  XVI  style,  upholstered  in 
garnet-colored  plush  and  trimmed  with  silk  galloon, 
to  which  he  later  added  a  second  sofa  and  an  etagere. 
His  dining-room  furniture,  in  the  Louis  XV  style,  was 
also  of  rosewood:  an  extension  table,  a  sideboard  with 
carved  decoration  and  a  mirror,  and  ten  side  chairs 
and  two  matching  armchairs  with  sprung  horsehair 
seats  upholstered  in  tufted  green  morocco  leather, 
with  draperies  in  green  fabric  to  match.  In  addition, 
Colles  anticipated  needing  enormous  looking  glasses, 
"4  plates  each  6  feet  wide,  7  feet  7  inches  high,  and 
2  plates  for  piers  each  3  feet  4  inches  wide  by  10  feet 
6  inches  high  English  measure,"  and  later  two  richly 
gilded  Louis  XVI  frames  and  chimney  glasses.  For  her 
bedroom,  Mrs.  Colles  was  to  have  a  rosewood  bed- 
stead and  armoire  in  the  Renaissance  style,  and  a  wool- 
and-silk  damask  with  wide  blue-and-white  stripes  for 
the  draperies,  bed  curtains,  and  coverlet,  a  sofa,  and 
six  chairs. 

A  first-quahty  Aubusson  carpet  in  the  spirit  of 
Louis  XIV,  with  "fine  stripes  with  a  centerpiece,"  was 
duly  ordered  for  the  drawing  room  and  took  four 
months  to  make.^^^  Ringuet-Leprince  had  four  sug- 
gestions for  the  wall  treatments  in  the  drawing  room 
and  the  backdrop  for  the  black-and-gold  furniture. 
His  letter  of  June  1845  offers  a  rare  insight  into  inte- 
rior decoration  during  the  era  of  Louis-Philippe  (1830 


to  1848),  although  we  do  not  know  which  scheme  the 
Colleses  decided  on: 

The  best  would  he  to  cover  the  walls  with  stt^like 
your  curtains,  hun£f  in  panels  surrounded  by^filt 
moldings.  The  second  best  way  would  be  to  panel 
the  walls  with  moldin£fs  and  insert  in  the  panels 
Louis  XJV  relief  ornamentSy  all  of  which  would  be 
painted  white.  The  third  way,  paper  the  wall  with 
crimson  velvet  paper,  plain  or  damasked,  and 
paneled  with  gilt  moldings.  The  fourth  way,  use 
white  and  gold  paper  or  white  velvet  paper,  with 
gilt  moldings,^^^ 

On  several  occasions  Colles  expressed  interest  in 
"old  oak"  fiirniture,  regretting  that  he  had  not  chosen 
that  up-to-the-minute  look  instead  of  rosewood  for 
his  dining-room  suite  and  also  that  he  had  not  acquired 
an  oak  bookcase  he  had  seen  at  Ringuet-Leprince's 
Paris  establishment.  "Old  oak,"  known  in  France  as 
^''vieux  bois^  or  ^""vieux  chene,^  was  just  coming  into 
vogue  at  the  time,  in  response  to  the  desire  for  furni- 
ture with  the  appearance  of  age.  The  bookcase  Colles 
mentioned  might  have  resembled  a  Renaissance-style 


Fig.  253.  Charles  A.  Baudouine,  Annchair,  purchased  by 
James  Watson  Williams,  Utica,  New  York,  1852.  Rosewood, 
ash;  replacement  underupholstery  and  showcover.  Munson- 
Williams-Proctor  Arts  Institute,  Utica,  New  York;  Proctor 
Collection  pc.423.8 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE":   C  AB  I  N  ETM  AKI  N  G  3II 


case  piece  illustrated  in  Le  Garde-meuble  iniSso  (fig. 
252).  Ringuet-Leprince  may  have  had  the  carving  done 
by  hand,  or  he  may  have  produced  such  pieces  with 
the  aid  of  new  techniques  that  imitated  the  effect  of 
carving.  One,  patented  in  England  in  1840,  was  a 
pyrotechnic  method  of  embossing  wood  by  applying 
a  red-hot  mold  under  ten  to  thirty  tons  of  pressure  to 
a  dampened  surface.  When  the  char  was  cleaned  off, 
and  any  additional  carving  or  undercutting  done  by 
hand,  the  end  result  was  the  appearance  of  "old  oak."^^^ 
Colles's  correspondence  with  Ringuet-Leprince  con- 
tinued through  1847  while  the  Frenchman  supplied 
flocked  wallpaper,  ceiling  papers,  and  a  grand  chan- 
delier for  the  new  Opera  House  at  Astor  Place  that 
Colles,  Morgan,  and  others  were  involved  in  build- 
ing. With  France  in  turmoil  as  a  result  of  political 
uprisings  in  1848,  Ringuet-Leprince  decided  to  expand 
his  American  clientele.  He  approached  Colles  about 
coming  to  New  York  with  his  brother-in-law,  the 
architect  Leon  Marcotte,  to  set  up  a  business  that 
would  design  interiors  for  hotels  and  other  build- 
ings, supply  elements  such  as  papier-mache  and 
carved-wood  ornaments  for  use  as  interior  architec- 
tural decorations,  and  import  furnishings  made  by 
his  fabricators  in  Paris,  Aubusson,  and  Lyon.^^^  He 


Fig.  254.  Label  of  Charles  A.  Baudouine.  Wood  engraving, 
from  back  of  imported  lady^s  writing  desk  (cat,  no.  237), 
1849-54.  Courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston 


Fig.  255.  Iron  Warehouse  of  John  B.  Wickenham,  No.  312  Broadway ,  New  Tork,  Wood  engraving  by  K.  W.  Roberts,  from 
Gleason's  Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Companion,  February  4, 1854,  p.  76.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts 


transcribed);  April  15, 1845 
(no.  790A,  translated);  Octo- 
ber 13, 1845  (no.  804,  translated 
and  transcribed),  Colles  Papers. 

159.  Ring^et-Leprince  to  Colles, 
June  16, 1845  (no.  793,  trans- 
lated); October  13, 1845  with 
detailed  invoice  (no.  804,  in- 
voice translated),  Colles  Papers. 

160.  Ibid.,  June  16, 1845  (no.  793, 
translated). 

161.  See  Edwards,  Victorian  Furni- 
ture, pp.  57-61.  For  mentions 
of  "old  oak,"  see  Colles  to 
Ringuet-Leprince,  letters  nos. 
762,  770,  773,  788,  790B,  795, 
807,  and  809,  Colles  Papers. 

162.  Ringuet-Leprince,  Paris,  to 
Colles,  New  York,  March  30, 
1848  (no.  846B,  translated);  and 
Colles  to  Ringuet-Leprince, 
May  9, 1848  (no.  847,  tran- 
scribed), Colles  Papers. 

163.  Colles  to  Ringuet-Leprince, 
May  9, 1848  (no.  847). 

164.  See  Nina  Gray,  "Leon  Mar- 
cotte: Cabinetmaker  and  Inte- 
rior Decorator,"  in  American 
Furniture  1994,  edited  by  Luke 
Beckerdite  (Hanover,  New 
Hampshire:  University  Press 
of  New  England  for  the  Chip- 
stone  Foundation,  1994), 

pp.  49-72- 

165.  See  Phillip  M.  Johnston,  "Dia- 
logues between  Designer  and 
Client:  Furnishings  Proposed 
by  Leon  Marcotte  to  Samuel 
Colt  in  the  1850s,"  Winterthur 
Portfolio  19  (winter  1984), 

pp.  257-75. 

166.  See  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C.  R. 
Goodrich,  eds..  The  World  of 
Science,  Art,  and  Industry 
Illustrated  from  Examples  in 
the  New-Tork  Exhibition, 
I8S3-S4  (New  York:  G.  R  Put- 
nam and  Company,  1854), 
pp.  47, 52.  The  ebonized  cabi- 
net was  also  illustrated  in 
"The  American  Crystal  Palace," 
Illustrated  Magazine  of  Art  2 
(1853),  p.  261, 

167.  The  suite  came  in  the  form  of 
two  gifts:  one  (68.69.1-11) 
from  Mrs.  D.  Chester  Noyes, 
and  the  other  (68. 165. 1-6)  from 
her  sister  Mrs.  Douglas  Moffat. 

168.  I  am  grateful  to  Priscilla  de 
Forest  Williams  for  assisting 
me  with  the  dating  of  this  suite 
to  ca.  1856,  an  assignment  that 
differs  slightiy  from  that  given 
in  Gray,  "Leon  Marcotte." 

169.  Hagen,  in  Ingerman,  "Personal 
Experiences,"  p.  578.  The  facts 
of  Baudouine's  life  and  career 
are  drawn  from  a  chronology 
prepared  by  Cynthia  V.  A. 
Schaffner. 

170.  This  building  is  pictured  on 
his  billhead.  See  Anna  T. 
D'Ambrosio,  ed.,  Masterpieces 


312    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


of  American  Furniture .  .  . 
(Utica;  Munson-Williams- 
Proctor  Institute,  I999),  p.  84- 

171.  Sec  ibid.,  pp.  82-84.  Both  the 
worktable  and  the  letter  of 
July  II,  1846,  from  which  the 
citation  is  taken,  are  in  the 
Munson-Williams-Proctor 
Institute. 

172.  Ibid.,  pp.  85-87. 

173.  The  Diary  of  George  Templeton 
Strong,  edited  by  Allan  Ncvins 
and  Milton  Haisey  Thomas 
(New  York:  Macmiilan  Com- 
pany, 1952),  vol.  I,  p.  347,  entry 
for  March  27, 1849. 

174.  Stephen  Garmey,  Gramercy 
Park  . . .  (New  York:  Balsam 
Press,  1984),  p.  83.  Garmey 
states  that  this  was  said  to  be 
the  first  time  a  professional 
decorator  was  privately  engaged 
in  New  York,  but  he  does  not 
supply  a  footnote. 

175.  The  Andrews  &  Co.  Stranger's 
Guide  in  the  City  of  New-Tork 
(Boston:  Andrews  and  Co., 
1852).  Baudouine  was  the  only 
cabinetmaker  or  upholsterer 
listed  in  this  tourist  pamphlet. 

176.  Ingcrman,  "Personal  Experi- 
ences," pp.  577-78.  The  follow- 
ing descriptions  and  quotations 
are  taken  from  this  source.  The 
original  manuscript  differs 
slightiy. 

177.  In  the  7th  Federal  Census, 
1850,  Products  of  Industry 
Schedule,  Abel  Swift  at  53 
Bowery  in  the  Tenth  Ward 
reported  125  male  "hands," 
and  George  Ebbinghausen  in 
the  Thirteenth  Ward  reported 
98,  both  firms  operating  in 
Kleindeutschland.  Baudouine's 
Broadway  competitors,  Hutch- 
ings,  Roux,  and  Dessoir, 
reported  75,  45,  and  20  male 
hands,  respectively,  in  the 
same  census.  Baudouine  was 
not  listed  in  the  1850  census, 
and  Hagen  is  thus  the  only 
source  of  information  about 
the  very  large  size  of  his  shop. 

178.  "Henry  H.  Leeds,  Auctioneer. 
MAGNIFICENT  SALE  of  the  rich- 
est description  of  Furniture, 
carved  in  the  most  elaborate 
manner,  covered  with  the  rich- 
est materials,  and  in  the  latest 
Paris  fashions,  manufactured  at 
the  well-known  establishment 
of  Mr.  C.  A.  Baudouin  [sic]  .  .  . 
to  be  sold  without  reserve." 
Home  Journal,  October  26, 
1850,  p.  3.  The  sale  was  to  be 
held  November  5,  6,  and  7. 
Although  no  auction  catalogue 
has  been  located,  the  detailed 
list  of  items  published  in  the 
Home  Journal  documents 

the  contents  of  Baudouine's 
warerooms. 


was  also  considering  becoming  involved  in  the  silver- 
plating  and  gilding  of  bronze  ornaments  and  decora- 
tive objects,  because  he  had  heard  that  no  one  in 
America  was  doing  this  kind  of  work.  What  Ringuet- 
Leprince  envisioned,  in  short,  was  a  comprehensive 
interior-design  business  of  a  kind  that  did  not  yet 
exist  in  New  York.  With  Colles's  cautious  encourage- 
ment—"the  great  mass  of  purchasers,  although  desir- 
ous of  having  furniture  themselves  of  late  taste,  look 
very  closely  at  the  cost"^**^— Ringuet-Leprince  and 
Marcotte  arrived  in  New  York  in  the  fall  of  1848. 

With  entree  to  the  CoUeses'  elite  social  circles,  and 
with  Marcotte  as  the  New  York  partner  (Ringuet- 
Leprince  traveled  back  and  forth  between  Paris  and 
America),  the  business  became  successful  imme- 
diately. ^^"^  Known  first,  while  in  Paris,  as  Maison 
Ringuet-Leprince  (1840-48),  then  as  Ringuet-Leprince 
and  L.  Marcotte  (1848-60),  and  finally  becoming 
L.  Marcotte  and  Company  in  i860  (at  the  time  of 
Ringuefs  retirement),  the  firm  had  a  factory  and  show- 
room in  New  York  and  offered  goods  in  a  variety  of 
styles.  The  French-bom  merchant  and  financier  Hart 
M.  Shiff  was  among  its  wealthy  clients  in  the  city, 
while  those  farther  afield  included  William  Shephard 
Wetmore  of  Newport,  for  whom  a  suite  of  ebonized 
ballroom  fiimiture  was  made  about  1853,  ^d  Samuel 
O^lt  of  Hartford,  who,  starting  in  1856,  commis- 
sioned household  fiirnishings  and  decorations.  In 
1853  Ringuet-Leprince  and  L.  Marcotte  displayed  sev- 
eral pieces  at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry 
of  All  Nations,  including  an  impressive  carved  side- 
board (made  in  New  York)  and  an  ebonized  cabinet 
with  marquetry  panels  and  gilt-bronze  mounts  (made 
in  Paris). 

Colles's  daughter  Frances  married  the  railroad 
executive  and  art  patron  John  Taylor  Johnston  in 
1850,  and  the  couple  moved  into  a  new  house  at 
8  Fifth  Avenue  in  1856.  Their  ballroom  was  decorated 
with  an  ebonized  suite  of  Louis  XVI-style  furniture, 
highlighted  with  striking  gilded  mounts  and  yel- 
low silk  damask  upholstery,  ordered  from  Ringuet- 
Leprince  and  L.  Marcotte.  The  Louis  XVI  style 
was  just  coming  into  vogue  in  Paris  under  the 
Second  Empire,  thanks  to  Empress  Eugenie,  the 
new  bride  of  Napoleon  III  (see  fig.  56).  Seeking 
to  emulate  Marie-Antoinette,  wife  of  Louis  XVI, 
in  whose  royal  palaces  (the  Louvre,  the  Tuileries, 
Fontainebleau,  Compiegne,  and  Saint- Cloud)  she 
was  living,  Eugenie  avidly  advocated  the  revival  of 
late-eighteenth-century  taste.  In  1855  the  style,  dubbed 
"Louis  Seize-Imperatrice,"  was  one  of  those  featured 
at  the  Paris  Exposition  Universelle. 


The  Johnston  suite  comprised  two  sofas,  two  arm- 
chairs (see  cat.  no.  248),  six  side  chairs,  two  lyre-back 
chairs,  three  cabinets,  a  table,  and  a  fire  screen,  all  of 
which  descended  in  the  family  until  the  suite  was 
given  to  the  Metropolitan  Museum  in  1968.^^^  The 
ebonized  surface  and  deeply  tufted  sprung  seats  are 
typical  of  the  period,  but  not  of  its  eighteenth-century 
antecedents;  the  modem  showcover  of  yellow  silk 
damask  recalls  eighteenth-century  fabrics.  Some  of 
the  pieces  incorporate  fhiitwood  veneers  (apple  and 
pear)  that  are  associated  with  French  rather  than 
American  cabinetmaking.  This  suggests  that  Ringuet- 
Leprince  forwarded  at  least  some  of  them  fi*om  Paris 
to  New  York.  As  extraordinary  in  its  quality  and 
provenance  as  the  Colles  fiimiture,  the  Johnston  suite 
is  a  remarkable  document  of  patrician  taste  in  New 
York  in  the  mid-i850S.^^^ 

Among  the  native-bom  cabinetmakers,  Charles  A. 
Baudouine  played  a  central  role,  both  as  an  enterpris- 
ing cabinetmaker  and  as  an  importer  of  French  furni- 
ture and  fittings.  The  American-bom  son  of  a  customs 
ganger  of  French  Huguenot  descent,  Baudouine  was 


Fig.  256.  Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis,  retailer,  Worktable,  1850-55. 
Papier-mache;  mother-of-pearl  and  gilded  decoration;  crimson 
watered  silk,  crimson  velvet,  paper;  gold  and  mother-of-pearl 
sewing  implements.  Q)urtesy  of  Locust  Grove,  Poughkeepsie, 
New  York  NY0136300-00012 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE" 


CABINETMAKING  3I3 


a  self-made  man,  according  to  Ernest  Hagen.^^^  He 
started  in  the  cabinetmaking  business  in  1829,  mar- 
ried a  milliner  in  1833,  and  with  her  nest  egg  of  $300 
opened  a  small  cabinetmaking  workshop  at  508  Pearl 
Street  that  specialized  in  mahogany  chairs  and  sofas. 
In  1839  he  moved  to  332  Broadway,  the  first  of  three 
addresses  along  the  thoroughfare,  and  five  years  later 
appeared  (alongside  Phyfe  and  Roux)  in  The  Gem,  or 
Fashionable  Business  Directory,  for  the  City  of  New 
Torky  advertising  his  firm  as  "Chas.  A.  Baudouine's 
Fashionable  Cabinet  Furniture  and  Upholstery  Man- 
ufactory and  Warehouse."  His  business  clearly  expand- 
ing, Baudouine  again  moved  northward  in  1845  to  a 
four-story  building  at  351  Broadway.  It  was  from 
there,  in  July  1846,  that  the  lawyer  James  Watson 
Williams  of  Utica,  New  York,  procured  a  rosewood- 
and-mahogany  worktable  for  his  fiancee,  Williams  was 
jubilant  about  his  purchase,  writing  to  his  intended 
that  "after  looking  [in]  various  places  for  a  gift  for  you, 
I  have  selected  at  Baudouine's,  a  work  table  which  I 
am  sure  must  please  you . . .  the  most  approved  French 
pattern."  In  1852,  after  his  marriage,  he  returned  to 
Baudouine,  then  at  335  Broadway,  to  purchase  a  suite 
of  rosewood  seating  furniture  upholstered  in  green 
"tapestry,"  which  included  two  sofas,  two  armchairs 
(see  fig.  253),  and  four  side  chairs  along  with  a  "multi- 
form" table  that  was  cleverly  designed  in  halves  that 
could  serve  as  a  center  table  when  placed  together  or 
function  separately  as  gaming  tables,  or,  when  the 
tops  were  closed,  as  individual  consoles. 

Baudouine's  reputation  as  one  of  the  leading  cabi- 
netmakers of  the  day  is  supported  by  an  1849  entry 
in  George  Templeton  Strong's  diary  concerning  the 
anticipated  cost  of  furnishing  "Palazzo  Strong"  (on 
Twenty-first  Street)  in  rosewood  and  red  satin.  "Con- 
found the  word  Dollar,'''  Strong  exclaimed  in  exasper- 
ation. "If  I  hadn't  spent  money  like  an  extravagant 
fool  in  my  bachelor  days  I  should  have  enough  now 
to  be  able  to  tell  her  [his  much  adored  wife,  Ellen] 
to  march  down  to  Baudoine's  [sic]  and  order  right 
and  left  whatever  pleased  her  fancy.  .  .  ."^^^  Although 
Baudouine  evidently  did  not  decorate  Strong's  new 
house,  he  was  engaged  about  1851  to  furnish  the  twin 
town  houses  built  by  the  industrialist  Cyrus  West 
Field  and  his  brother  the  lawyer  David  Dudley  Field 
on  Twenty-first  Street,  near  Gramercy  Park.  Acting  as 
both  cabinetmaker  and  interior  decorator,  he  created 
rooms  in  which  "Louis  XIV  furniture  abounded,  as 
did  Italian  draperies,  Greek  statues,  marble  mantels, 
and  frescoed  ceilings."  ^^"^  By  taking  on  the  role  of 
decorator,  Baudouine  was  apparendy  ready  to  give 
Ringuet-Leprince  and  Marcotte  a  run  for  their  money. 


In  1849  Baudouine  expanded  again,  into  a  much 
larger  building  (see  fig.  254)  at  335  Broadway,  at  the  cor- 
ner of  Anthony  Street.  His  salesroom  was  described 
in  the  1852  Stran£fer^s  Guide  as  one  of  the  greatest 
attractions  in  the  city;  it  was  said  to  be  275  feet  long 
and  to  house  an  incalculable  variety  of  costly  and 
luxurious  seating  furniture  as  well  as  "various  et  ceteras 
of  modern  comfort  and  embellishment."  (A  rare, 
perhaps  unique,  illustration  of  a  contemporary  New 
York  wareroom  [fig.  255]  conveys  some  sense  of  such 
long  interior  spaces.)  Hagen,  who  worked  for  Bau- 
douine for  about  two  years  at  this  location,  starting 
in  1853,^^^  remembered  his  boss  as  a  tall,  gendemanly 
person,  "Hke  an  army  officer,"  who  spoke  French  flu- 
endy  and  "went  to  France  every  year  and  imported  a 
great  deal  of  French  furniture  and  upholstery  cover- 
ings, French  hardware,  trimmings,  and  other  mate- 
rials used  in  his  shop."  He  states  that  Baudouine 
employed  about  70  cabinetmakers  and  about  130 
others  (carvers,  varnishers,  and  upholsterers);  if  these 
figures  are  correct,  the  firm  probably  was  the  largest 
cabinetmaking  operation  in  the  city.^^^  Curiously,  in 
1850,  shordy  after  moving  into  335  Broadway,  Bau- 
douine auctioned  off  his  entire  inventory.  He  did 
not  display  furniture  at  the  Crystal  Palace  exhibition 
in  1853,  and  continued  in  business  at  this  address  only 
until  May  1854,  when  he  gave  up  his  upholstery  and 
furniture  manufactory  and  temporarily  opened  an 
office  at  475  Broadway.  In  the  course  of  the  next  four 
decades,  Baudouine  turned  his  attention  to  his  real 
estate  investments  and  to  his  avocation  as  a  four-in- 
hand  driver.  An  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company  report  in 
1856  was  extremely  succinct  regarding  the  independ- 
endy  wealthy  Baudouine:  "Living  on  his  income." 

Some  furniture  imported  by  Baudouine  survives, 
including  a  small  Rococo  Revival  lady's  writing  desk 
(cat.  no.  237),  or  bonheur  du  jour,  which  bears  Bau- 
douine's label  from  the  years  1849-54  (fig.  254)  and  is 
additionally  stenciled  "From  C.  A.  Baudouine"  with 
his  address.  The  painted  decoration  is  extremely  fine, 
resembling  contemporary  enamel  jewelry  (see  cat. 
no.  210)  in  its  vibrantiy  colored  floral  bouquets  and 
exotic  birds.  It  also  recalls  the  character  of  painted 
Paris-porcelain  plaques  set  into  eighteenth-century 
Louis  XV  furniture,  but  here  the  highly  naturalistic 
articulation  of  roses,  fuchsias,  tulips,  dahlias,  morning 
glories,  lilies  of  the  valley,  and  forget-me-nots  among 
lacy  gold  filigrees  on  a  black  ground  is  quintessen- 
tially  of  the  mid-nineteenth  century  and  clearly  a 
product  of  the  Second  Empire, 

Baudouine  and  others  imported  a  wide  variety  of 
papier-mache  goods,  which  became  extremely  popular 


179.  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company 
report,  April  12, 1856  (New 
York  Vol.  191,  p.  1421).  R.  G. 
Dun  &  Co.  Collection,  Baker 
Library,  Harvard  University 
Graduate  School  of  Business 
Administration. 

180.  See,  for  example,  Odilc  Nouvel- 
Kammerer,  Napoleon  III: 
Annies  1880  (Paris:  Editions 
Massin,  1996),  pp.  58-61.  While 
cottonv^food  and  aspen  are 
poplars  indigenous  to  both 
North  America  and  continental 
Europe,  they  are  not  commonly 
recorded  in  American  furniture. 
The  attribution  to  France  is 
further  supported  by  words 
inscribed  on  the  table:  the  right 
drawer  is  inscribed  in  pencil 
with  the  letter  D,  and  the  left 
with  the  letter  G,  suggesting 

a  French  cabinetmaker's  desig- 
nation of  droite  (right)  and 
£[auche  (left).  Such  painted  ftir- 
niture  also  bears  a  resemblance 
to  contemporary  papier-mache 
ftirniture  (see  fig.  256).  For 
comparable  French  painted 
and  papier-m^ch^  examples, 
see  Philippe  Jullian,  Le  style 
Second  Empire  (Paris:  Bachet 
et  Cie,  n.d.),  pp.  92-93,  in. 

181.  Carry  Stanley,  "Ada  Lester's 
Season  in  New  York,"  Peter- 
son's Magazine  25  (1854), 

p.  181. 

182.  Edwards,  Victorian  Furniture, 
pp.  124-34.  In  1848  papier- 
mache  chairs  said  to  be  the  first 
manufactured  in  the  United 
States  were  exhibited  at  the 
American  Institute  Fair.  "Sci- 
entific. Papier  Mache  Chairs," 
Niles^  National  Re£iister, 
November  15, 1848,  p.  316. 

By  1850  Henry  L.  Ibbotson, 
agent  for  Jennens,  Bettridge 
and  Sons  (the  largest  British 
manufacturer  of  papier-mach^ 
pieces),  was  established  at  218 
Pearl  Street.  Home  Journal, 
June  8, 1850,  p.  3.  The  next 
year,  W.  R.  Fullerton,  275 
Broadway,  advertised  his 
"Papier  Mache  Ware-Room" 
as  the  only  store  of  its  kind  in 
America;  see  Home  Journal, 
February  8, 1851. 

183.  "Diary  of  Town  Trifles,"  New 
Mirror,  May  18, 1844,  p.  106. 
The  worktable  is  inscribed  in 
gold  paint  on  the  interior  of 
the  case. 

184.  "Jenny  Lind  at  the  Casde 
Amphitheater,"  International 
Miscellany  of  Literature,  Art 
and  Science,  October  i,  1850, 
p.  448. 

185.  Burrows  and  Wallace,  Gotham, 
p.  815. 

186.  Hagen,  in  Ingerman,  "Personal 
Experiences,"  pp.  578-79. 


314    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


187.  Ibbotson  advertisement.  Home 
Journal,  June  8, 1850,  p.  3.  See 
also  Home  Journal^  Septem- 
ber 14, 1850,  p.  3  (pianofortes); 
Fullerton  advertisement.  Home 
Journal,  February  8, 1851,  p.  3; 
and  "Chairs,  Chairs,"  The  Inde- 
pendent, May  13, 1852,  p.  80. 

188.  The  bookcase  bears  a  large 
paper  label  with  an  illustration 
of  Brooks's  Cabinet  Warehouse 
at  127  Fulton  Street,  comer  of 
Sands  Street,  in  Brooklyn.  A 
line  drawing  and  description  of 
the  bookcase  and  the  engraved 
gold  box  (unlocated)  were 
pubUshed  with  admiring  com- 
ments by  Gleason's  Pictorial 
Drawing-Room  Companion 
("Memorial  for  Jenny  Lind," 
June  21, 1851,  p.  121).  When  the 
bookcase  and  books  were  given 
to  the  Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  they  were  accompa- 
nied by  a  rosewood-veneered 
cabinet  that  served  as  a  pedestal 
for  the  smaller  piece.  Because 
there  are  no  period  descriptions 
or  illustrations  of  the  larger 
cabinet,  the  bookcase  is  exhib- 
ited without  it.  My  thanks  are 
extended  to  Deborah  D.  Waters 
for  allowing  the  Metropolitan 
to  show  the  tablctop  bookcase 
on  its  own,  and  to  Amy  M. 
Coes  for  her  research  on 
Brooks;  see  note  83  above. 

189.  London's  fair  comprised  18,109 
exhibits  from  sixty-one  foreign 
states,  while  New  York's  had 
4>39o  exhibits,  one  half  of 
which  were  from  twenty-four 
foreign  countries.  Nearly 

30  percent  of  the  American 
exhibits  were  displays  of  decora- 
tive arts.  The  New  York  exhibi- 
tion was  the  first  international 
world's  fair  to  include  painting 
and  sculpture  as  well  as  decora- 
tive arts.  This  information  is 
drawn  from  Jaima  Eggebeen, 
"AppUed  Arts  at  the  New  York 
Crystal  Palace  Exhibition, 
1853-1854:  Mirror  to  Viaorian 
Culture,"  manuscript,  1999. 

190.  By  the  time  of  the  1853  exhibi- 
tion, the  sobriquet  "Empire 
City,"  which  expressed  these 
cosmopolitan  yearnings,  was 
in  common  use.  For  example, 
Isabella  Lucy  Bird,  an  English 
visitor  to  New  York  in  1854, 
observed  that  the  city  "pos- 
sesses the  features  of  many 
different  lands,  but  it  has  char- 
acteristics peculiarly  its  own; 
and  as  with  its  suburbs  it  may 
almost  bear  the  name  of  the 
'million-peopled  city,'  and  as  its 
growing  influence  and  impor- 
tance have  earned  it  the  name 
of  the  Empire  City,  I  need  not 
apologise  for  dwelling  at  some 


by  the  mid-i840s.  As  brightly  colored  as  painted  fur- 
niture, these  were  often  inlaid  with  mother-of-pearl 
against  a  coal  black  ground.  A  mother-of-pearl-inlaid 
papier-mache  worktable,  lined  with  crimson  velvet 
and  watered  silk  and  fiirnished  with  gold  and  mother- 
of-pearl  sewing  implements  (fig.  256),  closely  resembles 
one  described  as  being  in  a  New  York  drawing  room 
in  1854.^^^  It  was  probably  made  in  England  or  France, 
although  some  papier-mache  goods  were  produced  in 
America  at  least  by  1848. This  piece  was  sold  in 
New  York  by  the  "enterprising  luxurifers"  Tiffany, 
Young  and  Ellis,  whose  "brilliant  curiosity  shop"  at  the 
comer  of  Broadway  and  Warren  Street  was  enlarged 
in  1844  by  a  second-story  showroom  where  work- 
tables  and  chairs  were  featured. 

Baudouine  was  one  of  many  entrepreneurial  manu- 
facturers and  merchants  to  seize  upon  the  tremendous 
popularity  of  Jenny  Lind,  a  Swedish  soprano  who  was 
lured  to  America  for  a  twenty-one-month  concert  tour 
by  P.  T.  Barnimi,  who  guaranteed  her  $150,000  plus 
expenses.  The  arrival  of  "the  Swedish  Nightingale" 


Fig.  257.  Gustave  Hetter, 
designer;  Bulkley  and  Herter, 
cabinetmaker.  Bookcase  (detail 
of  cat.  no.  241),  1853.  White 
oak;  eastern  white  pine,  east- 
em  hemlock,  yellow  poplar; 
leaded  glass  not  original.  The 
Nelson-Atkins  Mnseiun  of 
Art,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
(Purchase:  Nelson  Trust 
through  the  exchange  of  gifts 
and  bequests  of  numerous 
donors  and  other  Trust 
properties)  97-35 


was  hailed  as  "the  most  memorable  event  thus  far  in 
our  musical  history,"  and,  thanks  to  Bamum's  advance 
publicity,  her  first  American  concert,  on  September  11, 
1850,  in  the  Casde  Garden  amphitheater,  was  attended 
by  "the  largest  audience  ever  assembled  for  any  such 
occasion  in  America."  ^^"^  Lind's  reputation  for  moral 
virtue,  which  equaled  the  fame  of  her  voice,  helped  to 
gamer  a  following  among  homemakers,  charity 
ladies,  and  writers  of  sentimental  fiction.  Cabinet- 
makers soon  recognized  an  audience  that  would 
respond  if  Lind's  name  were  attached  to  their  latest 
home  furnishings.  Flagen  recollected: 

Some  ofBoudouines  [sic]  most  conspicuous  produc- 
tions were  those  rosewood  heavy  over  decorated 
parlour  suits  [sic]  with  round  perforated  backs 
generally  known  as  ^Belter  furniture'^  from  the 
original  inventor  John  H.  Belter.  .  .  .  At  Bau- 
douine^s  place  this  furniture  was  called  the  Jenny 
Lind  setts  [sic],  on  account  of  Jenny  Linds  singing 
in  Castle  Garden  under  Barnums  protection  at 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF   FURNITURE":   C  A  B  I  N  E  TM  AK I  N  G  315 


Fig.  258.  Gustave 
Herter,  designer; 
Bulkley  and  Herter, 
cabinetmaker;  Ernest 
Plassman,  carver,  Buffet, 
Wood  engraving  by 
John  William  Orr, 
from  B.  SiUiman  Jr. 
and  C.  R.  Goodrich, 
eds.,  The  World  of 
SctmcCy  Art,  and  Indus- 
try Illustrated  from 
Examples  in  the  New- 
Tork  Exhibition^  i8s3~S4y 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Put- 
nam and  Company, 
1854),  p.  168.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Thomas  J. 
Watson  Library 


the  time.  This  furniture  was  all  the  style  at  that 
time  amongst  the  wealthy  New  Yorkers.  He  used  to 
get  1200  a  sett.  They  were  generally  covered  in  large 
flowered  silk  brocades  or  brocatelle.'^^^ 

The  Jenny  Lind  fad  started  before  her  arrival  in 
America  and  continued  for  several  years  after  her 
departure.  Henry  L.  Ibbotson,  the  New  York  agent 
for  the  English  papier-mache  manufacturer  Jennens, 
Bettridge  and  Sons,  advertised  "folios  bearing  fac- 
simile likenesses  of  Jenny  Lind,  taken  from  the  orig- 
inal," several  months  before  the  singer  even  arrived.  In 
reporting  on  the  manufacture  of  fifty  thousand 
pianofortes  in  New  York  the  previous  year,  the  Home 
Journal  predicted,  a  few  days  after  the  Casde  Garden 
concert,  that  "the  Jenny  Lind  furor  will  probably  very 
greatly  increase  the  demand  for  pianos  this  year." 
Ibbotson's  competitor,  W,  R.  Fullerton,  announced 
in  1851  that  the  Jenny  Lind  Cabinet  and  Bride-Work 
Tables  'Svould  amply  repay  one  for  a  visit"  to  his  "Papier 
Mache  Ware-Room."  The  next  year,  the  Ornamental 


Iron  Furniture  company  listed  Jenny  Lind  sewing 
chairs  among  its  products. 

The  magnanimous  Lind  donated  $10,000  of  the 
proceeds  of  her  Castle  Garden  concert  to  charities, 
including  $3,000  to  the  Fire  Department  Fund  to 
benefit  widows  and  orphans.  To  express  their  grati- 
tude, the  firemen  presented  her  with  a  copy  of  the 
resolutions  they  had  passed  in  her  honor,  housed  in 
an  elaborately  engraved  box  made  of  California  gold, 
along  with  a  specially  bound  set  of  John  James 
Audubon's  seven-volume  The  Birds  of  America  (New 
York,  1840-44;  cat.  no.  239;  fig.  176).  The  firemen 
commissioned  Thomas  Brooks  of  Brooklyn,  rather 
than  any  of  the  Broadway  cabinetmakers,  to  make  a 
rosewood  tabletop  bookcase  to  hold  the  volumes 
(cat.  no.  238).  Visible  through  glass-paneled  doors, 
the  books  are  separated  from  one  another  by  turned 
ivory  columns.  There  are  two  allegorical  figures  at  the 
top,  on  either  side  of  a  silver  presentation  plaque; 
one,  holding  a  lyre  and  a  paper  scroll,  represents 
Music  and  the  Genius  of  Song;  the  other,  resting  on 


length.  .  .  ."  Isabella  Lucy  Bird, 
The  Englishwoman  in  America 
(1856;  reprint,  Madison:  Uni- 
versity of  Wisconsin  Press, 
1966),  p.  333. 

191.  The  illustrations  were  engraved 
under  the  supervision  of  Carl 
Emil  Doepler,  from  daguerreo- 
types by  H.  Whittemore;  the 
names  of  the  engravers,  for  the 
most  part,  accompany  each 
image.  A  comparison  of  illus- 
trations with  exhibited  pieces 
that  have  survived  attests  to 
their  accuracy.  I  thank  my  col- 
league JefF  L.  Rosenheim  for 
bringing  the  daguerreotype 
sources  for  the  illustrations  to 
my  attention. 

192.  Hagen  recalled  that  "gorgeous 
heavy  carvings"  were  the  style 
about  1855-56.  Ingerman,  "Per- 
sonal Experiences,"  p.  579. 

193.  Silliman  and  Goodrich,  World 
of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry, 
p.  169. 

194.  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company  re- 
port, September  12, 1854  (New 
York  Vol.  191,  p.  451)-  R-  G. 
Dun  &  Co.  Collection,  Baker 
Library,  Harvard  University 
Graduate  School  of  Business 
Administration. 

195.  Apparendy,  Herter  and  Bulkley 
showed  additional  pieces.  See 
'The  Crystal  Palace,"  Morning 
Courier  and  New-Tork  Enquirer, 
July  27, 1853,  p.  3. 

196.  See  Thomas  Chippendale, 
The  Gentleman  and  Cabinet- 
Maker's  Director,  3d  ed.  (Lon- 
don: Printed  for  the  author, 
1762;  reprint.  New  York:  Dover 
Publications,  1966),  pi.  C.  See 
also  Voorsanger,  "From  Bowery 
to  Broadway,"  pp.  61,  64-65, 
244.  Clive  Wainright  pointed 
out  that  John  Weale  reprinted 
Chippendale's  designs  in  Eng- 
land as  early  as  1834.  By  1836 
Weale  had  published  Chippen- 
dale's One  Hundred  and  Thirty- 
rhree  Designs  .  .  .  (London: 

J.  Weale,  1834),  as  well  as  other 
reprints  of  eighteenth-century 
pattern  books.  See  Clive  Wain- 
right,  "The  Dark  Ages  of  Art 
Revived,  or  Edwards  and 
Roberts  and  the  Regency 
Revival,"  Connoisseur  198  (1978), 
pp.  95-105. 

197.  There  are  two  women  flanking 
the  salient  center  bay:  one 
(proper  right)  holding  a  paint- 
er's palette  and  a  brush  (dam- 
aged); the  other  (proper  left), 
a  lyre  and  a  sheet  of  music. 

At  each  corner  there  is  a  male 
figure,  one  (proper  right; 
fig.  257)  holds  a  sculptor's  mal- 
let and  a  finishing  chisel  (dam- 
aged); the  other  (proper  left) 
holds  an  architectural  model  of 


3l6    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


a  cathedral  and  a  drawing 
implement. 

198.  The  anonymous  carver,  no 
doubt  an  immigrant  craftsman, 
could  have  been  Herter  him- 
self, or  may  have  been  Ernst 
Plassman,  who  is  associated 
with  another  of  Herter's  exhibi- 
tion pieces.  See  note  201  below. 

199.  See  Silliman  and  Goodrich, 
World  of  Science^  Art,  and 
Industry,  p.  93,  for  an  illustra- 
tion and  mention  of  Herter's 
responsibihty  for  the  design. 
In  their  text,  Silliman  and 
Goodrich  describe  this  and  the 
other  example  displayed  by 
Brooks  as  rosewood  etageres 
(pp.  12,  93),  but  they  list  this 
piece  in  their  table  of  contents 
as  a  rosewood  buffet.  The  QJi- 
cial  Awards  of  Juries  records 
Brooks  as  receiving  a  bronze 
medal  and  special  notice  for 
"Excellence  of  Design  and  Exe- 
cution of  Walnut  Buffet"  (pre- 
sumably the  rosewood  piece 
under  discussion  here),  but  it 
omits  mention  of  Herter  in 
conjxmction  with  it.  Associa- 
tion for  the  Exhibition  of  the 
Industry  of  All  Nations,  Q^- 
cial  Awards  of  Juries  (New 
York:  William  C.  Bryant  and 
Co.,  1853),  p.  58.  Curiously, 
Brooks  is  not  listed  at  all  in 
Class  26  (Decorative  Furniture 
and  Upholstery,  including 
Papier-mache,  Paper-hangings 
and  Japanned  Goods)  in  the 
Official  Catalogue  of  the  New- 
Tork  Exhibition  of  the  Industry 
of  All  Nations,  i8s3  (New  York: 
George  P.  Pumam  and  Co., 
1853),  PP-  82-85.  This  illustrates 
the  inconsistency  of  these 
sources,  which  must  be  used  in 
tandem  rather  than  as  individ- 
ual, authoritative  records. 

200.  For  an  image  of  the  Fourdinois 
piece,  see  Howe,  Frclinghuysen, 
and  Voorsanger,  Herter  Broth- 
ers, p.  39. 

201.  Silliman  and  Goodrich  record 
Herter  as  the  designer  of  this 
piece,  but  they  also  state  that 
he  collaborated  on  its  construc- 
tion with  Ernst  Plassman,  a 
sculptor  whom  they  credit  with 
the  carving.  See  Silliman  and 
Goodrich,  World  of  Science, 
Arty  and  Industry,  pp.  168-69, 
which  also  states  that  the  buffet 
was  displayed  by  Bulkley  and 
Herter.  Plassman  was  not  men- 
tioned in  either  the  Official 
Catalogue,  where  Herter  alone 
is  recorded  as  the  author  of  the 
"richly  carved  oak  buffet,"  or  in 
the  Official  Awards  of  Juries, 

in  which  he  received  Honor- 
able Mention  for  "fine  Carving 
on  Oak  Buffet." 


a  cornucopia  of  flowers  and  holding  coins  in  her 
extended  hand,  represents  Charity. 

On  July  14, 1853,  with  the  opening  of  the  New-York 
Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations,  Brooks  and 
other  New  York  cabinetmakers  had  an  opportunity 
to  exhibit  their  fvirniture  in  an  international  forum. 
This  world's  fair,  the  first  in  the  United  States,  was 
held  in  the  Crystal  Palace,  a  domed  cast-iron-and-glass 
building,  cruciform  in  plan,  that  was  situated  on 
Reservoir  Square  (behind  the  distributing  reservoir 
of  the  Croton  Aqueduct,  between  Fortieth  and  Forty- 
second  Streets,  now  Bryant  Park;  see  cat.  nos.  141, 
142, 179).  In  the  scope  of  its  international  displays  and 
in  its  stated  mission  to  educate  and  edify  the  public, 
the  fair  emulated  London's  Great  Exhibition  of  1851, 
held  vmder  the  aegis  of  Prince  Albert.  (It  was  approx- 
imately one  third  the  size  of  the  London  exhibition, 
however,  and,  as  a  purely  private  enterprise,  received 
no  government  support.)  Although  not  a  finan- 
cial success,  as  the  London  enterprise  had  been,  the 
New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition— and,  indeed, 
the  Empire  City  itself— symbolized  the  aspirations 
of  a  nation  seeking  its  place  on  the  international 
stage  of  art  and  culture.  Many  of  the  decorative 
arts  exhibited  at  the  Crystal  Palace  were  illustrated  in 
wood  engravings  compiled  by  two  scientists,  Benja- 
min Silliman  Jr.  and  Charles  Rush  Goodrich,  who 
published  them  in  The  World  of  Science^  Art,  and 
Industry  Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the  New-Tork 
Exhibition,  i8s3-S4  (New  York,  1854).  Since  these 
engravings  were  based  on  daguerreotypes,  they  pres- 
ent a  remarkably  faithful  record  of  the  contents  of  the 
exhibition,  clearly  more  accurate  and  detailed  in  the 
rendering  of  textile  patterns,  carving,  and  other  deco- 
rative motifs  than  would  have  been  the  case  before  the 
invention  of  photography. 

Most  of  the  American  furniture  shown  at  the  Crystal 
Palace  was  characterized  by  the  "gorgeous  heavy  carv- 
ings" that,  in  the  1850s,  became  the  hallmark  of  fine 
furniture  manufactured  in  the  United  States,  regard- 
less of  whether  it  was  Gothic  Revival,  Renaissance 
Revival,  or  a  reinterpretation  of  the  styles  favored  by 
eighteenth-century  French  kings.  Competitors  such 
as  Brooks,  Dessoir,  Herter,  Roux,  Ringuet-Leprince 
and  Marcotte,  and  Rochefort  and  Skarren  (see  fig.  102) 
vied  for  attention  with  one  extraordinary  piece  after 
another,  many  of  them  large  buffets  or  bookcases  pro- 
fusely carved  with  naturalistic  ornamentation.  Such 
highly  wrought  furniture  was  seen  as  indicative  of 
a  mature  and  cultivated  society  and  the  mark  of  a 
world  city.  As  Silliman  and  Goodrich  noted,  'The 
tendency  of  civilisation  is  always  from  plainness  to 


ornament.  .  .  .  The  wealth,  the  manners,  the  refine- 
ment, all  that  relates  to  the  social  condition  of  a 
people,  may  be  deduced  from  the  history  of  their  fur- 
niture. The  condition  of  commerce,  and  of  the  indus- 
trial and  fine  arts,  is  contained  in  such  a  history,  and 
[thus]  the  mutations  of  furniture  are  as  important  to 
be  known  as  the  changes  of  governments." 

It  was  at  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  that  Gustave 
Herter  achieved  public  notice  for  the  first  time.  The 
eldest  son  of  a  Stuttgart  cabinetmaker,  he  had  arrived 
in  America  five  years  earlier,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  as 
one  of  the  "Forty-eighters"  who  escaped  political  and 
economic  turmoil  in  Europe  by  embarking  for  New 
York.  He  seems  to  have  bypassed  working  in  the 
Lower  East  Side  shops  as  either  a  journeyman  or  an 
apprentice,  for  soon  after  his  arrival  he  was  employed 
as  a  silver  designer  for  Tiffany,  Yoimg  and  Ellis.  The 
Broadway  cabinetmaker  Hutchings  took  notice  and 
introduced  Herter  to  high-end  cabinetmaking  circles. 
By  1853,  after  a  brief  partnership  with  Auguste  Pottier, 


Fig.  259.  Julius  Dessoir,  designer  and  cabinetmaker,  vlmtf^fltir. 
Wood  engraving  by  John  William  Orr,  from  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and 
C.  R.  Goodrich,  eds.^  The  World  of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry 
Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the  New-York  Exhibitim,  i8s3-S4 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and  Company,  1854),  p.  191.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J. 
Watson  Library 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE'*:   CAB  I  N  ETM  AKI  N  G  3I7 


who  was  to  become  his  major  competitor  after  the 
Civil  War,  Herter  was  in  business  with  Erastus  Bulk- 
ley.  He  was  quickly  recognized  for  his  "good  abilities 
as  a  designer  of  patterns  for  rich  furniture."^^'^  From 
the  outset,  even  though  he  initially  described  himself 
as  a  sculptor,  Herter  established  himself  as  a  designer 
rather  than  as  a  carver  or  cabinetmaker  per  se. 

Only  twenty-three  when  the  Crystal  Palace  opened, 
young  Herter  was  nothing  if  not  ambitious:  eager  to 
make  his  mark,  he  designed  three  monumental  pieces 
for  the  exhibition.  Displayed  by  the  newly  estab- 
lished firm  of  BuMey  and  Herter,  an  immense  three- 
bay  Gothic-style  bookcase  in  carved  oak  (cat.  no.  241) 
was  awarded  a  bronze  medal  for  design  and  work- 
manship. No  one  remarked  at  the  time  that  for 
the  massing  and  oudine  of  the  piece  Herter  had  re- 
lied heavily  on  the  example  of  a  Gothic  bookcase 
by  the  eminent  eighteenth-century  British  cabinet- 
maker Thomas  Chippendale,  whose  designs  had  been 
reprinted  by  the  mid-iSgos.^^^  Herter  did,  however. 


make  the  conceit  his  own  by  altering  many  of  the 
details,  among  them  the  shape  of  the  glazing  pat- 
tern on  the  doors,  the  number  of  spires,  and  the 
carved  decorations  on  the  base.  The  latter  include, 
standing  under  Gothic  canopies,  four  fully  carved 
figures  in  medieval  dress  that  represent  the  arts  of 
sculpture  (fig.  257),  painting,  music,  and  architec- 
ture. Panels  adroidy  carved  in  deep  relief  are 
embellished  with  wreaths  of  oak  leaves  and  acorns 
as  well  as  with  winding  ribbons  and  leaves  that  curl 
around  frames  fashioned  from  rustic  branches.  The 
whole  is  a  tour  de  force  of  the  carver's  art,  although 
we  do  not  know  the  identity  of  the  talented  artisan 
who  executed  the  work.^^^ 

Herter  also  designed  a  rosewood  etagere  that  was 
made  and  exhibited  by  Thomas  Brooks.  Whether 
Brooks  commissioned  Herter,  or  Herter  hired  Brooks 
to  execute  his  design  is  not  entirely  clear.  But  his 
piece  de  resistance  was  a  buffet— the  form  preferred 
by  midcentury  cabinetmakers  for  exhibition  pieces 


Fig.  260.  Anthony  Kimbel,  artist;  Bembe  and  Kimbel,  cabinetmaker  and  decorator,^  Parlor  View  in  a  New  Tork  Dwelling  Home, 
Wood  engraving  by  Nathaniel  Orr,  from  Gleason^s  Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Companion^  November  11, 1854,  p.  300.  Courtesy  of 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


Plassman  was  possibly 
responsible  for  the  composi- 
tion of  some  carved  details. 
A  sketchbook  dated  185^-53, 
still  in  Plassman  family  hands, 
contains  sketches  of  several  ele- 
ments on  the  sideboard.  See 
Heather  Jane  McCormick, 
"Ernst  Plassman,  1822-1877: 
A  New  York  Carver,  Sculptor, 
Designer  and  Teacher"  (Mas- 
ter's thesis,  Bard  Graduate 
Center  for  Studies  in  the  Deco- 
rative Arts,  1998),  pp.  50-53, 
figs.  39-4-3- 

Silliman  and  Goodrich,  World 
of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry, 
p.  169. 

Roux  (1813-1886)  arrived  in 
New  York  in  1835,  according  to 
his  death  certificate.  He  started 
in  business  as  an  upholsterer 
in  1836  (according  to  the  text 
on  his  printed  labels,  and  the 
R.  G.  Dun  and  Company 
credit  report  of  August  12, 1851 
[New  York  Vol.  190,  p.  397], 
R,  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration).  He  was 
first  listed  in  the  city  direaories 
in  1837,  and  listed  as  a  cabinet- 
maker in  1843.  (Doggett's  city 
directory  of  1842  listed  Roux  as 
an  importer  at  106  Bowery  in 
the  same  year  Longworth's 
listed  him  as  an  upholsterer  at 
478  Broadway.)  He  was  recom- 
mended highly  by  Downing 
in  the  Architecture  of  Country 
Houses  (1850),  which  also 
included  several  illustrations  of 
furniture  from  Roux's  shop.  By 
1855,  Roux  was  one  of  the  pre- 
eminent cabinetmakers  in  New 
York,  as  confirmed  by  the 
New  York  State  Census,  1855, 
special  Schedule:  Industry 
Other  than  Agriculture  (New 
York  Coimty,  Ward  8,  Dis- 
trict I,  lines  27-33,  enumerated 
July  5, 1855),  which  reported 
that  he  had  $20,000  in  real 
estate,  $3,000  in  machinery 
and  $30,000  in  raw  materials, 
and  produced  an  annual  prod- 
ua  worth  $144,000  while 
employing  120  men.  In  i860, 
the  federal  census  recorded  a 
substantially  larger  figure 
($200,000)  in  real  and  per- 
sonal estate  invested  in  the 
business,  but  a  slighdy  smaller 
shop  (80  men)  and  aimual 
produrt  ("furniture  of  all  kinds, 
$100,000").  United  States,  Cen- 
sus Office,  8th  Census,  i860. 
Products  of  Industry  Schedule, 
New  York  City,  Ward  8,  p.  30- 
This  information  is  drawn 
from  a  chronology  prepared 
by  David  Sprouls. 


3l8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


204.  Silliman  and  Goodrich,  World 
of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry, 
pp.  162-63.  As  illustrated, 
Roux's  black  walnut  sideboard 
had  mirrored  panels  behind  the 
shelves.  Three  related  sideboards 
are  known:  the  mate  to  this 
one,  in  the  Newark  Museum; 

a  rosewood  version  with  white 
marble,  in  the  Art  Institute  of 
Chicago;  and  an  identical 
oak  model,  with  rose-colored 
marble,  in  a  private  collection. 

205.  Joseph  Jeanselme,  a  noted 
Parisian  cabinetmaker,  showed 
a  related  example  at  the  1849 
Paris  Industrial  Exposition. 

It  is  illustrated  in  J.  M.  W.  van 
Voorst  tot  Voorst,  Tussen 
Biedermeier  en  Berla^ie:  Meubel 
en  Interieur  in  Nederland, 
183S-189S,  2d  ed.,  2  vols.  (Amster- 
dam: De  Bataafeche  Leeuw, 
1994),  vol.  2,  p.  662.  In  1844,  at 
the  same  exhibition,  Ringuet- 
Leprince  had  shown  a  rectilin- 
ear version  of  the  form,  which 
was  published  by  Desire  Guil- 
mard  in  Le  Garde-meuble, 
album  de  ['exposition  de  I'indus- 
trie  (Paris,  1844),  pi-  h-  Roux 
followed  Ringuefs  1844  model 
closely  in  a  sideboard  now  in 
a  private  collection;  see  Eileen 
Dubrow  and  Richard  Dubrow, 
American  Furniture  of  the 
19th  Century,  1840-1880  (Exton, 
Pennsylvania:  Schiffer  Publish- 
ing, 1983),  p.  168.  Seymour 
Guy's  1866  painting  The  Con- 
test for  the  Bouquet:  The  Family 
of  Robert  Gordon  in  Their  New 
Tork  Dining  Room  (Metropol- 
itan Museum,  1992.128)  illus-  ^ 
trates  a  similar  sideboard  in  the 
home  of  a  founding  trustee  of 
the  Metropolitan;  see  Metro- 
politan Museum  of  Art  Bulletin 
50  (fall  1992),  pp.  54-55. 

206.  See  Kenneth  L.  Ames,  Death 
in  the  Dining  Room  and  Other 
Tales  of  Victorian  Culture 
(Philadelphia:  Temple  Univer- 
sity Press,  1992),  pp.  44-96. 

207.  Official  Awards  of  Juries,  p.  58. 

208.  Pairs  of  sideboards  are  extremely 
unusual  in  post-Federal  Ameri- 
can dining  rooms;  this  one 
may  be  unique  to  the  1850s.  The 
Metropolitan's  sideboard  is  not 
marked,  but  it  can  be  identified 
by  its  close  similarity  to  the 
wood  engraving  published  by 
Silliman  and  Goodrich,  World 
of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry, 
pp.  162-63.  The  Newark  piece 
(92.72),  the  motife  of  which 
were  a  departure  from  the 
canon,  bears  an  impressed  mark 
(A.  Roux)  on  the  top  edge  of 
one  of  the  front  drawers.  The 
nineteenth-century  provenance 
of  the  sideboards  is  not  yet 


(see  cat.  no.  243;  fig.  102)— that  was  imposing  both 
in  its  architectural  scale  and  in  its  baroque  veri- 
similitude. The  iconography  of  this  piece  (fig.  258) 
was  drawn  from  iiriagery  of  the  hunt,  the  harvest,  and 
the  sea,  motifs  commonly  used  in  dining  rooms 
from  the  mid-nineteenth  century  on.  What  appears 
to  have  been  a  nearly  lifesize  stag,  writhing  beneath 
the  attack  of  a  hunting  dog,  is  carved  in  the  round 
and  set  inside  an  altarlike  niche,  the  centerpiece  of 
the  composition.  Birds  and  allegorical  figures  of 
plenty— Ceres  holding  a  sheaf  of  wheat  and  two  small 
putti  perched,  respectively,  on  piles  of  peaches  and 
pineapples— are  positioned  on  the  crest,  while  three 
deeply  sculpted  reserves  along  the  base  are  decorated 
with  marine  motifs. 

This  grandiose  oak  buffet  was  a  calculated  riposte 
to  its  show-stopping  predecessor,  a  sideboard  similar 
in  scale  and  themes  that  was  displayed  at  the  Lon- 
don Crystal  Palace  exhibition  by  Alexandre-Georges 
Fourdinois,  a  prodigious  Parisian  cabinetmaker  much 
patronized  by  Napoleon  III  and  Eugenie,  newly 
crowned  as  emperor  and  empress  of  France.  Herter 
did  not  hesitate  to  measure  himself  against  Fourdi- 
nois, knowing  that  his  own  reputation  would  be 
enhanced  by  the  comparison.  In  describing  this 
piece,  Silliman  and  Goodrich  remarked  on  the  trans- 
formation of  American  furniture  by  European  design- 
ers and  craftsmen,  "citizens  by  adoption,"  who,  like 
Herter,  brought  with  them  the  benefits  of  artis- 
tic education  and  training,  supplemented  by  familiar- 
ity with  "good  models"  of  decorative  art.  In  their 
minds,  Herter's  buffet  "mark[ed]  an  era  in  our  social 
existence— the  transition  period  when  the  domestic 
appointments  of  our  fathers  are  being  replaced  by  the 
costly  and  elaborate  furniture  of  Europe." 

Like  Herter,  Alexander  Roux  was  a  citizen  by 
adoption  who  capitalized  on  his  European  heritage. 
But  unlike  Herter,  by  the  time  of  the  1853  exhibition, 
Roux  had  been  in  America  for  close  to  twenty  years 
and  was  already  well  established  on  Broadway,  adver- 
tising himself  as  a  French  cabinetmaker.  He  gauged 
his  potential  clientele  differently  than  Herter  did,  dis- 
playing among  several  pieces  of  fiirniture  a  black  wal- 
nut sideboard  in  the  French  Renaissance  style  (cat. 
no.  243  is  a  version  of  this  piece),  which  while  lavishly 
carved  was  also  eminently  practical.  Modest  in  scale— 
a  mere  seven  and  a  half  feet  high— the  sideboard  was 
"not  too  large  for  the  use  and  style  of  moderately 
wealthy  families  ."^^^"^  This  form,  featuring  a  super- 
structure of  shelves  placed  on  a  cabinet  base,  was 
called  a  btiffet  Habere  in  French  (and  dubbed  an 
"etagere  sideboard"  by  Downing).  An  invention  of 


the  mid-nineteenth  century,  the  type  gained  popu- 
larity in  America  about  1853  ^d  remained  a  nearly 
ubiquitous  feature  in  upper-class  dining  rooms  for 
nearly  a  quarter  century  A  stag's  head  framed  by 
the  heads  of  snarling  dogs  crowns  the  piece,  while 
similar  dogs'  heads  top  the  S-shaped  scrolls  support- 
ing the  lower  shelf.  At  the  sides,  bold  C  and  S  scrolls 
are  fined  with  wheat  ears  and  cattails,  and  adorned 
with  pendent  clusters  of  plump,  clearly  defined  firuits 
and  vegetables.  On  the  center  doors,  trophies  of  the 
hunt  and  the  sea— three  game  birds  and  a  hare  on  one, 
bass  intertwined  with  a  lobster,  an  eel,  and  a  brace  of 
oysters  on  the  other— are  sculpted  in  high  refief 
Although  such  motifs  are  typical  of  midcentury  side- 
boards, these  are  distinguished  by  superb  carving  and 
bounteous  details.  ^^'^  The  jurors  at  the  fair  (Wilfiam 
Gibson,  a  stained-glass  maker;  George  Piatt,  an  inte- 
rior decorator;  and  John  Sartain,  an  engraver)  awarded 
Roux  a  bronze  medal  and  "special  notice"  for  "General 
Excellence  in  Carved  and  Upholstered  Furniture." 

Among  its  contemporaries,  the  sideboard  shown 
here  is  rare  not  only  for  its  quaHty,  early  date,  and 
firmly  documented  maker,  but  also  because  it  was  one 
of  a  pair,  which  suggests  a  special  commission  from 
a  wealthy  cHent,  perhaps  someone  who  had  visited 
Roux's  exhibit  at  the  Crystal  Palace.  Its  mate,  now  in 
the  Newark  Museum,  is  identical  in  form  but  differs 
in  certain  details.  A  steer's  head  framed  by  blossoms 
and  sheaves  of  wheat  and  cattails  replaces  the  stag 
and  dogs  at  the  top,  for  example,  and  the  bouquets 
of  fruits,  vegetables,  nuts,  and  berries  vary  sHghdy 
throughout.  When  paired,  the  sideboards  contrast  the 
untamed  forest  with  the  cultivated  landscape  and 
allude  as  well  to  the  four  seasons:  the  hunt  sideboard 
representing  fall  and  winter,  the  other  the  harvest 
months  of  spring  and  summer. 

Julius  Dessoir,  a  neighbor  of  Roux  and  Herter  on 
Broadway,  has  until  now  been  best  known  by  an 
engraved  illustration  in  Silliman  and  Goodrich  of 
an  armchair  in  the  Louis  XIV  style  (fig.  259),  which,  as 
the  official  catalogue  confirms,  was  one  of  a  pair  en 
suite  with  a  sofa  that  the  cabinetmaker  displayed  along 
with  other  pieces  at  the  Crystal  Palace.^*^^  Miracu- 
lously, the  suite  remained  intaa  over  the  intervening 
years  and  was  given  to  the  Metropolitan  Museum  in 
1995  (cat.  no.  240A-C);  it  is  presented  pubUcly  for 
the  second  time  in  this  exhibition.  Commended  by 
Silliman  and  Goodrich  for  carving  that  was  executed 
with  taste  and  spirit,  this  suite  represents  Dessoir's 
most  ambitious  work  and  constitutes  a  rare  surviving 
example  of  Louis  XIV  Revival  furniture  manufac- 
tured in  the  United  States.  The  tall  backs,  relatively 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF   FURNITURE";   C  AB  IN  ETMAKIN  G  3I9 


Fig.  261.  Michel  Lienard,  designer;  Jeanselme  and  Son,  cabinetmaker,  Louis  XIII  Gun 
Case  in  Oak,  exhibited  at  the  Exposition  Universelle,  Paris,  1855.  Wood  engraving,  from 
J.  Braund,  Illustrations  of  Furniture,  Candelabra,  Musical  Instruments  from  the  Great  Exhibitions 
of  London  and  Paris,  with  Examples  of  Similar  Articles  from  Royal  Palaces  and  Noble  Mansions 
(London:  J,  Braund,  1858),  pi.  3.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas 
J.  Watson  Library 


Fig.  262,  Attributed  to  Alexander  Roux,  Sideboard,  1855-60.  Black  walnut.  Brooklyn 
Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  Benno  Bordiga,  by  Exchange  1995.15 


low  seats,  trapezoidal  legs,  and  densely  carved  rose- 
wood are  aspects  identified  with  the  style.  Each  chair 
is  embellished  with  experdy  carved  Rococo  scrolls, 
cartouches,  and  flowers,  as  well  as  a  crest  on  which  a 
pair  of  sculpted  birds  flank  a  nest  containing  their 
fledglings.  Fully  carved  youths  and  smaller  putti 
entwined  in  leafy  arabesques  are  among  the  elements 
that  distinguish  the  sofa. 

The  suite  is  also  remarkable  in  that  each  of  its  pieces 
retains  its  original  underupholstery— an  aspect  of 
nineteenth- century  American  seating  furniture  that 
is  so  often  carelessly  destroyed— and  thus  presents  a 
completely  accurate  profile.  The  showcover  has  been 
chosen  to  capture  the  spirit  of  the  floral  pattern  on  the 
original  textile,  as  shown  in  the  illustration  published 
by  Silliman  and  Goodrich.  Although  its  green  color 


may  be  a  surprise  to  some,  because  so  much  mid- 
nineteenth-century  furniture  has  been  reupholstered 
in  red  or  purple,  there  is  ample  period  documentation 
to  support  the  choice.  Small  fragments  on  the  Dessoir 
suite  testify  to  an  original  showcover  in  sea-foam  green 
and  the  contemporaneous  seating  furniture  acquired 
in  1852  by  James  Williams  from  Baudouine  (fig.  253) 
was  covered  in  "green  tapestry,"  according  to  the  bill 
of  sale.  In  1854  Michel-Eugene  Chevreul's  seminal 
research  into  color  theory,  initially  published  in 
France  in  1839,  was  issued  in  English  for  the  first  time, 
as  The  Principles  of  Harmony  and  Contrast  of  Colours. 
Chevreul's  influential  theories  favored  a  palette  that 
seems  already  to  have  been  in  use.  The  fashion  editor 
of  Peterson^s  Magazine  reported  in  1855  that  vivid 
reds,  cherry  and  orange-reds— such  as  scarlet,  nacarat. 


clear.  In  1984  they  were 
sold  at  auction  from  a  house 
in  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
called  Lansmere  and  were 
purchased  by  Paul  Martini,  a 
New  York  dealer,  who  sold 
them  to  M argot  Johnson,  who 
in  turn  placed  them  in  their 
respective  museums. 
209.  Born  in  Prussia  in  1801,  Des- 
soir came  to  America  sometime 
between  1835  and  1 841.  He 
is  listed  in  the  city  directories 
for  the  first  time  in  1842,  as  a 
cabinetmaker  working  at  88 
Pitt  Street.  For  a  short  while, 
between  1843  and  1845,  he  was 
at  372  Broadway.  By  1845,  and 
until  1 85 1,  he  was  located  at 
499  Broadway,  and  from  1851 
until  1865,  at  543  Broadway, 
adjacent  to  Belter  and  to 


320    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Herter,  who  moved  to  Belter's 
building;,  at  547  Broadway,  in 
1854.  Dcssoir  ceases  to  be  listed 
in  1866,  apparendy  having 
moved  to  Greenburgh,  New 
York,  in  Westchester  Coimty, 
where  he  died  in  1884.  This 
information  is  drawn  from  a 
chronology  prepared  by 
Julia  H.  Widdowson.  Sec  also 
Howe,  Frelinghuysen,  and 
Voorsanger,  Herter  Brothers^ 
pp.  64-65. 

In  1853  Dessoir  also  showed 
a  bizarre  octagon  table  with 
mermaidlike  caryatid  supports, 
paired  rams  on  the  apron,  gro- 
tesques on  the  base,  and  lion's- 
head  feet,  along  with  a  much- 
praised  rosewood  bookcase  diat 
is  vacuous  in  comparison  with 
Herter's;  both  were  illustrated 
in  Silliman  and  Goodrich, 
World  of  Science,  Art,  and 
Industry,  pp.  175, 173,  respec- 
tively. He  also  exhibited  library 
and  console  tables  that  were 
not  illustrated. 

210.  Silliman  and  Goodrich,  World 
of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry, 
p.  191.  (The  authors  state  that 
the  wood  was  black  walnut.) 

211.  "Colors  in  Furniture,"  ^tter- 
sonh  Ma£iazine  27  {1855), 
pp.  218-19.  Fragments  of  the 
original  showcover  indicate 

an  early  form  of  tapestry  weave, 
probably  manufactured  in 
northern  France  or  in  England. 
Nancy  C.  Britton  deserves 
special  thanks  for  her  scholarly 
contribution  to  the  choice  of 
the  replacement  showcover, 
as  well  as  for  her  masterly  re- 
upholstering  of  these  pieces. 
I  am  also  grateful  to  Mary 
Schoeser  for  her  research 
on  185OS  furnishing  fabrics 
in  England. 

212.  Henry  Ashworth,  A  Tour  in 
the  United  States,  Cuba,  and 
Canada  .  .  .  (London:  A.  W. 
Bennett,  1861),  p.  10. 

213.  Charles  Richard  Weld,  A  Vaca- 
tion Tour  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada  (London:  Long- 
man, Brown,  Green  and  Long- 
mans, 1855),  p.  367. 

214.  It  is  not  clear  what  Kimbel  was 
doing  in  New  York  between 
1851  and  1854;  it  is  possible, 
even  likely,  diat  he  worked  for 
Baudouine  untU  estabUshing 
his  own  firm  in  February  1854. 
Were  this  the  case,  Baudouine's 
seemingly  abrupt  decision  to 
close  his  shop  in  May  1854 
might  have  been  prompted  by 
the  loss  of  his  chief  designer. 
Bembe  died  in  1S61,  and  the 
next  year  Kimbel  formed  a 
partnership  with  Joseph  Cabus. 
Their  firm,  Kimbel  and  Cabus, 


and  aurora— for  decades  the  most  popular  colors  for 
furniture  fabrics  and  carpets  (see  cat.  no.  13)  were 
now  to  be  proscribed  because  they  competed  with  the 
colors  of  mahogany  and  rosewood,  whereas  light 
green,  by  virtue  of  its  being  in  contrast,  was  comple- 
mentary not  only  to  reddish  woods  but  also  to  gild- 
ing and  to  complexions,  whether  pale  or  rosy.  'We 
must  assort  rose  or  red-colored  woods,  such  as  ma- 
hogany, with  green  stuffs;  yellow  woods,  such  as  cit- 
ron, ash-root,  maple,  satin-wood,  &c.,  with  violet  or 
blue  stuffs;  while  red  woods  likewise  do  well  with 
blue-greys,  and  yellow  woods  with  green-greys.  .  .  . 
Ebony  and  walnut  can  be  allied  with  brown  tones, 
also  with  certain  shades  of  green  and  violet."  "Just 
now,"  the  editor  told  the  reader, "...  rose-wood  sofas 
and  chairs,  covered  with  green  cloth,  are  all  the  rage; 
and  drawing-rooms  are  filled  with  this  style,  irrespec- 
tive of  the  color  of  the  carpet,  the  paper  hangings,  or 
the  curtains."^^^ 

By  the  mid-i850S  furniture  such  as  the  Dessoir  suite 
would  have  been  used  in  a  drawing  room  on  lower 
Fifth  Avenue,  by  then  the  most  desirable  residential 
district.  The  Italianate  style,  with  its  attendant  allu- 
sions to  Renaissance  nobility,  had  replaced  Grecian  as 
the  favorite  choice  for  a  residence.  Houses  were  con- 
siderably larger  than  they  had  been  twenty  years  ear- 
lier, and  travelers  to  New  York  in  the  1850s  and  early 
1860s  often  remarked  on  the  magnificence  of  the  city's 
mansions.  One  recalled  visiting  a  drawing  room  (or 
perhaps  a  ballroom)  that  was  135  feet  long;  many 
commented  on  the  "lavish  outlay"  typically  expended 
by  the  inhabitants. "The  power  of  wealth  here,  is 
abundantly  conspicuous,"  English  barrister  Charles 
Richard  Weld  recounted  in  1855.  "Every  quarter  of  the 
globe  has  been  subsidised  to  minister  to  the  gratifica- 
tion of  the  merchant  prince,  who,  despite  his  profes- 
sions, is  no  longer  the  simple  republican  trader." 
Rosewood  furniture  in  the  Rococo  Revival  (or  "Old 
French")  styles  was  considered  the  height  of  luxury 
for  New  York  drawing  rooms  in  the  mid-i850s,  as  evi- 
denced by  a  rare  depiction  of  such  a  parlor  from  "the 
magnificent  mansion  up  town  of  one  of  the  most  emi- 
nent .  .  .  merchants,"  drawn  and  published  in  1854  by 
Anthony  Kimbel,  an  up-and-coming  young  cabinet- 
maker on  Broadway  (fig.  260).  Kimbel,  from  a  dis- 
tinguished family  of  cabinetmakers,  upholsterers,  decor- 
ators, and  fiimiture  dealers  in  Mainz,  Germany, 
apprenticed  with  Fourdinois  and  Guilmard  in  Paris 
before  coming  to  New  York  about  1847.  With  this 
background,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  became  the 
principal  designer  for  Baudouine,  for  whom  he  worked 
from  about  1848  until  at  least  1851.  Helped  by  financial 


backing  firom  Anton  Bembe,  his  uncle  and  partner  in 
Germany,  Kimbel  established  Bembe  and  Kimbel 
early  in  1854,  and  later  that  year,  through  his  drawing, 
showed  the  public  what  his  new  company  could  pro- 
vide.^^'^  The  interior  was  extolled  for  being  a  fitting 
abode  for  a  man  of  refinement,  and  the  furniture— 
executed  in  a  kinetic,  curvilinear  Louis  XV  Revival 
style  that,  not  surprisingly,  relates  to  contemporary 
German  designs— was  praised  as  the  production  of  a 
-master  hand.  The  author  of  the  commentary  accom- 
panying the  image  observed  that,  in  Bembe,  the  firm 
had  "the  advantage  of  an  eminent  European  connec- 
tion" but  also  astutely  remarked  that  although  the 
New  York  branch  received  all  the  newest  European 
designs  as  soon  as  they  appeared,  "the  furniture  .  .  . 
manufactured  ...  by  Bembe  and  Kimbel,  No.  56 
Walker  Street,  is  not  altogether  French  in  design.  .  .  . 
Mr.  Kimbel  ['s]  . .  .  unique  styles  appear  to  be  Ameri- 
can modifications  of  those  now  in  vogue  abroad."^^^ 

This  observation  can  be  applied  equally  to  nearly  all 
the  high-style  New  York  furniture  from  this  period. 
The  Broadway  cabinetmakers,  most  of  them  Euro- 
peans by  birth  and  training,  were  well  aware  of  cur- 
rent fashions,  but,  in  the  last  analysis,  furniture  made 
in  New  York  can  rarely  be  mistaken  for  its  French  or 
English  counterparts.  While  the  Litchfield  family's 
Parisian  center  table  (cat.  no.  244)  is  splendid  in  its 
gilded  surface  and  dove  gray  marble  top,  it  would  not 
be  confused  with  its  American  cousin,  Roux's  rose- 
wood etagere  (cat.  no.  246),  which  is,  notably,  not 
gilded  and  is  more  richly  and  densely  carved.  Sim- 
ilarly, although  many  contemporary  European  sofas 
share  the  general  outline  of  Belter's  elaborate  rose- 
wood sofa  (cat.  no.  245),  few  can  match  its  Rococo 
Revival  exuberance— carved  flowers  and  arabesques 
erupt  from  a  basket  set  within  a  dynamically  undulat- 
ing crest  rail— or  the  magnificent  refinement  of  its  thin, 
laminated  structure.^^^  The  extraordinary  carving  on 
a  resplendent  fire  screen  with  an  imported  needle- 
work panel  by  a  yet  imknown  maker  (cat.  no.  247) 
almost  assuredly  was  done  in  New  York.  The  sculpted 
vines  that  wind  sinuously  around  the  standards  at 
either  side  of  the  screen  and  across  the  crest  are  certainly 
as  fine  as  anything  of  the  type  produced  in  Europe  at 
the  time.  Similarly,  the  cabinetmaker  responsible  for 
the  casework  on  a  magnificent  piano  made  by  Nunns 
and  Clark  in  1853  (cat.  no.  242)  is  unknown,  but  the 
masterly  naturalistic  carving  is  tangible  evidence  that 
the  shop  was  one  of  the  best  in  the  business.^^^ 

Just  at  the  time  the  Rococo  Revival  reached  its 
apogee  in  New  York,  the  Exposition  Universelle, 
held  in  Paris  in  1855,  introduced  new  interpretations 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE":   C  A  B  I N  E  TM  A  K I N  G  321 


Fig.  263.  Beaufils,  cabinetmaker.  Renaissance  Library  Bookcase^  Carved  in  Walnut^  exhibited  at  the  Exposition  Universelle,  Paris,  1855. 
Wood  engraving,  from  J.  Braund,  Illustrations  of  Furniture,  Candelabra,  Musical  Instruments  from  the  Great  Exhibitions  of  London  and 
Paris,  with  Examples  of  Similar  Articles  from  Royal  Palaces  and  Noble  Mansions  (London:  J.  Braund,  1858),  pi,  29.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


of  furniture  forms,  styles,  and  decoration  that  would 
resonate  in  the  work  of  American  cabinetmakers 
well  into  the  next  decade.  Access  to  the  visual  rec- 
ord of  the  exhibition  was  no  doubt  abetted  by  the 
publication  of  numerous  illustrations  of  pieces  in 
the  exhibition  in  John  Braund's  Illustrations  of  Fur- 
niture ,  Candelabra,  Musical  Instruments  from  the 
Great  Exhibitions  of  London  and  Paris  (London,  1858). 
Braund,  an  Englishman  who  in  his  preface  identified 
himself  as  a  furniture  designer,  envisioned  his  forty- 
nine  plates  as  "subjects  for  the  study  of  the  artist  in 
ornamental  design,  and  as  examples  for  the  manu- 
facturer to  imitate,  or  improve."^^^  His  plate  7,  for 
instance— a  Louis  XVI  "Buhl"  cabinet  "in  ebony  and 
brass,  mounted  in  or-molu,"  with  gilt-bronze  figu- 
ral  mounts  and  an  oval  plaque  depicting  Hercules 
with  Cerberus,  exhibited  by  "Charmois"  (probably 
Christophe  Charmois)  in  1855— may  have  served  as 
inspiration  for  a  series  of  cabinets  with  metal  plaques 
depicting  Orpheus  made  by  Herter  between  1858  and 
1864.^^**  Much  of  the  furniture  at  the  exposition, 


however,  still  incorporated  the  literal  naturalism  that 
was  characteristic  of  the  1850s. 

Braund  chose  not  to  illustrate  Fourdinois's  mas- 
sive hunt  sideboard  from  the  1851  London  exhibition, 
regardless  of  its  notoriety,  perhaps  because  the  concep- 
tion did  not  have  much  practical  domestic  application. 
However,  the  mastiffs  on  Fourdinois's  piece  are  the 
antecedents  of  the  full-size  hunting  hounds  on  a  piece 
that  he  did  picture— a  gun  cabinet  in  the  so-called 
Louis  XIII  style  that  was  designed  by  Michel  Lienard, 
manufactured  and  displayed  at  the  Paris  exposition  of 
1855  by  Jeanselme  and  Son,  and  purchased  by  Empress 
Eugenie  for  Napoleon  III  (fig.  261). The  Jeanselme 
cabinet,  in  turn,  may  have  inspired  the  canine  sen- 
tinels on  a  black  walnut  server  (fig.  262)  that  is  attrib- 
uted to  Roux  on  the  basis  of  its  American  woods  (and 
perhaps  because  of  the  sense  of  humor  shown  by  the 
cabinetmaker).  Unaware  of  the  proximity  of  their 
prey,  the  dogs  stand  at  rapt  attention,  staring  forward 
into  space,  while  the  rabbit,  rendered  totally  out  of 
scale —perhaps  to  indicate  that  it  looms  large  in  the 


became  known  for  furniture  in 
the  Modern  Gothic  style  after 
the  Civil  War. 

215.  "A  Parlor  View,"  Gleason^s  Pic- 
torial Drawin£'Room  Com- 
panion, November  ii,  1854, 

p.  300. 

216.  Almost  no  gilded  furniture  is 
attributed  to  New  York  (or 
American)  cabinetmakers  of 
the  18508.  Two  gilded,  lami- 
nated rosewood  sofas  attrib- 
uted to  J.  H.  Belter  are  in  the 
Virginia  Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Richmond,  but  the  gilding 

is  almost  certainly  a  later 
nineteenth-  or  early  twentieth- 
century  addition.  For  an  illus- 
tration of  one  sofa,  see  Cynthia 
Van  Allen  SchafFner  and  Susan 
Klein,  American  Painted  Fur- 
niture, 1790-1880  (New  York: 
Clarkson  Potter  Publishers, 
1997),  P-  95- 

217.  John  [Johann]  H.  Belter  was 
born  in  1804  in  the  village  of 
Hiker  (in  the  jurisdiaion 

of  Iburg)  in  the  kingdom  of 
Hannover,  located  in  north- 
western Germany  near  the 
Dutch  border.  He  emigrated  to 
the  United  States  in  1833,  became 
a  naturalized  citizen  in  1839, 
and  was  first  listed  as  a  cabinet- 
maker in  New  York  in  1844,  at 
4oi  Chatham  Street.  The  1846 
directories  list  him  at  372 
Broadway  until  1853-54,  when 
he  moved  to  no.  547,  where  he 
stayed  only  through  1855.  Bel- 
ter's German  passport  and 
certificate  of  naturalization  are 
among  the  papers  cited  in 
note  25  above.  See  also  Ed 
Polk  Douglas,  "The  Belter 
Nobody  Knows,"  New  Tork- 
Pennsylvania  Collector,  Octo- 
ber 1981,  pp.  11-12,  14-16; 
and  Ed  Polk  Douglas,  "The 
Furniture  of  John  Henry 
Belter:  Separating  Fact  from 
Fiction,"  Antiques  and  Fine 
Art,  November-December 
1990,  pp.  112-19. 

218.  Nunns  and  Clark  exhibited  a 
piano,  not  illustrated  in  Silli- 
man  and  Goodrich,  at  the 
Crystal  Palace  exhibition  of 
1853.  Given  the  elaborate  case- 
work on  this  piece  (as  well  as 
the  materials  used  in  the  key- 
board), it  is  thought  that  this 
piano  might  be  that  submis- 
sion; it  is  clearly  an  exhibition 
piece.  See  Laurence  Libin, 
"Keyboard  Instruments," 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 
Bulletin  47  (summer  1989), 

p.  47. 

219.  J.  Braund,  Illustrations  of  Fur- 
niture, Candelabra,  Musical 
Instruments  from  the  Great 
Exhibitions  of  London  and 


322    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Paris,  with  Examples  of  Similar 
Articles  from  Royal  Palaces 
and  Noble  Mansions  (London: 
J.  Braund,  1858),  preface 
(dated  February  1856). 

220.  See  Voorsangcr,  "Gustave 
Herter,**  p.  744,  for  an  illustra- 
tion of  one  of  these. 

221.  Li^nard  is  credited  with  the 
design  of  the  Jeanselme  and 
Son  gun  case  by  Denise 
Ledoux-Lebard,  Le  mobilier 
franfais  du  XIX'  siecle,  179s- 
1889:  Dictionnaire  des  ebenistes 
et  des  menuisiers  (Paris:  Les 
Editions  de  TAmateur,  1989), 
p.  376.  At  least  one  other  case 
piece  in  the  1855  Paris  Exposi- 
tion Universelle,  a  Renaissance- 
style  ^bt^et  dressoif^  by  Pierre 
Ribaillier  and  Paul  Mazaroz, 
which  was  also  purchased 

by  Napoleon  III,  similarly 
utilized  large  sculpted  hunting 
dogs  as  part  of  the  composi- 
tion. For  an  illustration,  see 
Braund,  Illustrations  of  Furni- 
ture, pi.  I. 

222.  Bailouts  Pictorial  Drawing- 
Room  Companion,  Septem- 
ber 20, 1856,  p.  188,  discusses 
the  "Gladiatorial  Table"  (a 
table  supported  by  a  carved 
figure  of  a  nude  gladiator  hold- 
ing a  sword)  that  had  been  dis- 
played at  the  London  Crystal 
Palace  in  1851  by  J.  Fletcher  of 
Cork:  "The  introduction  of 
sculpture  in  various  forms  into 
our  drawing-rooms  is  a  revival 
of  the  ancient  classic  taste, .  .  . 
BeautifiiUy  carved  book-cases 
and  buffets  are  now  very  com- 
mon in  our  fashionable  houses. 
Not  many  years  since  all  such 
articles  were  imported  from 
abroad,  but  now,  in  all  our 
great  cities  there  are  manufac- 
turers of  these  articles,  and  our 
American  forests  furnish  an 
inexhaustible  supply  of  mate- 
rial for  them." 

See  also  Howe,  Frelinghuy- 
sen,  and  Voorsanger,  Herter 
Brothers,  p.  159  (the  large  carved 
dogs  that  served  as  fireplace 
guardians).  This  woodwork  in 
Thurlow  Lodge  (1872-73),  a 
Herter  Brothers  commission 
in  Menlo  Park,  California,  was 
once  assumed  to  be  by  Herter 
Brothers.  Rediscovered  in  San 
Francisco,  where  it  remained 
throughout  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, the  chimneypiece  is 
clearly  marked  by  Gueret 
Freres,  a  Parisian  firm. 

223.  Burrows  and  Wallace,  Gotham, 
p.  846. 

224.  "Removing  upstairs"  is  men- 
tioned in  an  advertisement 
placed  by  the  auctioneer  in 
the  New  Tork  Herald  on 


Fig.  264.  Edouard  Baldus^  Detail  of  the  Pavilion  Rohan,  Louvre, 
Paris,  ca.  1857.  Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative.  Ecole 
Nationaie  Superieure  des  Beaux-Arts,  Paris  PH3782 


minds  of  its  predators— looks  on  from  the  center  of 
the  backboard  behind  them;  the  rabbit's  ultimate  des- 
tiny, however,  is  reflected  in  the  dead  game  suspended 
from  the  backsplash  at  the  top  of  the  piece.  Furniture 
with  sculpted  figures  such  as  these  was  acknowledged 
to  be  au  courant  by  the  American  press,  although 
American  furniture  with  animals  rendered  in  lifesize 
(or  greater  than  lifesize)  proportions  is  rare.^^^ 

The  economic  panic  of  1857,  which  affected  virtu- 
ally everyone  in  New  York,  must  have  wreaked  havoc 
with  cabinetmakers'  businesses,  even  if  only  tem- 
porarily. (Horace  Greeley,  editor  of  the  New-Tork 
Daily  Tribune,  attributed  part  of  the  problem  to  a 
foreign  trade  imbalance  caused  by  New  Yorkers'  lust 
for  imported  luxury  goods,  including  "gaudy  fiirni- 
ture.")^^^  Although  Roux,  for  example,  had  stellar 
credit  ratings  throughout  the  1850s,  in  November 
1857  he  held  a  large  auction  sale  to  liquidate  his  entire 
stock  "on  account  of  removing  upstairs";  the  accom- 
panying catalogue  published  by  the  auctioneer, 
Henry  H.  Leeds,  lists  over  five  hundred  objects.  ^^"^ 
On  the  other  hand,  Bembe  and  Kimbel  seemed  to 
have  survived  in  good  form,  thanks  perhaps  to  the 
substantial  wealth  of  the  remote  partner;  moreover, 
in  1857  the  firm  was  commissioned  to  make  carved 
armchairs  for  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the 


design  of  Thomas  Ustick  Walter,  architect  of  the 
United  States  Capitol. 

The  year  1858  marked  a  turning  point,  even  though 
the  economy  had  not  yet  fidly  recovered.  Roux  took 
on  his  foreman,  Joseph  Cabus,  as  a  partner,  although 
the  association  was  short-lived.  Dessoir  began  to 
advertise  that  he  was  "also  prepared  to  take  orders  for 
Interior  Decorations,  such  as  Stationary  Bookcases, 
Wood  Mantles  [sic]^  Pier  and  Mantle  Frames,  Wood 
Chandeliers  and  Brackets,  Figures  for  Newel  Posts  or 
Alcoves,  &c.,  in  every  variety  of  Woods."  George  Piatt, 
who  had  long  since  been  in  "decorations"  (vending 
wallpapers  and  window  shades,  in  particular,  in  addi- 
tion to  fiirniture,  picture  frames,  and  mirrors),  ran  a 
similar  advertisement  adjacent  to  Dessoir's  in  the  same 
publication,  in  which  he  listed  decorative  painting, 
paneling,  and  cabinetwork  as  well  as  his  other  stock. 
He  was  feeling  the  heat  of  "strong  competitors  .  .  . 
[who]  interfere  materially  with  his  bus[iness]  . . the 
Dun  report  stated  in  1858;  moreover,  he  was  "not 
popular."  On  the  same  page,  Roux  also  announced 
the  enlarged  scope  of  his  offerings,  and  that  he  was 
similarly  ready  to  "execute  all  orders  for  the  Furnish- 
ing of  Houses,"  including  architectural  woodwork, 
".  .  .in  the  best  manner  and  at  the  lowest  rates." 
Meanwhile,  Hutchings  was  "trying  to  get  out  of  the 
bus.  [and]  .  .  .  retire,"  although  in  the  end  he  perse- 
vered and  recovered  financially. 

In  1858  Herter  decided  to  establish  his  own  firm, 
dissolving  his  partnership  with  Bulkley  by  mutual  con- 
sent. Although  not  many  specific  details  are  known 
about  Herter's  activities  between  1853  and  1858,  he  had 
clearly  been  successful  in  making  contacts  with  the 
right  architects  and  with  wealthy  clients.  "Whoever 
selected  the  fiirniture  deserves  high  praise  for  it,  as 
well  as  the  man  who  made  it,"  The  Crayon  stated  in 
August  of  that  year  in  a  squib  about  the  Italianate 
house  that  Richard  Upjohn  had  designed  for  Henry 
Evelyn  Pierrepont  in  Brooklyn  (see  cat.  no.  103).  "It  is 
said  to  have  been  fiirnished  by  Herter.  We  have  heard 
of  him  in  other  places,  and  feel  safe  in  predicting 
that  he  will  make  his  mark  in  this  country  before 
long."^^^  The  trade  card  with  which  Herter  promoted 
his  eponymous  firm  proclaimed  that  he  could  do  it 
aU,  manufacturing  not  only  "decorative  furniture"  but 
also  "fittings  of  banks  and  offices." 

The  exact  ciraunstances  of  Herter's  commission  to 
decorate  the  entire  Italianate  mansion  belonging  to 
Ruggles  Sylvester  Morse  and  his  wife,  Olive,  in  Port- 
land, Maine  (designed  by  Henry  Austin  of  New 
Haven),  are  not  precisely  known,  although  it  may  well 
have  been  the  assignment  that  inspired  Herter  to  start 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES  OF  FURNITURE":  C  AB  I N  ETM  A  K I N  G  323 


Fig.  265.  Gustave  Herter,  designer  and  cabinetmaker;  E.  R  Walcker  and  Company,  Ludwigsburg,  Germany,  manufacturer.  Six- 
thousand-pipe  organ  for  the  Boston  Music  Hall,  Methucn  Memorial  Music  Hall,  Methuen,  Massachusetts,  1860-63.  Black  walnut. 
Courtesy  of  The  Magazine  ANTIQUES 


his  own  business. Known  today  as  Victoria  Man- 
sion, the  Morse-Libby  House,  the  building  is  intact, 
with  most  of  its  original  furnishings,  carpets,  French 
passementerie,  gas  lighting  fixtures,  French  porce- 
lains, silver,  and  stained  glass,  and  many  paintings  and 


furniture  and  fixtures  attributed  to  or  supplied  by 
Herter's  workshop,  the  mansion  is  an  extraordinary 
time  capsule  of  high-style  interior  decor  dating  to 
about  1860.231 
Herter  was  fully  conversant  with  the  most  fashion- 


sculpture.  With  more  than  one  hundred  examples  of     able  styles  of  interior  decoration  under  the  Second 


November  5  and  7, 1857,  prob- 
ably meaning  that  Roux  was 
contracting  his  space  and  giv- 
ing up  his  street-level  sales 
room.  Henry  H.  Leeds,  auc- 
tioneer, Catalogue  of  Rich 
Cabinet  Furniture  Comprising 
a  Large  and  Rich  Assortment 
of  Rosewood,  Walnut,  Oak, 
Buhl,  and  Marqueterie,  at 
Alex.  Roux  &  Co.,  479  Broad- 
way (sale  cat.,  Nevi^  York; 
Henry  H.  Leeds  and  Co., 
November  11-12, 1857). 

225.  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company 
reported  on  December  14, 1858, 
that  Cabus  had  "lately"  become 
a  partner  with  a  small  interest 
in  the  firm.  Roux  was  said  to 
be  worth  $75,000  and  the  busi- 
ness was  deemed  profitable, 
with  excellent  credit,  and  doing 
good  business  with  the  "best 
class  of  customers"  (New  York 
Vol.  190,  p.  397),  R.  G.  Dun  & 
Co.  Collection,  Baker  Library, 
Harvard  University  Graduate 
School  of  Business  Adminis- 
tration. A  subsequent  report 
(recorded  on  the  same  page), 
in  i860,  notes  the  dissolution 
of  Roux  and  Cabus's  partner- 
ship from  the  business.  In  1862 
Cabus  joined  Anthony  Kimbel 
to  form  Kimbel  and  Cabus 
(1862-82). 

226.  Dessoir,  Piatt,  and  Roux, 
advertisements,  The  Albion, 
November  20, 1858,  p.  564. 
R.  G.  Dun  and  Company  re- 
port on  Piatt,  October  18, 1858 
(New  York  Vol.  367,  p.  364), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Uni- 
versity Graduate  School  of 
Business  Administration. 

227.  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company 
report,  February  27, 1858  (New 
York  Vol.  190,  p.  398),  R.  G. 
Dun  &  Co.  Collection,  Baker 
Library,  Harvard  University 
Graduate  School  of  Business 
Administration.  Earlier  in  1857 
the  same  company  had  reported 
that  Hutchings  had  "removed 
his  wareroom  to  the  2nd  floor 
of  the  building,  the  ist  floor  is 
being  altered  for  other  bs.  .  .  ." 
R  G.  Dun  and  Company  report, 
June  24, 1857,  ibid.  The  infor- 
mation on  Piatt  and  Hutchings 
cited  here  is  drawn  fi-om  chrono- 
logies prepared  by  MediU 
Higgins  Harvey. 

228.  "Sketchings.  The  Residence  of 
H.  E.  Pierrepont,  Esq.  Brook- 
lyn," The  Crayon  5  (August 
1858),  p.  236. 

229.  For  an  illustration,  see  Howe, 
Frelinghuysen,  and  Voor- 
sanger,  Herter  Brothers,  p.  80. 

230.  Arlene  Palmer  has  surmised 
that  during  a  trip  to  New  York 


324    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


in  June  1858,  Rugglcs  and  Olive 
Morse  commissioned  Herter 
to  decorate  their  new  home. 
See  Arlene  Palmer;  A  Guide 
to  Victoria  Mansion  (Portland, 
Maine:  Victoria  Mansion, 
1997),  p-  9- 

231.  Although  nothing  can  equal  a 
visit  to  the  mansion  itself,  see 
Howe,  Frelinghuysen,  and 
Voorsanger,  Herter  Brothers, 
pp.  128-38;  Susan  Mary  Alsop, 
"X^ctoria  Mansion  in  Maine: 
Preserving  a  Rare  Gustave 
Herter  Interior,"  Architectural 
Digest  51  (September  1994), 
pp.  46, 50, 52, 54, 56;  Voor- 
sanger, "From  Bowery  to 
Broadway^;  Arlene  Palmer, 
**Gustave  Herter's  Interiors 
and  Furniture  for  the  Rug- 
gles  S.  Morse  Mansion,"  Nine- 
teenth Century  16  (fall  1996), 
PP-  3-13  (and  cover);  Palmer, 
Victoria  Mansion. 

232.  For  more  on  this  iconography, 
see  Hugh  Honour,  The  Euro- 
pean Vision  of  America  (exh. 
cat.,  Cleveland:  Cleveland 
Museum  of  Art,  1975).  For  an 
alternate  interpretation,  see 
Palmer,  "Herter's  Interiors," 

p.  10.  Prior  to  its  publication 
in  Braund,  Illustrations  of  Fur- 
niture, pi.  29,  the  Bordeaux 
cabinet  was  singled  out  in  an 
American  periodical,  Taste  in 
the  Manufactures  of  Paris,"  The 
Albion,  July  28, 1855,  p.  353. 
The  author  commented,  "The 
tendency  of  French  designers 
to  deal  in  the  extravagant  has 
been  undoubtedly  fostered  and 
developed  under  the  Empire. 
At  the  present  time,  to  be  costly 
is  to  be  fashionable.  .  .  .  The 
present  Exhibition  is  an  evi- 
dence of  this  craving  for  gold 
and  marble; ...  for  furniture, 
at  once  uncomfortable  and 
dazzling.  The  Bordeaux  book- 
case, carved  in  solid  wood,  is 
perhaps  the  only  simple  piece 
of  French  furniture  in  the  Uni- 
versal Exhibition." 

233.  See  Malcolm  Daniel,  The 
Photographs  of  Edouard  Baldus 
(exh.  cat..  New  York:  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  1994). 

234.  Braund,  Illustrations  of  Furni- 
ture, pis.  15, 18. 

235.  I  thank  Robert  Wolterstorff, 
Director,  Victoria  Mansion, 
for  this  observation. 

236.  With  regard  to  post-1860  Brit- 
ish furniture,  see  Christopher 
Wilk,  ed.,  Western  Furniture, 
I3S0  to  the  Present  Day,  in  the 
Victoria  and  Albert  Museum 
(New  York:  Cross  River  Press, 
1996),  pp.  164-65. 


Empire  in  France,  where  the  taste  of  Empress  Eugenie 
held  sway.  Accordingly,  and  setting  a  standard  that 
his  firm  followed  for  the  next  two  decades,  Herter 
employed  the  ivory-and-gold  palette  favored  in  France 
for  the  walls  and  woodwork  of  the  drawing  room;  this 
was  augmented  by  gilded  mirrors  and  soft  pastel  tones 
in  the  imported  carpet,  silk-satin  draperies,  and  decora- 
tive wall  and  ceiling  paintings  in  the  style  of  Louis  XV 
In  striking  contrast,  opulent  dark  rosewood  high- 
lighted with  gilding  was  used  for  the  window  cornices 
and  furniture.  The  original  champagne-colored  silk 
upholstery  punctuated  by  scarlet  tufting  buttons 
embroidered  with  gold  thread  on  the  seating  furniture 
was  trimmed  with  complex  French  passementerie 
(gimp  and  fringes)  made  of  silk  in  gemstone  colors. 

The  rosewood  drawing-room  furniture,  conceived 
en  suite,  is  unified  by  carved  winged  figures  on  the 
sofa  and  armchairs,  center  table,  and  console  table. 
Herter  modeled  the  seating  furniture  on  a  chair  by 
Fourdinois  that  was  published  by  Braund  in  his  com- 
pendium of  1858  and  which  is  particularly  memorable 
for  the  litde  putti  forming  its  arm  supports,  as  well  as 
for  its  cloven-hoof  feet  and  hairy  legs.  Continuing 
this  idea,  Herter  posted  larger  cherubs— veritable 
toddlers  with  protuberant  bellies  and  tasseled  head- 
dresses—at the  four  corners  of  the  center  table.  On 
the  console  table  (actually  a  large  pier  table),  two 
cabriole  front  legs  terminate  in  mature  female  figures, 
one  with  thickly  plaited  braids,  the  other  with  unbound 
tresses,  and  each  with  a  gilt-bronze  turtle  on  her 
breast;  these  recall  European  allegorical  depictions 
of  America  as  a  female  Indian  warrior,  who  often 
holds  a  tortoise.  Given  that  Herter  seems  to  have 
known  Braund's  publication,  one  of  its  illustrations 
(fig.  263),  a  large  bookcase  shown  in  1855  by  the 
French  firm  Beaufils  from  Bordeaux,  is  particularly 
relevant  in  this  context.  Of  the  four  female  figures, 
emblematic  of  the  four  continents,  shown  on  the 
facade,  America  (on  the  far  right)  is  depicted  as  an 
Indian  with  a  feathered  crown  and  long  braids,  and  a 
turtle  in  her  right  hand.^^^ 

The  masterpiece  of  the  Morse  mansion  furniture  is 
the  cabinet  of  figured  maple  and  rosewood  that  Her- 
ter designed  for  the  reception  room  (shown  outside 
the  mansion  for  the  first  time  in  this  exhibition;  cat. 
no.  249;  p.  286).  Here  Herter  turned  to  the  venerable 
Renaissance  for  inspiration;  but  it  was  the  Renais- 
sance as  interpreted  by  Parisian  cabinetmakers  of 
the  Second  Empire,  who  witnessed  and  were  clearly 
influenced  by  the  architectural  expansion  of  the 
"new*'  Louvre  undertaken  by  Louis  Visconti  and 
Hector  Lefuel  starting  in  1848,  under  the  aegis  of 


Napoleon  III.  This  massive  enterprise  was  well  docu- 
mented in  photographs  by  Edouard  Baldus  (see 
fig.  264),  and  it  is  possible  that  American  cabinet- 
makers knew  the  project  firsthand  through  their  trav- 
els to  Paris.^^^  The  Herter  cabinet's  arched  pediment 
(reiterated  above  the  drawer  that  opens  to  reveal  a 
small  writing  surface  above  the  lower  cabinet),  salient 
verticality,  open  shelves,  and  solid  scrolled  supports  at 
either  side  are  all  compositional  devices  shared  with 
contemporary  French  exhibition  pieces,  such  as  Guil- 
mard's  "Renaissance"  oak  sideboard  shown  in  1855 
and  the  walnut  "Renaissance"  cabinet  exhibited  by 
Jeanselme  and  Son  in  1851.^^''^  Like  these,  Herter's 
cabinet  is  an  exhibition  piece.  As  the  most  elaborate 
object  in  the  house,  it  stands  alone  in  splendor  in  a 
small  room  that  gives  onto  the  reception  room.  Suc- 
cessive arched  doorways  and  colorfully  painted  walls 
and  ceiling  create  a  theatrical  framework  for  the  cabi- 
net (see  p.  286),  which,  as  it  is  on  a  perpendicular  axis 
with  the  front  hall,  is  one  of  the  first  things  a  visitor 
sees  on  entering  the  house. 

Herter  created  a  piece  that  is  imiquely  his,  despite 
its  similarities  to  contemporary  French  examples.  His 
cabinet  is  striking  for  its  use  of  the  golden  bird's-eye 
maple,  which  contrasts  elegandy  with  rosewood  com- 
ponents, among  them  beautifiilly  carved  caryatids 
with  long  hair  and  exotic,  partially  gilded  headdresses 
that  echo  the  iconography  used  in  the  drawing  room; 
notable  also  are  the  gilded  earrings  on  the  figures 
above,  which  are  echoed  in  the  jewel-like  drawer  pulls 
on  the  cabinet.  Although  maple  furniture  was  not 
unknown  in  nineteenth-century  America,  ebonized 
wood,  mahogany,  rosewood,  and  black  walnut  had 
dominated  the  cabinetmaker's  palette  between  1825  and 
i860.  The  predominant  use  of  a  light-colored  wood 
{bois  clair)  accented  by  a  darker  one  has  antecedents 
in  nineteenth-century  French  and  German  cabinet- 
making  practices  and  was  to  become  more  prevalent  in 
American,  and  British,  furniture  after  1860.^^^  Herter 
festooned  this  architectonic  case  piece  with  myriad 
decorative  devices— relief-carved  and  partially  gilded 
grapevines,  ribbons,  and  a  wreath,  shapely  urns,  large 
rosewood  rosettes,  animated  Renaissance-inspired 
scrollwork,  and  gilt-bronze  moimts  (the  rectangular 
sunflower  mount  is  a  particular  Herter  hallmark)  and 
hardware— all  prioritized  in  a  system  of  primary,  sec- 
ondary, and  tertiary  decoration  that  is  one  of  the 
distinguishing  features  of  his  furniture.  The  oil-on- 
canvas  panel  depicting  a  pastel  bouquet  on  the  upper 
cabinet,  used  in  lieu  of  a  porcelain  plaque,  and  the 
coquette  shown  in  the  marquetry  panel  below  hark 
back  to  the  era  of  Fragonard  and  Boucher.  Such  an 


"GORGEOUS  ARTICLES   OF  FURNITURE":   C  AB  I  N  ETM  AKI  N  G  325 


amalgamation  of  decorative  vocabularies  is  charac- 
teristic of  the  Second  Empire,  particularly  during 
the  1860S,  but  Herter  succeeded  in  interpreting  that 
French  language  in  an  entirely  original  manner. 

Herter's  work  on  the  Morse  mansion  was  nearly 
complete  by  the  summer  of  i860.  The  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War,  in  April  1861,  interrupted  his  relationship 
with  Morse,  who  was  a  hotelier  in  New  Orleans; 
Morse  remained  in  the  South  and  did  not  return  to 
Portland  until  1866. It  is  difficult  to  calculate  the 
consequences  of  the  war  for  cabinetmakers  in  New 
York,  as  business  papers  are  virtually  nonexistent,  reli- 
able accounts  are  hard  to  come  by,  and  details  gleaned 
from  public  records  are  scant  and  not  always  fiilly  illu- 
minating. By  1861  a  chapter  in  American  cabinetmak- 
ing  was  closing.  Phyfe  had  died  in  1854,  Belter  would 
die  in  1863.  Both  Baudouine  and  Ringuet-Leprince 
retired  once  and  for  all  in  i860.  Dessoir  continued  to 
operate  at  543  Broadway  until  1865.  Joseph  W.  Meeks 
retired  in  1859,  but  his  brother,  John,  continued  in 
business  until  1863.  Upon  the  death  of  Bembe  in  1861, 


Kjmbel  dissolved  his  company,  starting  up  again  in 
1862  with  Cabus  as  his  partner.  The  credit  report 
issued  for  Roux  in  1861,  although  otherwise  excellent, 
described  his  business  as  "slack."  Herter's  credit 
report  intimated  that  he  would  survive  the  disruption 
caused  by  the  war  by  applying  himself  "strictly  to 
business,"  the  business  being  making  gunstocks  for 
the  Union  Army.^^^  What  Dim  and  Company  failed 
to  mention,  however,  was  the  commission  Herter  had 
received  in  i860  to  design  and  manufacture  the  case- 
work for  a  monumental  six-thousand-pipe  organ 
being  made  in  Germany  for  the  Boston  Music  Hall 
Association  (fig.  265).  The  breathtaking  product  of 
his  endeavor— equivalent  in  height  to  a  five-story 
New  York  town  house,  gloriously  carved  in  black  wal- 
nut, and  featuring  a  dozen  sculpted  herms,  each  more 
than  ten  feet  tall— was  at  once  a  testament  to  the  level 
of  accomplishment  achieved  by  cabinetmakers  of  the 
Empire  City  and  a  harbinger  of  the  grandiloquent 
ambitions  that  would  define  the  metropolis  in  the 
postwar  Gilded  Age.^'^o 


237.  In  November  1862  Morse  gave 
Herter  a  deed  to  the  house 
and  its  contents  against  an  out- 
standing debt  of  $15,000.  The 
discovery  of  this  document 
was  the  first  clue  to  Herter's 
authorship  of  the  interior 
decorations.  Palmer,  "Herter's 
Interiors,"  pp.  6, 13  n.  16. 

238.  R.  G.  Dun  and  Company 
report  for  November  4,  1861 
(New  York  Vol.  190,  p.  397), 
R.  G.  Dun  &  Co.  Collection, 
Baker  Library,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity Graduate  School  of  Busi- 
ness Administration. 

239.  Ibid.,  October  7, 1861  (New 
York  Vol.  191,  p.  451)- 

240.  The  details  of  the  Boston 
Music  Hall  commission  are 
recounted  in  Voorsanger, 
"Gustave  Herter." 


Empire  City  Entrepreneurs:  Ceramies  md  Glass 
in  New  Tork  City 

ALICE  COONET  FRELINGHUTSEN 


In  their  desire  to  acquire  an  urbanity  equal  to  that 
of  cosmopolitan  society  abroad,  New  Yorkers  of 
the  antebellum  era  surrounded  themselves  with 
the  lavish  physical  trappings  of  stylish  society,  first 
and  foremost  with  "fancy  goods"  imported  from 
Europe.  Local  retailers  proliferated  in  the  burgeoning 
marketplace  that  served  these  New  Yorkers,  especially 
from  the  1820s  on,  when  a  new  type  of  commerce 
arose  that  allowed  merchants  to  present  a  wide  vari- 
ety of  wares  to  satisfy  every  need.  New  York  over- 
took the  ports  of  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore, 
and  Charleston  as  the  nation's  leader  in  transatlan- 
tic trade  after  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  in  1825. 
The  expansion  of  trade  between  Europe  and  New 
York  led  to  a  broader  representation  of  imported 
goods  from  a  larger  number  of  countries,  making  a 
wide  range  of  luxury  products  newly  available.  It  did 
not  take  long  for  entrepreneurs  to  recognize  an  oppor- 
tunity in  this  strong  marketplace,  and  they  began  to 
compete  with  the  import  trade  by  establishing  domes- 
tic manufactures  and  producing  goods  similar  to  for- 
eign products. 

Imports 

Fine  porcelains  from  England  and  France  were  de 
rigueur  for  formal  dining  in  the  city,  and  a  glittering 
assortment  of  richly  cut  European  glass  adorned  many 
a  sideboard.  In  the  earliest  years  of  the  century  Amer- 
icans relied  heavily  on  members  of  the  diplomatic 
corps  stationed  in  France  to  select  fashionable  ceram- 
ics and  glassware  and  negotiate  purchases  for  them.  ^ 
By  the  mid-i82os  and  the  1830s,  however,  as  numer- 
ous advertisements  that  appeared  in  newspapers 
demonstrate,  French  porcelain  was  readily  available 
from  shops  in  the  commercial  district  of  New  York. 
For  imported  ceramics  and  glass  it  was  increasingly 
retailers,  rather  than  manufacturers  and  shippers,  who 
dominated  almost  all  aspects  of  the  trade.  Establish- 
ments such  as  Ebenezer  CoUamore  (later  Davis  Colla- 
more  and  Company),  George  Dummer  and  Company, 
Haughwout,  Tingle  and  Marsh,  Ovington  Brothers, 


Thomas  A.  Rees,  and  Baldwin  Gardiner,  to  name  only 
a  few,  could  be  found  up  and  down  Broadway  and 
other  commercial  streets.  The  myriad  house  furnish- 
ings they  offered  included,  in  particular,  English  glass 
and  French  and  English  pottery  and  porcelain.  Early 
in  the  century,  when  George  Dummer  opened  his 
retail  business  at  112  Broadway,  he  advertised  "a  large 
and  fashionable  assortment  of  fine  English  and  East 
India  China,  Rich  Cut  Glass,  &c."2  Decades  later  J.  K. 
Kerr  of  813  Broadway  was  selling  "a  large  lot"  of  lux- 
ury dinnerware  consisting  of  "white  French  China 
Dining  Sets,  for  $20;  elegant  Tea  Sets,  Paris  decora- 
tion, for  $7;  500  dozen  white  French  China  Dining 
Plates,  for  12s.  per  dozen;  800  dozen  Cups  and  Saucers, 
best  French,  for  12s.  per  dozen  ,  .  .  200  dozen  oval 
French  Dishes,  all  sizes,"  as  well  as  "Oyster  Dishes, 
Soup  Tureens,  etc.,"  and  "Gold  Band  Cake  Plates."^ 

The  social  elite  favored  elegant  white  porcelain 
made  in  and  around  Paris.  From  the  1820s  to  midcen- 
tury  most  Parisian  porcelain  exported  to  America  was 
unadorned  except  for  a  gold  band,  although  some- 
times it  was  further  embellished  with  a  monogram  or 
cipher,  also  in  gold.  Lavishly  decorated  French  porce- 
lains were  very  cosdy.  When  George  Hyde  Clarke 
ordered  a  large  number  of  furnishings  for  his  estate  in 
Cooperstown,  New  York,  from  Baldwin  Gardiner's 
Furnishing  Warehouse  at  149  Broadway,  his  most 
expensive  purchase  was  a  set  of  dishes  with  hand- 
painted  polychrome  flowers  on  a  yellow  ground— 
"one  porcelain  Dining  &  dessr  Service,  rich  bouquet 
and  yellow  border"— for  $500."^ 

Some  of  the  most  impressive  imported  porcelains 
were  specially  ordered  dinner  services  and  elaborate 
ornamental  vases  that  carry  portraits  of  national  heroes 
or  topographical  views  of  American  cities.  New  York- 
ers fully  subscribed  to  this  taste  for  elaboration:  of  all 
the  Paris  porcelain  vases  with  American  city  views 
known  to  survive,  those  depicting  New  York  are  the 
most  numerous.  A  very  grand  vase  features  a  view 
of  New  York  from  Governors  Island  along  with 
sumptuous  gilding  (cat.  no.  250)  ;5  on  one  of  a  pair  of 
smaller  vases  is  a  different  view  of  Manhattan  from 


The  following  people  were  especially 
helpful  to  me  in  sharing  their  re- 
search, knowledge,  ideas,  and  col- 
lections: Arthur  Goldberg,  David 
Goldberg,  Jay  Lewis,  Arlene  Palmer, 
and  Diana  and  Gary  Stradling.  In 
addition,  I  benefited  gready  from 
research  conducted  by  Angela  George, 
Medill  Higgins  Harvey,  Jeni  Sand- 
burg, Cynthia  Van  Allen  Schaffner, 
and  Barbara  Veith,  particularly  with 
regard  to  periodicals  and  New  York 
City  directories. 

1.  For  a  discussion  of  French 
porcelain  imported  into  Amer- 
ica, see  Alice  Cooney  Frehng- 
huysen,  "Paris  Porcelain  in 
America,"  Antiques  153  (April 
1998),  pp.  554-63. 

2.  New-Tork  Evening  Post, 

April  15,  rSio.  Dummer  opened 
his  retail  business  in  New  York 
in  1810.  Two  surviving  pieces 
of  imported  porcelain  bear  the 
mark  of  his  firm.  One  is  an 
English  pitcher  with  the  arms 
of  Cadwallader  D.  Colden 
and  his  wife  (Colden  had  been 
one  of  the  major  promoters  of 
the  Erie  Canal  and  an  impor- 
tant figure  in  early-nineteenth- 
century  New  York).  For  an 
illustration  of  the  pitcher  and 
a  French  plate  also  marked  by 
the  Dummer  firm,  see  Jane 
Shadel  Spillman  and  Alice 
Cooney  Frelinghuysen,  "The 
Dummer  Glass  and  Ceramic 
Factories  in  Jersey  City,  New 
Jersey,"  Antiques  137  (March 
1990),  pp.  706-17,  ill.  p.  709. 

3.  "French  China,"  Home  Journal, 
November  u,  1854,  p.  3. 

4.  The  bill  of  sale  is  in  the  George 
Hyde  Clarke  Family  Papers, 
Division  of  Rare  Books  and 
Manuscripts  Collections,  Cor- 
nell University  Library,  Ithaca, 
New  York.  For  an  illustration 
of  the  large  tureen  from  the 
service,  sec  Frelinghuysen, 
"Paris  Porcelain  in  America," 

p.  558,  pi.  9. 

5.  The  scene  was  taken  from  a 
series  of  twenty  prints  pub- 
lished in  1821-25  called  TTje 
Hudson  River  Portfolio. 


Opposite:  fig.  266,  left 


328    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  266.  Maker  unknown, 
French  (Paris),  Pair  of  vases 
depicting  views  of  New  York 
City  from  Governors  Island 
(left)  and  the  Elysian  Fields, 
Hoboken  (right),  1831-34. 
Porcelain,  overglaze  enamel 
decoration,  and  gilding.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Rogers  Fimd,  1917 
17.144.1,2 


Fig.  267.  Maker  imknown, 
French,  decorated  by  E.  V 
Haughwout,  New  York  City, 
Pitcher  probably  depicting 
view  of  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel, 
France,  1859-60.  Porcelain, 
overglaze  enamel  decoration, 
and  gilding.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Emma  and  Jay  A. 
Lewis,  1995  1995.26 


Governors  Island  (fig.  266,  left);  and  another  pair 
depicts  lower  Broadway  and  the  interior  of  the  Mer- 
chants' Exchange  (cat.  no.  251).  The  Parisian  artists 
responsible  for  these  pieces  faithfiilly  copied  the  views 
from  a  popular  portfoHo  of  contemporaneous  engrav- 
ings** but  reduced  the  number  of  people  visible  and 
depicted  them  in  fashionable  attire,  giving  their  New 
York  scenes  an  air  of  elegant  cosmopolitanism. 

By  the  1850s  the  few  retailers  who  held  the  major 
share  of  the  market  in  imported  French  porcelain  also 
had  acquired  or  had  an  interest  in  factories  in  Paris 
or  in  Limoges  in  central  France,  which  had  become  a 
major  porcelain-making  center  by  midcentury.  Now 
they  could  produce  goods  to  their  own  specifications, 
dictating  designs  that  would  suit  American  tastes;  the 
porcelain  they  ordered  was  either  decorated  abroad  or 
brought  to  workrooms  in  New  York  for  embellish- 
ment. Thomas  Rees,  an  importer  and  dealer  in  French 
china  at  78  Maiden  Lane,  advertised  that  he  could 
supply  his  clients  with  "White,  Band  and  Decorated 
Dinner,  Tea  and  Dessert  Ware"  and  "Fancy  China 
Articles  in  great  variety"  direcdy  from  a  factory  in 
Limoges.^  In  1850  D.  G.  and  D.  Haviland,  which  had 
a  business  relationship  with  Rees,  announced  that  on 
hand  at  its  47  John  Street  showrooms  were  "deco- 
rated TABLE  WARE  and  PARLOR  ORNAMENTS  .  .  . 

done  by  the  house  in  France."^ 


EMPIRE   CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  329 


Fig.  268.  Two  plates  with  the  Cipher  of  the  President  and  the 
Arms  of  the  United  States.  Wood  engraving  by  Robert  Roberts, 
from  B.  Siliiman  Jr.  and  C.  R.  Goodrich,  eds.,  The  World  of 
Science^  Arty  and  Industry  Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the 
New-Tork  Exhibition^  i8s3-S4  (New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and 
Company,  1854),  p.  129.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


Fig.  269.  Maker  unknown, 
French,  decorated  by 
Haughwout  and  Dailey, 
New  York  City,  Pitcher, 
ca.  1853-60.  Porcelain,  over- 
glaze  enamel  decoration  and 
gilding.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Friends  of  the  American 
Wing  Fund,  1996  1996.560 


330    ART  AND  THE   EMPIRE  CITY 


6.  The  scenes  on  these  two  vases 
were  taken  from  two  prints  in  a 
portfolio  of  thirty-nine  engrav- 
ings entitled  Views  in  New  Tork 
and  Its  Environs,  published  in 
New  York  and  London  by 
Peabody  and  Company,  1831-34. 
The  two  prints  were  engraved 
by  Barnard  and  Dick;  the 
view  of  lower  Broadway  was 
done  from  a  drawing  by 
James  H.  Dakin. 

7.  Thomas  A.  Rees  and  Company 
advertisement,  in  A.  D.  James, 
The  Illustrated  American  Biog- 
raphy . . .,  3  vols.  (New  York: 
J.  M.  Emerson  and  Co.,  1853-55), 
vol.  3,  p.  221.  Whether  Rees 
owned  the  Limoges  factory  is 
not  known. 

8.  D.  G.  and  D.  Haviland  estab- 
lished their  export  firm  in  1838 
and  became  Haviland  Brothers 
and  Company  in  1852.  From 
1846  to  1853  David  Haviland 
was  associated  with  Thomas 
Rees  in  the  export  business. 
See  Jean  d'Albis  and  Celeste 
Romanet,  La  porcelaine  de 
Limoges  (Paris:  Sous  le  Vent, 
1980),  p.  133.  "Porcelain,"  D.  G. 
and  D.  Haviland,  New  York, 
and  Haviland  and  Co.,  limoges, 
advertisement.  The  Independent, 
November  7, 1850,  p.  184. 

9.  Jean  dAlbis,  Haviland  (Paris: 
Dessin  et  Tolra,  1988),  p.  14. 

10.  "Art  and  Manufactures,"  Home 
Journal,  March  22, 1851,  p.  3. 

11.  From  1831  the  Haughwout  firm 
was  controlled  by  a  succession 
of  different  parmerships.  It  is 
cited  in  New  York  City  directo- 
ries as  P.  N.  Haughwout  and 
Son  (1831-38),  Woram  and 
Haughwout  (1838-52),  Haugh- 
wout and  Dailey  (1852-54), 
Eder  V  Haughwout  (1855/56- 
56/57),  and  E.  V  Haughwout 
and  Company  (1857-60/61). 

12.  Woram  and  Haughwout,  561 
Broadway,  "R  and  G.  Dun 
Reports,"  January  3, 1851  (New 
York  Vol.  191,  p.  481),  R  G. 
Dun  &  Co.  Collection,  Baker 
Library,  Harvard  University 
Graduate  School  of  Business 
Administration,  Cambridge, 
Massachusetts. 

13.  A  hotel-ware  plate  in  a  private 
collection  carries  a  mark  for 
E.  V  Haughwout  with  both  a 
Broadway  address  and  a  Parisian 
one,  "24,  R.  de  Paradis  Poissre." 

14.  The  coral-like  motif  in  gold 
appears  on  two  other  Haugh- 
wout pitchers.  One,  for  which 
bills  survive,  was  ordered  by 
Samuel  Francis  Du  Pont  from 
E.  V.  Haughwout  in  1853;  see 
Maureen  O'Brien  Quimby 
and  Jean  Woollens  Femald, 


New  York  was  not  only  a  marketplace  for  European 
wares  bought  by  its  own  residents  but  also  the  center 
for  importing  goods  to  be  shipped  on  to  many 
other  cities,  and  the  demand  for  such  items  grew  at 
an  unprecedented  rate  in  our  period.  The  quantity  of 
wares  exported  by  the  Haviland  firm  alone  increased 
from  753  barrels  in  1842  to  8,594  barrels  in  1853.^  One 
commentator  noted  the  range  of  that  market:  the 
products  were  for  use  in  "hotels,  steamboats,  the  pri- 
vate mansions  of  the  rich,  and  the  growing  elegant 
boarding-houses,  after  the  manner  of  the  Clarendon 
[Hotel]."io 

E.  V  Haughwout's  establishment  on  Broadway  was 
one  of  the  largest  and  oldest  china  and  glass  retailers 
in  antebellum  New  York.^^  In  1850  it  was  purchasing 
as  much  as  $60,000  worth  of  porcelain  from  one  firm 
in  Paris,  12  and  it  may  have  had  its  own  interest  in  a 
French  factory.  In  1849  Haughwout's  established 
on  the  top  floor  of  its  three-story  suite  of  show- 
rooms a  sizable  decorating  workshop,  a  response  to 
the  increased  demand  for  decorated  French  porcelain. 
French-made  goods  could  now  be  custom  painted  on 
the  premises,  gready  facilitating  the  process  of  filling 
orders  from  private  consumers  for  personalized  din- 
ner services  and  from  commercial  establishments  for 
wares  with  identifying  images.  Among  such  goods 
produced  by  Haughwout's  were  decorated  water 
pitchers  and  cream  pitchers— items  much  used  in 
hotels— with  an  architect's  rendering  of  what  is  prob- 
ably the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  (fig.  267). 

In  an  effort  to  secure  presidential  patronage,  Haugh- 
wout's exhibited  two  sample  dinner  services  at  the 
New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  of  1853.  An  iU^- 
tration  showing  plates  from  the  two  services  was  pub- 
lished at  the  time  of  the  fair  (fig.  268).  One  features 
the  monogram  of  President  Franklin  Pierce;  the  other, 
in  what  is  described  in  the  text  as  the  Alhambra  pat- 
tern, had  a  blue  border  and  in  the  center  the  great  seal 
of  the  United  States.  A  pitcher  with  a  matching  pat- 
tern displays  both  the  seal  and  an  elaborate  gilded 
embellishment  that  includes  a  "coral"  motif  charac- 
teristic of  Haughwout  decoration  (fig,  269).^"^  Pierce 
ordered  the  first  service  but  not  the  second.  However, 
the  pattern  of  the  latter  set  was  ultimately  selected  by 
Mrs.  Lincoln  for  a  service  she  purchased  in  1861,  with 
the  request  that  the  border  be  of  "Solferino,"  a  bright 
purplish  red,  rather  than  blue.^^  Haughwout  encour- 
aged his  patrons  to  visit  not  just  his  extensive  show- 
rooms but  the  decorating  studios  as  well,  the  province 
of  "numbers  of  young  women,  .  .  .  who  are  painting 
flowers,  fruits,  and  groups  of  figures  upon  various 
articles,  especially  those  large  and  beautiftil  (if  rather 


too  brilliant)  vases,  now  so  very  fashionable."^^  The 
last  remark  aptiy  describes  three  exuberant  Rococo 
Revival  style  vases  featured  in  the  same  illustration  as 
the  presidential  plates.  One  of  these  was  part  of  the 
Haughwout  exhibit,  and  the  other  two  were  from 
Haviland  and  Company's  Limoges  factory.  Their  style, 
characterized  by  a  profiision  of  leafy  ornament  that 
obscures  the  vessel  form,  also  marks  a  pair  of  French 
vases  from  an  unknown  firm  but  probably  made  in 
Limoges  specifically  for  export  to  America.  These  fea- 
ture scenes  illustrating  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe's  Uncle 
Tom^s  Cabiuy  which  was  first  published  in  Paris  in  1853 
(cat.  no.  252).^^ 

A  far  less  expensive  alternative  to  French  porcelain 
was  white  earthenware  with  transfer-printed  deco- 
ration, a  speciality  of  the  potteries  in  Staffordshire, 
England.  This  attractive,  durable  ware  became  a  staple 
in  American  homes  throughout  the  antebellum  period. 
An  extensive  trade  between  America  and  England 
commenced  shordy  after  the  War  of  1812,  and  by 
the  1830S  earthenware  was  Britain's  fiftii  most  impor- 
tant export  to  the  United  States. In  the  highly  com- 
petitive market  of  the  moment  the  Staffordshire  firms 
produced  pottery  with  mainly  blue  underglaze 
transfer-printed  decoration  in  a  bewildering  number 
of  designs.  Soon  they  began  to  offer  commemora- 
tive wares  of  specifically  American  interest  with 
subjects  drawn  from  a  myriad  of  readily  available 
prints— of  American  cities,  notable  American  build- 
ings, and  significant  American  events  such  as  the 
opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  or  the  celebrated  arrival  of 
General  Lafayette  at  Castie  Garden  in  the  Battery  (cat, 
nos.  253,  254).  1^  Nearly  forty  different  views  of  New 
York  City  alone  appear  on  transfer-printed  ceramics 
from  Staffordshire. 

Many  of  the  Staffordshire  firms  established  rela- 
tionships with  New  York  importing  and  retailing 
businesses.  The  Clews  Pottery,  for  example,  worked 
with  Ogden,  Ferguson  and  Company,  commission 
merchants,  but  there  are  several  plates  with  Clews 
marks,  one  transfer-printed  with  a  scene  of  Lafayette's 
arrival  at  Castie  Garden,  that  bear  the  inscription 
of  John  Greenfield,  a  New  York  City  retailer  and 
importer  of  ceramics  at  77  Pearl  Street.^**  New  York 
was  on  Staffordshire  potter  John  Ridgway^s  itinerary 
when  in  1822  he  made  a  special  trip  to  the  United 
States  to  establish  ties  wdth  merchants  and  retailers. 
Several  of  the  Staffordshire  potteries  with  a  large 
stake  in  the  American  market,  such  as  those  of  Ridg- 
way,  William  Adams,  and  E.  Mayer  and  Son,  opened 
their  own  agencies  in  New  York  to  service  their  exten- 
sive importing  and  re-exporting  businesses  there. 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  33I 


The  Ridgway  firm  even  developed  special  patterns  for 
a  line  of  "fine  vitreous  earthenware  for  the  United 
States  market"  that  it  promoted  at  the  1851  Crystal 
Palace  exhibition  in  London.  Ridgway  also  prepared 
teacups  in  the  "New  American  fluted  shape,"  with 
simple  designs  printed  in  blue  or  pink  and  "filled 
in  with  colours."  A  number  of  these  New  York 
importers  considered  starting  their  own  potteries  in 
New  York.  Other  English  products,  such  as  relief- 
molded  earthenware  pitchers  and  "feather-edged" 
white  earthenware  with  sponged  decoration,  found  a 
ready  market  in  America  as  well.  Beginning  in  the 
mid-i840s  figures  of  Parian  ware  and  other  ornamen- 
tal ceramics  made  by  the  English  firms  Minton  and 
Copeland  were  as  much  in  favor  in  the  Empire  City  as 
the  highly  decorative  French  vases  and  pitchers  pro- 
duced in  Limoges. 

Ceramics  Made  in  New  Tork  City 

The  flourishing  trade  in  French  and  English  wares 
was  accompanied  by  American  expressions  of  concern 
about  the  extensive  reliance  on  imported  goods  and 
its  ultimate  impact  on  the  country's  economic  well- 
being.  These  sentiments  eventually  gave  rise  to  a 
series  of  government- imposed  tariffs  on  imports.  The 
first  protective  tariff  after  the  War  of  1812  was  levied  in 
1 8x6,  but  it  did  litde  to  encourage  domestic  produc- 
tion. Stronger  tariff  acts  were  passed  in  1824,  1828, 
and  1832,  and  these  undoubtedly  acted  as  a  stimulus 
for  the  growth  of  domestic  manufactures,  including 
glass  and  ceramics. The  protectionist  climate  of 
opinion  was  articulated  in  countless  newspaper  edi- 
torials, such  as  those  in  Hezekiah  Niles's  Weekly  Reg- 
ister. Societies  and  institutes  for  the  promotion  of 
American  manufactures  sprang  up,  among  them  the 
American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York,  founded 
in  1827,  which  closely  followed  the  new  glass  and 
ceramics  industries. 

The  development  of  manufacturing  in  New  York 
paralleled  the  tremendous  growth  of  the  Empire  City, 
fed  in  part  by  the  explosion  of  commercial  activity  in 
lower  Manhattan  after  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal. 
During  this  auspicious  period,  about  18 14  to  1828, 
the  manufacture  of  fine  porcelain  was  attempted  by 
three  New  York-area  firms— Decasse  and  Chanou, 
Dr.  Henry  Mead,  and  the  Jersey  Porcelain  and  Earth- 
enware Company  of  Jersey  City— in  an  effort  to  break 
into  the  established  market  for  luxury  porcelains 
imported  from  France  and  England.  Making  porce- 
lain was  not  an  easy  matter.  It  required  specialized 
raw  materials  generally  not  locally  available,  complex 


techniques,  and  a  mastery  of  sophisticated  kiln  and 
clay  technology.  Moreover,  the  decorating  process 
was  more  complicated  for  porcelain  than  for  other 
wares:  a  great  deal  of  labor  went  into  the  painstaking 
detail  work  of  the  ceramic  artist  and  the  subsequent 
firings  of  different  enamel  colors,  and  the  costs  of  the 
materials,  firing,  and  burnishing  of  the  gilding  were 
high.  The  entire  undertaking  necessitated  large  sums 
of  capital  and  involved  considerable  risk.  The  three 
new  firms  that  took  it  on  had  many  things  in  com- 
mon. They  were  founded  by  ambitious  entrepre- 
neurs; according  to  written  accounts,  they  utilized 
only  American  materials,  yet  employed  skilled  French 
workers;  and  they  all  suffered  continual  difficulties 
that  resulted  in  early  failures. 

Two  of  the  firms  were  located  on  Lewis  Street 
between  Delancey  and  Rivington  streets,  in  the  build- 
ings of  a  defunct  copper  factory.  Henry  Mead  began 
production  of  porcelain  on  this  site  about  1816;  a  lone 
surviving  vase  is  evidence  of  its  quality.  Lack  of  cap- 
ital and  the  inability  to  find  suitable  workers  plagued 
the  factory,  whose  demise  was  reported  by  a  New 
York  newspaper  in  1824.^^ 

Louis  Decasse  and  Nicolas  Louis  Edouard  Chanou, 
both  from  France,  took  over  Mead's  defunct  factory 
and  established  their  own.  A  tea  set  with  elaborate 
gilded  decoration  attests  to  the  superb  quality  of  the 
wares  they  produced  during  the  three  years  of  their 
partnership  (cat.  no.  255;  fig.  270).  The  firm's  mark  is 
made  up  of  the  surnames  of  the  two  partners,  the 
great  seal  of  the  United  States,  and  the  name  of 
the  city  of  manufacture  (fig.  271) —an  expression  of  the 
proprietors'  pride  in  having  made  a  premium  porce- 
lain from  American  materials  in  New  York.  Although 
Decasse  and  Chanou  made  porcelain  comparable  in 
quality  to  French  products,  they  based  the  style  of 
their  tea  sets  on  English  shapes  to  cater  to  the 
specific  tastes  of  the  market.  A  similar  approach  was 
followed  in  France:  Edouard  Honore,  proprietor  of 
the  Parisian  porcelain  factory  Dagoty  et  Honore, 
which  enjoyed  a  successful  export  trade  with  America, 
told  the  French  minister  of  commerce  in  1834,  "For 
three  to  four  years  I  have  been  producing  goods  to 
designs  which  the  Americans  have  been  sending  me 
and  which  resemble  English  designs." 

In  December  1825  the  Jersey  Porcelain  and  Earthen- 
ware Company  was  foimded  by  New  York  City 
importer  George  Dummer  in  Jersey  City,  a  block 
away  from  the  glass  factory  he  had  founded  the  previ- 
ous year.^^  This  location  was  proximate  to  the  New 
York  markets;  to  the  port  of  New  York,  which  enabled 
the  firm  to  attract  skilled  immigrant  labor;  and  to 


"A  Matter  of  Taste  and  Ele- 
gance: Admiral  Samuel  Francis 
Du  Pont  and  the  Decorative 
Arts"  Winter thur  Portfolio  21 
(summer/autumn  1986),  p.  113, 
fig.  10.  The  other  pitcher  is  in 
the  collection  of  the  Museum 
of  the  City  of  New  York, 
ij.  Margaret  Brown  Klapthor, 
Official  White  House  China, 
1789  to  the  Present  (Washing- 
ton, D.C. :  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution Press,  1975),  pp.  80-82. 

16.  "Art  Manufactures:  Ornamen- 
tal Porcelains"  October  1853, 
publication  unknown,  photo- 
copy, departmental  files,  Depart- 
ment of  American  Decorative 
Arts,  Metropolitan  Museum. 

17.  A  number  of  pairs  of  such 
vases  exist,  in  several  different 
sizes  and  with  varying  poly- 
chrome decoration.  One  pair  is 
the  collection  of  the  Museum 
of  the  City  of  New  York;  for 
another  set,  see  Nineteenth 
Century  Decorative  Arts  (sale 
cat..  New  York:  Christie's  East, 
October  27, 1998),  lot  176; 
and  for  another,  Jill  Fenichell, 
Inc.,  New  York. 

18.  F.  Thistlethwaite,  "The  Atlan- 
tic Migration  of  the  Pottery 
Industry,"  Economic  History 
Review  11  (December  1958), 
pp.  264-78,  esp.  p.  267. 

19.  British  firms  were  poised  to  act 
swiftly  to  take  advantage  of  an 
eager  market.  In  December 
1824,  for  example,  only  four 
months  after  Lafayette  was 
given  a  triumphal  welcome  in 
New  York  Harbor,  transfer- 
printed  views  of  the  scene  were 
being  loaded  onto  ships  in  Liv- 
erpool heading  to  America. 

20.  The  Clews  plate  with  an  under- 
glaze  blue-printed  scene  of  the 
landing  of  General  Lafayette  is 
marked  "J.  GREENFIELD'S/ 
China  Store/ No  77/ Pearl, 
Street. /New  York"  (Metropoh- 
tan  Museum,  14.102.288).  A 
soup  plate  marked  Clews  bears 
a  circular  impressed  mark: 
"John  Greenfield,  Importer  of 
China  &  Earthenware,  No  77, 
Pearl  Street,  New  York."  Green- 
field's firm  is  listed  in  New 
York  City  directories  from  1817 
to  1843.  See  Frank  Stefano  Jr., 
"Jatnes  and  Ralph  Clews, 
Nineteenth-Century  Potters, 
Part  I:  The  English  Experi- 
ence," Antiques  105  (February 
1974),  pp.  324-28. 

21.  John  Ridgway  and  John  Mayer 
each  had  such  a  presence  in 
New  York  as  an  importer  that 
they  were  listed  in  a  New  York 
City  directory  of  1846  among 
wealthy  "non-residents"  of  the 


332    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


city.  See  Thistlethwaite,  "Atlan- 
tic Migration  of  Pottery  Indm- 
try,"  p.  267. 

22.  The  quotations  are  from  a  pub- 
licity handbook  published  by 
Ridgway  for  its  Crystal  Palace 
exhibit.  The  line  of  earthenware 
included  services  described  as 
"MontpeUer  Shape,  Light 
Blue  Palestine  "  "Flowing  Mul- 
berry Berlin  Vase,"  and  "White 
China  Glaze  Ware"  (nos.  340- 
42).  A  copy  of  the  handbook 

is  at  the  Bodleian  Library, 
Oxford;  the  text  is  reproduced 
in  Appendix  iii  of  Geoffrey  A. 
Godden,  Rid^ay  Porcelains, 
2d  ed.  (Woodbridge,  Suffolk: 
Antique  Collectors'  Club,  1985), 
pp.  221-54,  with  United  States 
references  on  pp.  221-22. 

23.  F.  W.  Taussig,  The  Tar^ His- 
tory of  the  United  States,  5th  ed. 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam's 
Sons,  1900),  pp.  68-69. 

24.  The  vase  is  in  the  Philadelphia 
Museum  of  Art.  See  Alice 
Cooney  Frelinghuysen,  Ameri- 
can Porcelain,  1770 -1920  (exh. 
cat..  New  York:  The  Metro- 
politan Museum  of  Art,  1989), 
pp.  78-79,  no.  4. 

25.  In  1820  Mead  petitioned  the 
New  York  Common  Council 
to  discuss  the  "practicability  of 
employing  the  paupers  in  the 
Alms  House  and  criminals  in 
the  Penitentiary  in  the  manu- 
facture of  porcelain."  Quoted 
in  Arthur  W.  Clement,  Our 
Pioneer  Potters  (New  York;  Pri- 
vately printed,  1947),  p.  66. 

26.  Commercial  Advertiser  (New 
York),  December  1824. 

27.  Quoted  in  Regine  de  Plinval 
de  Guillebon,  Paris  Porcelain, 
1770-18S0,  translated  by  Robin 
R.  Charleston  (London:  Barrie 
and  Jenkins,  1972),  p.  303. 

28.  The  company  was  incorporated 
on  December  10, 1825.  Its  estab- 
lishment was  announced  eight 
months  later  by  Hezekiah 
NUes,  an  avid  promoter  of 
American  manufactures;  see 
"Manufactures,  Sec,"  Niks' 
Weekly  Register,  August  12, 
1826,  p.  422. 

29.  Ibid. 

30.  Thomas  Tucker  to  General 
Bernard,  January  31, 1831, 
Tucker  Letter  Books,  Rare 
Book  Collection,  Philadelphia 
Museum  of  Art  Library. 


important  waterways— a  strategic  placement  that 
served  as  a  model  when  porcelain  factories  were 
established  in  Brooklyn  two  decades  later.  Employing 
a  labor  force  said  to  number  nearly  one  hundred,  pre- 
sumably made  up  of  both  immigrant  and  native-born 
workers,  it  was  the  largest  pottery  in  operation  in 
America  at  the  time.  Its  wares,  based  like  Mead's  on 
current  French  styles,  were  reputedly  "executed  with 
great  ingenuity  and  perfection,  after  the  finest  models 
of  the  antique."  29 

In  spite  of  the  quality  of  their  products,  all  three 
of  these  early  enterprises  were  too  hampered  by  the 
difficvdties  of  porcelain  making  to  compete  economi- 
cally with  French  firms.  Moreover,  it  was  speculated 
that  the  French  were  taking  advantage  of  a  lax  cus- 
toms office  in  New  York  to  avoid  paying  the  tax  on 
imports.  Thomas  Tucker,  then  director  of  a  porcelain 
firm  in  Philadelphia,  wrote  in  1831  to  United  States 
Senator  Simon  Bernard:  "I  suffer  materially  from  the 
duplicity  of  the  French  Manufacturers.  They  are 
continually  in  the  habit  of  shipping  porcelain  to 


Fig.  270.  Decasse  and  Chanou, 
Two  plates,  or  stands,  from  tea 
service  (cat.  no.  255),  1824-27. 
Porcelain  with  gilding.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Lent  by  Kaufman 
Americana  Foundation 


New  York  imder  a  false  invoice  below  the  real  market 
value  of  the  article,  and  by  this  means  evade  a  part  of 
the  duty."  30 

Although  competition  with  European  porcelain 
making  proved  impossible,  an  initiative  in  another 
type  of  ware  had  a  very  different  outcome.  In  1828 
David  Henderson,  a  Scotsman,  together  with  his 
brother  James,  purchased  Bummer's  defunct  factory. 
The  following  August  it  was  noted  in  Niles^  Weekly 
Re^fister  that  "The  manufacture  of  a  very  superior 
ware,  called  'flint  stone  ware'  is  extensively  carried  on 


Fig.  271.  Detail  of  mark 
from  tea  service  made  by 
Decasse  and  Chanou  (cat. 
no.  255;  %  270) 


EMPIRE   CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  333 


by  Mr.  Henderson,  at  Jersey  City,  opposite  New 
York.  It  is  equal  to  the  best  English  and  Scotch  stone 
ware,  and  will  be  supplied  in  quantities  at  33  J  per 
cent,  less,  than  like  foreign  articles  will  cost,  if 
imported."  The  Henderson  pottery  was  to  enjoy  a 
twenty-seven-year  success. It  supplied  modestly 
priced  ceramics  for  the  growing  market  of  consumers 
who  could  not  afford  expensive  French  porcelains, 
with  their  painted  and  gilded  decoration.  The  Hen- 
dersons relied  heavily  on  English  designs,  experi- 
mented with  different  clay  bodies  and  modes  of 
decoration,  and  based  their  methods  and  factory  prac- 
tices on  those  of  Staffordshire  firms.  The  Henderson 
brothers'  systems  were  new  in  America  and  became 
the  model  for  a  significant  reorganization  of  pottery 
making  here.  The  process  was  divided  into  parts 
according  to  the  skills  and  functions  involved,  and  the 
resultant  assembly-line  method  yielded  newly  stan- 
dardized products  while  it  saved  time.  The  earliest 
wares  were  thrown  on  a  potter's  wheel  and  then  deco- 
ration was  applied  (see  cat.  no.  256),  but  within  a  few 
years  the  manufacture  had  become  increasingly  mech- 
anized: more  economical  molds  were  used  to  form 
the  shape  of  the  vessel  and  its  decoration  at  the  same 
time  (see  fig.  272).  The  wares  that  were  produced  fea- 
tured elaborate  relief  decoration  and  were  strong 
and  light  bodied. 

Responding  to  market  demands,  utilizing  the  native 
skiU  of  immigrant  workers,  and  in  some  cases  actually 
fabricating  products  from  English  molds, the 
Hendersons  manufactured  pottery  with  a  high  degree 
of  Englishness.  Pitchers  from  the  Ridgway  pottery 
are  closely  imitated  by  the  Hendersons'  version  in 
the  Herculaneum  pattern,  which  is  ornamented  on  the 
body  with  such  popular  classical  motifs  as  scrolls, 
anthemia,  and  satyrs'  masks  (or  a  vine- crowned 
Pan),  and,  on  the  handle,  with  a  figure  of  Pan  (cat. 
no.  258).^"^  This  ware,  and  in  particular  "a  pair  of  very 
handsome  and  much  admired  pitchers,"  was  described 
in  1829  as  "equal  to  the  best  English  and  Scotch  stone 
ware."^^  Another  pitcher  with  naturalistic  Rococo 
Revival  decoration,  this  one  depicting  leaves,  acorns, 
and  berries,  is  a  virtual  duplicate  of  a  Ridgway  model 
(cat.  no.  257).^^  However,  a  third  pitcher,  while  bor- 
rowing an  English  form,  displays  what  appears  to  be 
a  uniquely  American  relief  decoration  of  thisties  (per- 
haps a  reference  to  the  Hendersons'  native  Scodand) 
on  a  stippled  backgroimd  that  calls  to  mind  patterns 
used  in  pressed  glass  (cat.  no.  259).  While  pitchers 
were  the  dominant  vessel  form  made  by  the  firm,  an 
1830  price  list  shows  that  its  inventory  included  butter 
tubs,  coffeepots,  teapots,  spittoons,  flowerpots,  and 


Fig.  272.  D.  and  J.  Henderson  Flint  Stoneware  Manufactory,  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  Pitcher, 
1828-33.  Stoneware,  press-molded  with  applied  decoration.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  John  C.  Cattus,  1967  67.262.11 


inkstands. The  most  expensive  item  on  the  list,  the 
Herculaneum  pitcher  (cat.  no.  258),  with  its  elaborate 
"embossed"  design,  sold  for  $13.50  per  dozen.  The  price 
list  reveals  that  the  Hendersons  did  not  sell  directly  to 
consumers  but  instead  relied  on  retailers  to  buy  and 
disperse  their  wares. 

In  1833,  when  the  business  was  reorganized  as  the 
American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company  (often 
abbreviated  in  the  factory  mark  to  American  Pot- 
tery Company),  refined  white  earthenwares  were 
added  to  its  line  of  English-style  ceramics  of  medium 
price;  an  advertisement  in  a  Washington  newspaper 
specified  "cream- color  ware,  dipped  ware,  painted 
and  edged  earthenware."  The  firm  also  produced 
edged  wares,  white  earthenware  with  a  molded  edge 
design  of  impressed  lines;  one  surviving  piece  is  a 
large  dish  bearing  the  mark  "American  Pottery  Com- 
pany" that  has  both  a  molded  shell  edge  and  sponged 
decoration  in  blue  (cat.  no.  260).  English  edged  wares 
were  being  shipped  to  American  markets  by  the  boat- 
load, but  American-made  examples  are  extremely  rare. 


51.  "Glass  and  Earthen  Wares," 
Niks'  Weekly  Register,  August  i, 
1829,  p.  363.  The  word  "flint" 
had  been  associated  with 
stoneware  since  the  eighteenth 
century,  when  flint  was  a  com- 
ponent of  Enghsh  white  salt- 
glaze  stoneware. 

32.  The  D.  and  J.  Henderson 
Flint  Stoneware  Manufactory 
was  reorganized  in  1833  as  the 
American  Pottery  Manufactur- 
ing Company.  In  1845  David 
Henderson  was  killed  in  a 
shooting  accident,  but  the  pot- 
tery continued  in  business  until 
about  1855.  For  more  informa- 
tion on  the  Jersey  City  potter- 
ies, see  Diana  Stradling  and 
Ellen  Paul  Denker,  Jersey  City: 
Shaping  America's  Pottery 
Industry,  182S-1892  (exh.  cat., 
Jersey  City:  Jersey  City 
Museum,  1997)- 

33.  The  Hendersons  acquired  at 
least  one  master  mold  from  a 
defunct  British  factory:  the 
mold  for  their  hound-handled 
hunt  pitcher  from  the  former 


334    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Phillips  and  Bagster  Pottery  in 
Staffordshire.  See  Stradling  and 
Denker,  Jersey  City,  p.  [3]. 

34.  The  Ridgway  example  appears 
as  design  no.  i  in  rfie  fectory  pat- 
tern book.  See  Godden,  Ridg- 
way Porcelains,  p.  141,  fig.  155. 

35.  Niles'  Weekly  Re£ister,  August  i, 
1829,  p.  363. 

36.  The  pitcher  matches  a  design 
in  a  pattern  book  of  William 
Ridgway  and  Company.  For  an 
illustration,  see  R.  K.  Henry- 
wood,  Relief-Moulded  Ju£S, 
1820-1900  (Woodbridge,  Suf- 
folk: Antique  Collectors'  Club, 
1984),  p.  63,  fig.  43. 

37.  "List  of  Prices  of  Fine  Flint 
Ware,  Embossed  and  Plain, 
Manufactured  by  D.  &  J.  Hen- 
derson, Jersey  City,  New  Jer- 
sey," 1830,  reproduced  in 
Antiques  2,6  (September  1954), 
p.  109. 

38.  In  about  1840  the  Jersey  City 
works  employed  an  agent  in 
New  York,  retailer  George 
Tingle,  to  sell  its  products. 
According  to  the  "R.  and  G. 
Dun  Reports,"  January  23, 
1854,  Tingle,  originally  fi-om 
England,  "has  been  agent  for 
the  American  Pottery  Co.  of 
New  Jersey  for  the  past  15  yrs, 
giving  them  entire  satisfaction. 
He  also  commencd  the  crock- 
ery bus  last  Spring  cor  Pearl  St 
&  Peck  Slip,  under  the  style 
of  Tingle  &  Marsh,  &  for 
that  bus  import  most  of  their 
goods. . .  ."April  9, 1855:  "con- 
tinues his  Agency  of  the  Amer 
Pottery  Co."  Marsh  and  Tingle, 
November  30, 1855,  "lost  his 
agency  of  The  American  Pot- 
tery Co."  (New  York  Vol.  342, 
p.  288),  Baker  Library,  Harvard 
University  Graduate  School 
of  Business  Administtation. 

I  thank  Diana  Stradling  for 
bringing  the  Marsh  and  Tingle 
reference  to  my  attention. 

39.  The  Intelligencer  (Washington, 
D.C.),  July  16, 1833,  quoted  in 
Stradling  and  Denker,  Jersey 
City,  p.  8. 

40.  George  L.  Miller,  Ann  Smart 
Martin,  and  Nancy  S.  Dickin- 
son, "Changing  Consumption 
Patterns:  English  Ceramics  and 
the  American  Market  fi-om  1780 
to  1840,"  in  Everyday  Life  in  the 
Early  Republic:  1789-1828,  edited 
by  Catherine  E.  Hutchins 
(Winterthur,  Delaware:  Henry 
Francis  du  Pont  Winterthur 
Museum,  I994),  pp.  219-48. 

41.  The  House  Furnishing  Ware- 
house of  Baldwin  Gardiner, 
149  Broadway,  sold  to  George 
Hyde  Clarke  of  Cooperstown, 
for  his  daughter,  "One  dining 


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difc.  hfc  hb  

££51i  " 


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,|nriiHfUjiiiifiiiLh^j  lii|i#  -tJ^  ■ 

"  TWm4f  h*|i.«||>#ii.TTH  Will-.  ■ 


suggesting  that  it  was  nearly  impossible  for  American 
manufacturers  to  undercut  the  English  competition  in 
this  type  of  ceramic.'^^ 

The  Hendersons'  ongoing  need  to  attract  consumers 
and  stave  off  the  competition  of  the  Staffordshire  pot- 
teries led  them  to  initiate  a  line  of  transfer-printed 
white  earthenware.  Several  plates  with  the  mark  of 
their  pottery  display  a  blue  transfer-printed  design 
in  the  popular  Canova  pattern  (cat.  no.  262)  that  is 
virtually  identical  to  English  examples. The  com- 
pany's response  to  the  1840  presidential  campaign  of 
the  business-friendly  Whig  politician  William  Henry 
Harrison  was  a  hexagonal  pitcher  that  featured  three 


Fig.  273.  Advertising  broadside  for 
Salamander  Works,  62  Cannon  Street, 
New  York,  1837.  Wood  engraving. 
Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Bella  Landauer  Collection 


transfer-printed  images  on  each  panel,  showing  the 
candidate's  portrait  in  the  center,  a  log  cabin  at  the 
top,  and  the  great  seal  of  the  United  States  at  bottom 
(cat.  no.  263).  Despite  its  efforts,  however,  the  firm 
could  never  fully  compete  in  the  market  for  white 
earthenware.  It  did  succeed  in  dominating  the  molded 
ware  market  by  hiring  talented  modelers  and  design- 
ers, among  them  Daniel  Greatbach  and  James  Carr, 
both  trained  in  Britain.  The  experience  and  earnings 
these  two  acquired  in  Jersey  City  enabled  them  to 
move  on  to  other  pottery  enterprises  in  America."^^ 

The  Hendersons'  most  serious  competition  was 
Salamander  Works,  which  was  founded  as  a  firebrick 


EMPIRE   CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  335 


Fig.  274.  Salamander  Works,  New  York  City  or  Woodbridge,  New  Jersey,  "Antique"  ale  pitcher,  1837-45-  Stoneware,  press-molded  with  applied  decoration. 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  Lewis 


336    ART  AND  THE   EMPIRE  CITY 


Set,  Blue  Canova  "  consisting 
of  dozens  of  dinner  plates  and 
a  wide  variety  of  serving  dishes. 
The  cost  for  the  entire  service 
was  $25;  Clarke  paid  $500  for  an 
imported  French  dessert  service 
with  elaborate  floral  decoration 
on  a  yellow  ground.  The  bill 
of  sale  is  in  the  George  Hyde 
Clarke  Family  Papers,  Division 
of  Rare  Books  and  Manuscripts 
Collections,  Cornell  Univer- 
sity Library,  Ithaca,  New  York. 
Thomas  Mayer  of  Staffordshire 
exported  more  ware  in  the 
Canova  pattern  to  America 
than  any  other  maker.  See  Ellen 
Denker  and  Diana  Stradling, 
Exhibition  Label  Checklist  for 
"Jersey  City:  Shaping  America's 
Pottery  Industry,  1825-1892," 
typescript,  Jersey  City  Mu- 
seum, 1997,  p.  9. 

42.  Daniel  Greatbach  left  the 
American  Pottery  Manufactur- 
ing Company  about  1851  and 
probably  went  direcdy  to  Ben- 
nington, Vermont,  where  he 
worked  for  Christopher  Web- 
ber Fenton's  United  States  Pot- 
tery Company  until  it  closed 
in  1858.  He  later  started  a  pot- 
tery in  Peoria,  Illinois;  after 

it  failed  in  1863,  he  returned 
to  New  Jersey.  James  Carr  left 
the  Jersey  City  works  in  1852 
first  to  found  a  pottery  in 
South  Amboy,  New  Jersey,  and 
then  start  one  in  New  York. 
His  successful  New  York  City 
Pottery  operated  from  1856 
to  1888. 

43.  American  Institute  Fair  Report, 
1835,  in  M.  Lelyn  Branin,  The 
Early  Makers  of  Handcrafied 
Earthenware  and  Stoneware  in 
Central  and  Southern  New 
Jersey  (Rutherford,  New  Jersey; 
Fairleigh  Dickinson  University 
Press,  1988),  p.  186. 

44.  Salamander  Works  Advertising 
Broadside,  1837,  Bella  Landauer 
Collection,  New-York  Histor- 
ical Society. 

45.  The  Cartiidge  factory  brought 
in  feldspar  from  Connecticut 
and  china  clay  from  Delaware. 

46.  Edwin  Ariee  Barber,  Historical 
Sketch  of  the  Green  Point  (N.T) 
Porcelain  Works  of  Charles 
Cartiidge  &"  Co.  (Indianapolis: 
Clayworker,  1895),  pp-  7-9- 

47.  Godden,  Ridjfway  Porcelains, 
p.  169. 

48.  Walt  Whitman,  "Porcelain 
Manufactories,"  Brooklyn  Daily 
Times,  August  3, 1857,  in  7  Sit 
and  Look  Out:  Editorials  firom 
the  Brooklyn  Daily  Times  by 
Walt  Whitman,  edited  by  Emory 
Holloway  and  Vemolian 
Schwarz  (New  York:  Columbia 


pottery  on  Cannon  Street  between  Rivington  and 
Delancey  streets,  directly  behind  the  original  location 
of  the  Decasse  and  Chanou  porcelain  works.  Oper- 
ated by  Michel  Lefoulon  and  Henry  Decasse,  both 
from  France,  the  Salamander  Works  produced  several 
vessels  remarkably  close  in  design  to  those  made  by 
the  American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company.  The 
first  mention  of  refined  ware  produced  by  Salamander 
dates  to  1835,  when  the  American  Institute  awarded  its 
proprietors  a  diploma  for  "a  fine  specimen  of  flint 
stoneware.""^^  In  1837  the  company  published  an  illus- 
trated advertising  broadside  that  boasted  that  it  was 
ready  to  "manufacture  Wedgewood  [sic\  Opaque  and 
Glazed  Ware  (to  stand  Fire  and  hold  Acids,)  of  all 
descriptions;  not  to  be  surpassed  by  any  other  Manu- 
facturers, either  in  America  or  abroad.''"^  A  large 
ceramic  water  cooler  that  advertises  the  pottery  and  its 
location  in  applied  clay  letters  (cat.  no.  264)  demon- 
strates the  same  spirit  of  vigorous  marketing.  The 
pottery  remained  at  the  Cannon  Street  location  imtil 
1840,  when  it  was  moved  to  Woodbridge,  New  Jersey. 
Salamander's  wares,  like  those  produced  by  the  Hen- 
dersons' firm,  were  based  on  English  relief-molded 
examples.  Illustrations  of  four  such  pitchers  appear  as 
a  decorative  heading  on  the  company's  broadside  of 
1837  (fig.  273).  The  first,  A,  is  the  simplest,  with  stylized 
anthemia  around  the  base.  Example  B  shows  a  hovmd 
handle  and  a  hunt  scene.  Vessel  C  is  a  bulbous-bodied 
pitcher  called  "Spanish  Pattern"  (cat.  no.  266).  And 
the  last,  D,  tided  "Antique"  (fig.  274)  is  similar  to 
the  Hendersons'  Herculaneum  pitcher  (cat.  no.  258). 
The  broadside  enumerates  fourteen  diflFerent  pitcher 
designs;  however,  by  1857  the  Salamander  Works 
had  all  but  given  up  the  production  of  such  tableware 
and  had  reverted  to  its  earlier  industrial  product  line 
of  firebricks,  pipes  for  sewers  and  drains,  tiles,  and 
garden  ornaments. 

A  new  demand— for  molded  ware  made  of  a  hard, 
durable  porcelain  suitable  for  use  in  hotels  and  porter- 
houses—prompted the  establishment  of  new  manu- 
factories aroimd  New  York  City.  Several  ambitious 
entrepreneurs  constructed  porcelain  factories  across 
the  river  from  Manhattan,  in  the  Greenpoint  section 
of  Brooklyn,  on  Newtown  Creek,  The  location  was 
ideal— close  to  the  largest  consumer  market  in  the  coim- 
try  and  also  readily  accessible  by  navigable  water- 
ways, along  which  barges  could  deliver  the  raw  clays 
required.'"^^  It  is  useful  to  examine  one  such  factory  in 
detail,  to  gain  insights  into  the  tremendous  changes 
that  had  taken  place  since  the  demise  of  the  Decasse 
and  Chanou  porcelain  enterprise  in  1827.  The  two 
decades  that  followed  saw  crucial  developments  in 


New  York,  including  a  wave  of  energetic  entrepre- 
neurship,  technological  advances,  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  immigrant  workers,  and  the  growth  of  the 
middle-income  market. 

These  changes  are  all  reflected  in  the  progress  of  the 
firm  Charles  Cartiidge  founded  in  1848.  Cartiidge,  a 
manufacturer  whose  origins  were  in  retailing,  pos- 
sessed a  firm  imderstanding  of  the  consumer  markets 
for  ceramics  and  glass.  An  Englishman  from  the 
Staflbrdshire  potting  district,  he  began  his  career  in 
New  York  in  1832  as  an  agent  for  the  Staffordshire 
firm  of  William  Bidgway  at  103  Water  Street.""^  The 
demand  for  goods  was  growing,  Ridgway  products 
were  among  the  most  widely  sought  English  earthen- 
wares in  America,  and  in  1841  Cartiidge  expanded  the 
business,  taking  on  Herbert  Q.  Ferguson  as  a  partner  to 
handle  operations  in  New  Orleans.  Ferguson  may  have 
convinced  Ridgway  of  the  opportunities  for  manufac- 
turing in  the  United  States,  for  in  the  early  1840s 
Cartiidge  and  Ridgway  made  plans  to  open  a  factory  in 
Kentucky.'"'^^  But  that  enterprise  failed  and  the  entire 
Ridgway  firm  went  out  of  business  in  1848.  At  that 
point  Cartiidge  purchased  land  in  Greenpoint,  deter- 
mined to  build  his  own  factory.  His  first  porcelain 
products  were  actually  fired  at  the  Hendersons'  Ameri- 
can Pottery  Manufacturing  Company  in  Jersey  City,  but 
soon  Cartlidgc's  own  works  was  in  fiill-scale  operation. 

Unlike  the  earlier  generation  of  New  York  porce- 
lain factories,  which  catered  exclusively  to  a  taste  for 
high-style,  foreign-looking  tableware,  the  Cartiidge 
firm  and  its  competitors  directed  their  efforts  toward 
the  burgeoning  market  of  tradespeople  and  other 
members  of  the  middle  class,  and  they  did  so  with  a 
completely  new  range  of  products,  Walt  Whitman, 
that  great  chronicler  of  life  in  nineteenth-century 
Brooklyn,  in  his  series  of  essays  for  the  Brooklyn  Daily 
Times  wrote  a  rare  eyewitness  accovmt  of  Cartlidge's 
porcelain  factory  that  leaves  an  indelible  image. The 
factory  scene  becomes  a  metaphor  for  the  times,  its 
array  of  activities  and  goods  paralleling  the  speed, 
busde,  and  activity  of  New  Yorkers  on  Broadway. 
Whitman  located  the  Cartiidge  porcelain  factory 
squarely  in  the  center  of  the  swirl  of  revolutionary 
changes  taking  place  in  America  at  large.  He  cited  in 
particular  the  company's  large  number  of  patented 
innovations,  comparing  the  new  manufacture  of 
doorknobs  and  doorplates  made  of  porcelain  to  such 
inventions  as  crinoline  skirts,  gutta-percha,  lucifer  (fiic- 
tion  striking)  matches,  and  street  sweepers. 

Cardidge's  three-story  porcelain  works  was  organ- 
ized vertically  by  fionction.  The  ground  floor  was 
devoted  to  the  storage  of  raw  materials  and  their 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  337 


preparation  in  various  stages.  The  second  floor  was 
the  modelers'  room,  the  core  of  the  operation.  Here, 
by  means  of  cosdy  molds  that  were  difficult  to  pro- 
duce, the  processed  raw  material  was  transformed 
"with  marvelous  rapidity"  into  a  wide  array  of 
unfired  forms.  These  proceeded  assembly-line  fashion 
to  the  dipping  kiln,  a  second  firing,  and  finally  to  the 
decorating  rooms  on  the  third  floor  for  enameling 
and  gilding,  after  which  they  were  fired  again.  Table- 
ware produced  included  cups  and  saucers,  fine  dishes, 
and  enormous  ornamental  pitchers.  Porcelain  "trim- 
mings" formed  a  mainstay  of  the  business,  however, 
bringing  the  material  into  a  realm  hitherto  undevel- 
oped. Such  trimmings  included  everything  from 
doorplates  of  all  types  to  piano  keys  (said  to  have 
been  a  Cartlidge  invention),  inkstands,  clock  faces, 
buttons,  and  speaking  tubes.  As  Whitman  declared, 
the  quantities  as  well  as  the  varieties  of  objects  pro- 
duced were  extraordinary:  "[of]  barrels  of  'castor- 
wheels'  for  beds  and  sofas,  .  .  .  door-knobs,  plain  and 
ornamented,  there  were  enough  to  supply  half 
the  doors  in  the  district,  [and]  of  bell-handles  there 
were  enough  to  break  all  the  bell-wires  on  the  South 
Side.  .  .  .  there  were  more  than  sufficient  numbers 
for  church-pews,  done  in  nice  white  and  gold  letters, 
than  will  be  called  for  .  .  .  for  some  time  to  come."'^^ 
The  decorating  rooms  contained  a  "profusion  of  petty 
wonders,"  including  "some  half  dozen  cosdy  and  richly 
ornamented  'presentation  pitchers'  intended  for  vari- 
ous societies,  the  least  of  which  was  capable  of  hold- 
ing a  pail  of  water."    Two  of  the  gallon-sized  pitchers 


were  made  to  be  presented  to  the  Assembly  and  the 
governor  of  the  State  of  New  York  (see  cat.  no.  267)  by 
the  Manufacturing  and  Mercantile  Union,  an  organi- 
zation intent  on  protecting  the  interests  of  manufac- 
turers in  New  York.^^ 

The  aesthetic  merits  of  the  wares  elicited  far  less 
comment  than  their  novelty  and  durability,  qualities 
that  preoccupied  much  of  New  York  in  this  era  of 
invention.  Yet  the  general  impression  conveyed  by 
these  porcelains  was  of  a  profusion  of  decoration, 
"glittering  with  gold  and  variegated  colors."  Unlike 
the  wares  of  an  earlier  generation,  which  were  strict 
replications  of  foreign  wares,  works  produced  in  this 
period  began  to  display  an  element  of  native  pride.  A 
diminutive  doorplate,  for  example,  featured  a  deli- 
cately painted  view  of  New  York  Harbor  seen  from 
Brooklyn  (fig.  275).  Pitchers,  the  staple  of  the  firm's 
manufacture,  featured  relief  decoration  depicting 
native  plants— cornstalks  and  oak  trees— and  sported 
eagles  and  versions  of  the  United  States  shield.  Of  the 
known  surviving  pitchers,  many  were  presentations 
to  individuals  who  could  be  described  as  tradesmen— 
butchers,  sailmakers,  and  coopers,  for  example— or 
were  made  for  use  in  the  growing  numbers  of  estab- 
lishments devoted  to  leisure  and  refreshment,  such  as 
hotels,  boardinghouses,  saloons,  and  porterhouses. 
One  pitcher  was  presented  to  Edmund  Jones,  the  pro- 
prietor of  the  Claremont,  a  popular  resort  hotel  on  the 
Bloomingdale  road  in  New  York  (cat.  no.  268).  The 
vessel  bears  his  name  and  the  name  of  the  hotel  and 
is  further  inscribed  "American  Porcela[in]"  on  one  of 


University  Press,  1932), 
pp.  132-38. 

49.  Ibid.,  p.  137. 

50.  Ibid.,  p.  136. 

51.  For  further  information  on 
these  pitchers,  see  Alice  Cooney 
Frelinghuysen,  American 
Porcelain,  1770-1920  (exh.  cat., 
New  York:  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  Qf  Art,  1989), 

pp.  108-9. 


33^    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


GLEASOTTS  PICrTOTlTAL  DRAWING -BOOM  COMPANION. 


li^'mvllli  frbvbni  In  tHb 

rlii  If 'r>  I. Bill  i'rii'u.iT',  JirsiJ 
inl   liiT   tti?  Itciiniini^ta, 

'lifc'h  ilh'T  Hre  navh?  pre 

f  *  rnjiT.^rn  f  tltt  ispff^- 
ViftiirjnLp  M  uui  iniU 


itilsi^  pre  bi  i^M*  rail 

p.  rF'enitn-iti^  ,nl^t-'l*i'  I 

mdj  lb4  iDi4d^     ElHi  ll 
^r.   Tlrii  i^T*'  tin 

ACW  Kn^l&TMl,  11111 

pf  pJIIri  in^  #lv|iHr,  hi 

htm,  l-nnh^tifM.  ■niF  4^ 


Fig.  276.  Porcelain  and  Flint  Ware,  Exhibiting  at  the  Crystal  Palace.  Wood  engraving  by  Richard(?)  Major,  from  Gkason's  Pictorial 
Dramn^f-Room  Companion,  October  22, 1853,  p.  266.  Courtesy  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts 


52.  For  further  information  on 
this  pitcher  and  an  illustration 
of  the  Claremont,  see  ibid., 
pp.  110-12. 

53.  Whitman,  /  Sit  and  Look  Out, 
P- 133. 

54.  Ibid.,  p.  137. 


the  stripes  of  the  American  shield  it  displays,  and  thus 
it  served  a  miiltiple  purpose:  dispensing  a  beverage, 
honoring  a  hotel,  and  promoting  the  porcelain  works. 

Porcelain,  that  most  exalted  of  the  ceramic  medi- 
ums, had  entered,  as  Whitman  suggests,  "the  modest 
dwelling  houses  of  moderately  well-off  and  poorer 
classes,"  a  public  that  would  particularly  appreciate 
the  product's  durability.    He  vividly  recounts  how  a 


factory  guide  gave  a  dramatic  demonstration  of  the 
porcelain's  soimdness  by  making  "a  rash  and  frantic 
blow  at  a  tray  of  these  polished  and  semi-translucent 
articles,  which  sent  them  flying  over  the  floor."  The 
guide  then  offered  the  items  for  inspection  to  demon- 
strate that  all  were  intact. 

Two  Greenpoint  porcelain  manufactories  exhibited 
their  wares  at  the  1853  New-York  Exhibition  of  the 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  339 


Industry  of  All  Nations  held  at  the  Crystal  Palace. 
New  York  was  deemed  the  most  auspicious  site  for 
this  fair,  America's  first  great  international  exposition, 
"because  of  its  great  advantages  as  a  commercial  cen- 
tre, and  as  the  chief  entrepot  of  European  goods." 
As  at  the  1851  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  in  London, 
ceramics  were  among  the  most  widely  represented  of 
the  usefiil  arts,  coming  from  nations  across  the  world. 
"The  display  of  fine  porcelain,"  it  was  written  of  the 
New  York  exposition  at  the  time,  "and  of  objects  illus- 
trating several  other  branches  of  the  ceramic  art,  is  one 
of  the  remarkable  features  of  the  place,  and  it  is  littie 
to  say,  that  it  has  proved  a  most  novel  and  instructive 
spectacle  to  those  who  had  not  before  seen  the  great 
National  Museums  of  Europe."  Of  the  seven  ceram- 
ics entries  from  the  United  States,  those  submitted  by 
the  two  Greenpoint  firms  made  a  creditable  showing. 
Charles  Cartiidge  and  Company  displayed  a  "Porce- 
lain tea  table  and  fancy  ware"  in  addition  to  "door 
trimmings  and  sign  letters."  William  Boch  and  Broth- 
ers showed  "Stair  rods  and  plates  of  decorated  porce- 
lain. Plain  and  gilded  porcelain  trimmings  for  doors, 
shutters,  drawers,  &c"s^  Several  other  firms,  Haugh- 
wout  and  Dailey  and  Joseph  Stouvenel  and  Brother 
among  them,  also  exhibited  decorated  porcelains. 

The  most  impressive  of  the  American  exhibits, 
however,  was  submitted  by  a  New  York  retailer,  O.  A. 
Gager  and  Company,  representing  the  United  States 
Pottery  Company  in  Bennington,  Vermont.  The  offi- 
cial catalogue's  modest  entry  describing  the  work  sim- 
ply as  "Fenton's  patent  flint  enameled  ware"  did  not 
prepare  visitors  for  the  ten-foot-high  monument 
made  of  ceramics  that  confronted  them  (cat.  no.  270). 
Singled  out  by  Horace  Greeley  as  an  exhibition 
"which  is  well  worthy  of  observation  by  all  those  who 
take  delight  in  the  progress  of  American  art  and 
skill,"  the  display  was  depicted  in  a  woodcut  pub- 
lished on  the  front  page  of  the  Boston  newspaper  Glea- 
son^s  Pictorial  Drawin^f-Room  Companion  (fig.  276). 
The  monument  and  the  utilitarian  objects  that  sur- 
rounded it  demonstrated  the  diversity  of  the  United 
States  Pottery  Company's  wares  and  presented  exam- 
ples of  the  varied  clay  bodies  and  glazes  for  which  the 
firm  became  well  known.  The  monument  itself  had 
four  levels.  At  the  bottom  was  a  base  of  scroddled 
ware,  that  is,  different  colored  clays  mixed  to  resem- 
ble veined  marble.  Next  came  a  columnar  octagonal 
section  made  of  the  firm's  yellow  ware,  with  its  famed 
color-flecked  flint  enamel  glaze.  The  third  section 
once  contained  a  bust  in  Parian  ware  of  Christopher 
Webber  Fenton,  the  founder  of  the  pottery  and  the 
inventor  of  new  types  of  ceramic  wares  and  glazes, 


surrounded  by  a  screen  of  Corinthian  columns  made 
of  scroddled  ware.  Resting  on  the  columns  was  a  flint 
enamel  glazed  cap  that  also  served  as  the  base  for  a 
statue  in  Parian  ware  of  a  Madonna-like  figure  hold- 
ing a  child  and  a  Bible.  Stacked  on  the  floor  and  on 
tiered  display  tables  around  the  monument  was  a 
large  assortment  of  practical  and  ornamental  wares, 
from  plates  and  pitchers  to  watercoolers  and  stat- 
uettes, all  in  the  firm's  signature  types  of  ceramic.  In 
its  size  and  elaborate  massing,  the  United  States  Pot- 
tery Company's  display  seemed  to  echo  the  aesthetic 
of  the  Crystal  Palace  itself.  New  York,  then,  was  not 
the  only  locus  of  innovative  pottery  making. 

In  the  New  York  area  Greenpoint  remained  the 
center  for  the  manufacture  of  Parian  and  heavy-grade 
porcelain  throughout  the  nineteenth  century.  Cart- 
lidge's  firm  remained  in  business  until  1858;  William 
Boch  and  Brothers  (see  cat.  no.  269)  was  in  operation 
during  approximately  the  same  period,  from  at  least 
1844  imtil  1861  or  1862.  And  in  i860  Thomas  C.  Smith 
founded  the  Union  Porcelain  Works,  which  later 
became  the  preeminent  porcelain  works  in  Brooklyn 
and,  in  spite  of  increasing  competition  from  the  white- 
ware  firms  in  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  remained  a  lead- 
ing manufacturer  in  the  field  of  hotel  china  until  the 
early  1920s. 

Glassware  Made  in  New  Tork  City 

The  period  from  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal  to  the 
onset  of  the  Civil  War  was  a  time  of  transition  in  the 
American  glass  industry.  Protective  tariffs  encouraged 
the  development  of  domestic  industry,  including 
glassmaking,  and  masses  of  skilled  immigrant  laborers 
made  it  possible  to  staff  large  shops  that  could  produce 
fine-quality  tableware  of  blown,  cut,  or  pressed  glass. 
In  the  1820S  in  New  York  City  several  glass  factories 
were  founded  that  produced  middle-range  and  luxury 
table  glass.  During  the  three  ensuing  decades  these 
firms  established  themselves  securely  and  created  the 
one  serious  chapter  in  the  history  of  New  York 
City  glassmaking,  but  in  the  1850s  and  1860s  many 
of  them  closed  down  one  by  one.  Those  that  survived 
reestablished  themselves  in  another  part  of  the  coun- 
try or  turned  to  the  manufacture  of  optical  glass  or 
glass  for  streetiamps.  It  was  not  until  the  late  nine- 
teenth century  that  New  York  again  became  a  glass- 
making  center,  but  this  time  for  the  limited 
production  of  fine  art  glass. 

The  earliest  of  the  nineteenth-century  glasshouses 
were  located  in  Manhattan,  outside  the  heavily  popu- 
lated commercial  district.  Like  potteries,  glassmaking 


55.  Official  Catalogue  of  the  New- 
York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry 
of  All  Nations,  i8s3  (New  York; 
George  P.  Putnam  and  Co., 

1853)  ,  p.  16. 

56.  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C.  R.  Good- 
rich, eds.,  ne  World  of  Science, 
Art,  and  Industry  Illustrated 
from  Examples  in  the  New -Tork 
Exhibition,  i8s3-S4  (New  York: 
G.  P.  Putnam  and  Company, 

1854)  ,  p.  186. 

57.  Official  Catalogue,  Industry  of 
All  Nations,  i8s3,  p-  8i. 

58.  Horace  Greeley,  Art  and 
Industry  as  Represented  in  the 
Exhibition  at  the  Crystal 
Palace  New  Tork — i8s3-4, 
Showing  the  Progress  and  State 
of  the  Various  Useful  and 
Esthetic  Pursuits  (New  York: 
Redfield,  1853),  p.  120. 

59.  In  1853  Pittsburgh  had  eight 
glasshouses  employing  five 
hundred  people  for  the  making 
of  utilitarian  glass  only,  and 

in  addition,  similar  numbers 
employed  in  the  manufacture 
of  window  glass  and  phials. 

60.  See  [James  Boardman],  Amer- 
ica and  the  Americans  by  a 
Citizen  of  the  World  (London: 
Longman,  Rees,  Orme,  Brown, 
Green,  and  Longmans,  1833), 
pp.  21-23. 

61.  Thomson  and  Grant  advertise- 
ment, New  Orleans  Argus,  Jan- 
uary 18, 1830,  quoted  in  Arlene 
Palmer,  Glass  in  Early  Amer- 
ica: Selections  from  the  Henry 
Francis  du  Pont  Winterthur 
Museum  (Winterthur,  Dela- 
ware: Henry  Francis  du  Pont 
Winterthur  Museum,  1993), 

P-  137. 

62.  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Company, 
advertisement,  Carrington's 
Commissionaire,  January  i, 
1856,  transcribed  in  Maynard  E. 
Steiner,  "The  Brooklyn  Flint 
Glass  Company,  1840-1868," 
The  Acorn,  Journal  of  the 
Sandwich  Glass  Museum  7 
(1997),  p.  61. 

63.  Baron  Axel  Klinkowstrom, 
Baron  Klinkowstrdm^s  Amer- 
ica, 1818-1820,  edited  by  Frank- 
lin D.  Scott  (Evanston,  Illinois: 
Northwestern  University  Press, 
1952),  p.  128,  quoted  in  Elisa- 
beth Donaghy  Garrett,  At 
Home:  The  American  Family, 
1750-1870  (New  York:  Harry  N. 
Abrams,  1990),  p.  89. 


340    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


64.  Margaret  Hunter  Hall,  The 
Aristocratic  Journey:  Bein£  the 
Outspoken  Letters  of  Mrs.  Basil 
Hall  Written  During  a  Four- 
teen Months^  Sojourn  in  Amer- 
ica, 1827-1828,  edited  by  Una 
Pope-Hennessy  (New  York: 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1931), 

p.  65. 1  thank  Ariene  Palmer 
for  giving  me  this  reference. 

65.  [Boardman],  America  and  the 
Americans,  pp.  85-86. 

66.  Mitchell  advertisement,  Balti- 
more American,  March  16, 
1829,  quoted  in  Palmer,  Glass 
in  Early  America,  p.  141. 

67.  Niles'  Weekly  Re£fister,  Decem- 
ber II,  1819,  quoted  in  Ken- 
neth M.  Wilson,  New  En£fland 
Glass  and  Glassmakin£[  (New 
York:  Thomas  Y  Crowell 
Company,  1972),  p.  245. 

68.  A  primitive  painting  in  the 
collection  of  the  New-York 
Historical  Society,  signed 
B.  Whitde  and  dated  1837, 
depicts  the  modest  buildings 
of  the  factory.  It  shows  a  two- 
story  brick  warehouse  and  a 
conical  brick  chimney  that 
makes  clear  the  location  of 
the  glass  furnace.  Richard 
Fisher  is  seen  at  the  door 

of  the  establishment  supervis- 
ing the  loading  of  barrels  onto 
a  horse-drawn  wagon— pre- 
sumably finished  goods  on 
their  way  to  the  New  York 
warehouse.  The  Hudson  River 
is  just  beyond  the  faaory. 

69.  See  Clara  M.  Hobbes, 
"New  York  Produced  Cut 
Glass,"  New  York  Sun, 
April  1,  1933- 

70.  American  Institute  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  "List  of 
Premiums  Awarded,  1834-41," 
1835,  p.  24  (diploma);  Ameri- 
can Institute  Judges'  Reports, 
Eighth  Annual  Fair,  1835, 
"Report  of  the  Judges  on 
Glass  and  Earthenware," 
item  492  (quote),  Manuscript 
Department,  The  New-York 
Historical  Society. 

71.  New  York  City  Records  of  Con- 
veyances, cited  in  George  S. 
McKearin  and  Helen  McKearin, 
American  Glass  (New  York: 
Crown  Publishers,  1941),  p.  595- 


faaories  depended  on  furnaces  fired  to  high  temper- 
atures, and  disastrous  fires  plagued  the  industry.  For 
that  reason  most  glass  factories  were  established  not 
in  the  city  center  but  across  the  Hudson  and  East 
rivers  in  areas  such  as  Jersey  City  and  Brooklyn,  where 
fires  could  be  more  easily  contained  than  in  New  York. 
As  previously  noted,  these  locations,  near  important 
navigable  waterways,  provided  easy  access  for  the 
shipping  of  raw  materials  and  the  dissemination  of 
finished  goods. 

The  glassmaking  industry  requires  a  skilled  and  experi- 
enced labor  force.  Without  a  longstanding  tradition  of 
glassmaking  in  America,  would-be  glassmakers  initially 
were  forced  to  look  abroad  for  talented  craftsmen. 
But  increased  immigration  from  the  1820s  through 
the  1840S  provided  the  much-needed  workers,  and  by 
the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  this 
influx  of  skilled  crafbmen  and  entrepreneurs,  largely 
from  England,  helped  transform  the  industry.  Whereas 
once  the  primary  objective  had  been  the  production 
of  articles  of  common  use,  now  manufactories  in  the 
glassmaking  centers  of  Pittsburgh,  New  York,  and 
Boston  were  turning  out  more  high-quality  glass 
tableware  and  decorative  wares  than  utilitarian  goods. 
This  trend  was  stimulated  in  New  York  by  competition 
with  glassmakers  in  Europe  and  other  parts  of  America. 
Although  New  York  could  never  compete  in  the  manu- 
facture of  utilitarian  glass  with  great  industrial  cen- 
ters such  as  Pittsburgh,  5^  the  high-end  glass  produced 
in  the  Empire  City  compared  favorably  with  that  of 
the  established  glassmaking  centers  of  Pittsburgh  and 
Boston. 

New  York  faaories  apparentiy  marketed  their  goods 
through  the  china  and  glass  dealers  that  were  begin- 
ning to  proliferate  along  Pearl  Street  and  Broadway. 
Here  was  the  great  burgeoning  emporium  where 
warehouses,  retail  shops,  auction  rooms,  and  whole- 
sale depots  commingled.  These  dealers,  who  flour- 
ished because  of  a  newly  specialized  consumerism, 
sold  both  high-end  domestic  products  and  imported 
ones.  But  not  all  territories  were  available  for  their 
trade.  The  New  England  market  had  been  cornered 
by  firms  in  Cambridge  and  Sandwich  in  Massachu- 
setts, and  Pittsburgh  firms  dominated  the  southern 
and  western  markets.  The  markets  for  New  York 
glass  generally  ranged  from  the  city  along  the  east- 
ern seaboard  to  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  and 
extended  to  the  southern  seaports  of  Richmond, 
Mobile,  and  New  Orleans.  As  early  as  1830  a  New 
Orleans  retailer  announced  the  arrival  of  "80  pack- 
ages from  the  Brooklyn  Glass  Company;  all  new  and 
taste [ful]  articles ."^^  New  York  firms  even  explored 


foreign  markets,  for  in  an  1856  advertisement  the 
Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  announced  its  "Pressed, 
Cut,  Fancy  and  Engraved  Glass-ware  of  varied  pat- 
terns and  styles  .  .  .  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  Spanish 
and  South  American  Markets.^^^^ 

The  period  from  the  1820s  through  the  1840s  saw  a 
vogue  for  richly  cut  glass,  which  provided  glittering 
ornament  for  dining  tables  and  sideboards.  One  for- 
eign traveler  in  the  United  States  noted  that  in  the 
American  dining  room  "there  is  always  a  very  elegant 
mahogany  sideboard  decorated  with  the  silver  and 
metal  vessels  of  the  household  as  well  as  with  beau- 
tiftd  cut  glass  and  crystal."  When  Mrs,  Basil  Hall 
attended  a  family  dinner  with  Governor  De  Witt 
Clinton  in  Albany  in  September  1827,  she  especially 
noticed  the  porcelain  and  the  "cut  glass  an  inch 
thick."  While  very  few  pieces  survive  that  can  be 
firmly  associated  with  New  York  families  of  this 
period,  the  few  published  descriptions  and  the  handful 
of  documented  pieces  indicate  that  glass  made  and  cut 
in  New  York  during  the  1820s  and  1830s  was  in  the 
Regency  style,  then  the  vogue  in  England. 

English  Regency- style  cut  glass  was  showy  and 
sparkling,  a  fitting  symbol  of  wealth,  status,  and  power. 
The  steam-powered  cutting  lathe,  a  recent  techno- 
logical innovation,  had  made  possible  the  creation 
of  a  wide  range  of  new  decorative  patterns  that  trans- 
formed the  look  of  cut  glass.  The  new  style  featured 
such  complex  design  elements  as  horizontal  step  cut- 
ting, bands  of  close  diamond  cutting,  and  the  straw- 
berry diamond,  in  which  fine  lines  are  cut  in  a 
crisscross  pattern  on  the  fiat  tops  of  diamonds. 
Another  innovative  feature  was  star  cutting  on  the 
foot  of  the  vessel,  sometimes  highly  elaborate,  with 
the  points  of  the  star  extending  nearly  to  the  edge  of 
the  foot.  Glass  from  New  York  firms  embodied  this 
style  more  thoroughly  and  expertiy  than  did  wares 
from  any  other  American  glassmaking  center.  For 
instance,  few  renditions  of  the  popular  motif  of  broad 
bands  of  close  strawberry  diamonds,  or  repeated  cross- 
hatched  diamonds,  from  Pittsburgh  or  New  England 
can  compare  in  depth  of  cutting  or  robustness  of 
design  with  the  known  examples  of  the  pattern  in 
New  York  pieces  (see  cat.  no.  271). 

In  addition  to  producing  cut  glass,  glasshouses  in 
the  New  York  area  made  molded  and  pressed  glass. 
The  glass  press,  one  of  the  most  important  inventions  in 
the  history  of  glassmaking,  is  thought  to  be  an  Amer- 
ican innovation.  The  press  considerably  reduced  the 
amount  of  skilled  handworking  required  in  the  man- 
ufacturing process,  since  a  piece  could  be  completely 
formed  in  its  finished  shape  and  surface  decoration  in 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  341 


a  single  operation.  Pressed  glass  caught  the  attention 
of  Englishman  James  Boardman  when  he  visited  the 
fair  of  the  American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York 
in  1829.  Boardman  subsequently  wrote,  "The  most 
novel  article  was  the  pressed  glass,  which  was  far 
superior,  both  in  design  and  execution  to  anything  of 
the  kind  I  have  ever  seen  in  either  London  or  else- 
where. The  merit  of  its  invention  is  due  to  the  Amer- 
icans, and  it  is  likely  to  prove  one  of  great  national 
importance  ."^^ 

While  a  distinctive  New  York  style  in  cut  glass  can 
be  identified,  the  molded  and  pressed  glass  objects 
made  in  New  York  demonstrate  a  remarkable  consis- 
tency with  those  from  New  England  and  elsewhere  in 
America.  For  example,  Brooklyn-made  "Labeled  qt 
Decanters'— presumably  the  kind  blown  in  a  three- 
part  full-size  mold  with  a  molded  reserve  enclosing 
the  name  of  an  alcoholic  beverage— were  advertised 
as  part  of  the  glass  inventory  of  a  Baltimore  retailer  in 
1829,^^  but  such  decanters  are  also  known  to  have 
been  produced  in  New  England.  The  same  advertise- 
ment lists  saltcellars  made  by  the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass 
Works  and  pressed  in  the  Grecian,  Diamond,  and 
Eagle  patterns— again  the  very  same  patterns  utilized 
by  the  New  England  firms.  Thus,  although  pressed 
and  molded  glass  played  an  important  role  in  the  his- 
tory of  American  design,  its  contribution  to  New 
York  arts  was  superseded  by  the  vigorous  develop- 
ment of  cut  glass. 

Glassmaking  began  in  New  York  in  the  1820s  in 
the  hope  of  supplying  to  an  ever  increasing  market  a 
luxury  product  that  could  compare  favorably  with  the 
foreign  glassware  so  well  entrenched  in  American 
tastes.  Initially,  three  factories  were  established  in  the 
area:  the  Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works,  the  Brook- 
lyn Flint  Glass  Works,  and  the  Jersey  Glass  Company. 
("Flint  glass"  was  the  term  used  during  the  period  to 
denote  high-quality  glass  with  a  substantial  lead  con- 
tent that  gave  it  brilliance  and  made  it  suitable  for  cut- 
ting.) In  the  mid-i850s  another  firm,  the  Dorflinger 
Works,  entered  the  arena. 

The  Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works,  the  earliest  of 
the  glass  factories  to  operate  successfully  in  the  city  or 
its  environs,  was  also  the  smallest  and  shortest  lived. 
Two  exceedingly  talented  glass  workers,  John  Fisher 
and  John  L.  Gilliland,  left  the  successful  New  England 
Glass  Company  in  East  Cambridge,  Massachusetts, 
perhaps  in  an  attempt  to  stake  out  new  markets,  and 
came  to  New  York  to  set  up  their  own  independent 
firm  in  1820.  Fisher  and  Gilliland  had  only  the  year 
before  become  famous  for  the  quality  of  their  prod- 
uct as  a  result  of  publicity  about  a  much-exhibited 


work  they  had  made.  The  piece,  a  covered  cut  glass 
urn  said  to  weigh  forty-five  pounds,  displayed  com- 
plex decoration.  One  observer's  detailed  description 
illustrates  the  design  vocabulary  of  the  day: 

The  cutting  on  the  foot  is  in  arched  scollops^fiutingSy 
and  deep  splits  with  prismatic  rings  and  splits 
beneath — the  bowl  round  the  bottom,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  manufactory,  has  raised  diamonds 
and  deep  sunk  rings;  and  on  the  body  there  are  still 
deeper  strawberry  diamonds,  rings  and  arched 
scollops;  the  cover  has  a  cheverel  cut  from  the  solid 
glass,  edge  arched  scollops,  prismatic  rings  with 
splits  beneath;  rows  of  strawberry  diamonds,  and 
head;  [ringed]  and  raised  diamonds.^'^ 

The  piece  was  first  presented  at  a  Brighton,  Massa- 
chusetts, show  of  manufactures  and  was  subsequently 
exhibited  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore, 
no  doubt  to  draw  attention  to  the  wares  of  the  New 
England  Glass  Company.  In  1819,  shordy  after  receiv- 
ing this  important  exposure,  Gilliland,  Fisher,  and 
Fisher's  brother  Richard  purchased  a  large  plot  of  land 
on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  River,  between  Forty- 
eighth  and  Fiftieth  streets,  in  what  was  called  the 
Bloomingdale  district  of  New  York.  Here  they  built  a 
glass  factory,  the  Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works 
(also  called  the  New  York  Glass  Works;  see  fig.  277).^^ 
The  factory  sold  its  goods  wholesale  through  its  office, 
which  was  located  in  the  city's  commercial  district, 
before  the  firm  was  dissolved  in  1840. 

Attempts  to  trace  the  history  of  glassmaking  in 
New  York  are  frustrated  by  the  near  total  absence  of 
information  about  the  Bloomingdale  factory  or  its 
production.  Nothing  is  known  of  any  surviving  prod- 
ucts of  the  factory  beyond  the  photographs  published 
in  the  New  Tork  Sun  in  1933  th^t  show  a  group  of 
richly  cut  tablewares  owned  by  Richard  Fisher's  grand- 
daughter (fig.  278).^^  In  style  and  cutting  the  illus- 
trated pieces  are  clearly  related  to  the  sumptuous 
design  of  the  much-praised  New  England  urn.  Mod- 
eled closely  on  English  glass  of  the  same  period,  the 
vessels  are  of  thick  colorless  glass  deeply  cut  in  a  vari- 
ety of  patterns,  among  them  many  instances  of  the 
repeated  strawberry  diamond.  Characteristic  of  the 
glassware  is  an  abundance  of  cutting  so  that  even  areas 
traditionally  left  plain  are  embellished  with  faceting 
or  cut  rings,  bases  are  star  cut,  handles  are  decorated, 
and  a  sawtooth  pattern  is  cut  into  the  rim.  Products 
of  the  firm  were  exhibited  at  the  annual  fair  of  the 
American  Institute  in  1835  and  earned  a  diploma  for 
the  "second  best  specimen  of  cut  glass." 


72.  For  information  on  the  Brook- 
lyn Flint  Glass  Company,  see 
Steiner,  "Brooklyn  Flint  Glass 
Company,"  pp.  38-69.  See  also 
Lisa  Bedell,  "Brooklyn's  Finest 
Glass:  The  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass 
Works,"  typescript,  1995,  Mas- 
ter's Program,  Cooper-Hewitt, 
National  Design  Museum,  and 
Parsons  School  of  Design. 

73.  Ira  Rosenwaike,  Population 
History  of  New  Tork  City  (Syra- 
cuse: Syracuse  University 
Press,  1972),  p.  33- 

74.  Samuel  Griscom,  Diary, 
May  2i-June  1824,  "Journey 
from  Salem,  New  Jersey,  to 
Philadelphia,  New  Brunswick, 
New  York  City,  Albany  and 
return,"  copy  available  at  the 
New-York  Historical  Society. 

75.  Gilliland's  firm  was  awarded  a 
First  Premium  for  "glass  that 
was  of  exceptional  beauty  and 
brilliancy"  when  it  was  exhib- 
ited at  the  New  York  Mechanical 
and  Scientific  Institute  in  1824. 
One  contemporary  observer 
wrote  that  it  "sparkles  like  a 
diamond";  quoted  in  Helen 
McKearin  and  George  S.  Mc- 
Kearin,  Two  Hundred  Tears  of 
American  Blown  Glass 

(New  York:  Bonanza  Books, 
1950),  p.  108. 

76.  Calmer,  Glass  in  Early  Amer- 
ica, p.  136. 

77.  Deming  Jarves,  Reminiscences 
of  Glass-making,  id  ed.  (New 
York:  Hurd  and  Houghton, 
1865),  p.  96. 

78.  In  1 816  Dummer  sold  James 
BrinkerhofF  "i  Set  Rich  cut 
Decanters,  4  Qt  &  6  Pint"  for 
$105  and  dozens  of  "Rich  cut 
Tumbcrs  and  Wines";  on  Octo- 
ber 2,  1819,  he  sold  BrinkerhofF 
"One  Rich  cut  Glass  Dessert 
Set"  for  S225;  Troup  Papers, 
Box  3,  Folder  4,  New  York 
Public  Library.  I  thank  Frances 
Bretter,  Research  Associate, 
Department  of  American 
Decorative  Arts,  Metropolitan 
Museum,  for  bringing  these 
references  to  my  attention. 

79.  George  Dummer,  invoice  to 
Mr.  Robert  Kermit,  New  York, 
January  24, 1820,  Joseph 
Downs  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts and  Printed  Ephemera, 
courtesy  The  Winterthur  Library, 
Henry  Francis  du  Pont  Win- 
terthur Museum,  Winterthur, 
Delaware. 

80.  Geo.  Dummer  and  Co.,  New 
York,  advertisement,  New- 
Tork  Advertiser,  April  17,  1822, 
p.  4. 


342    ART  AND  THE.  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  277.  B.  Whittle,  /.  md  K  Fisher's  Bloomin^daU  Flint  Glass  Works,  ca.  1837.  Oil  on  canvas. 
Collection  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


81.  Franklin  Journal  and  Amer- 
ican Mechanics'  Magazine  2 
(1826),  p.  242. 

82.  Quoted  in  Kenneth  M.  Wilson, 
"Bohemian  Influence  on  19th 
Century  American  Glassf  in 
Annates  dus^  Centres  Inter- 
national d'ttude  Historique 
du  Verre  (Liege:  Association 
Internationale  pour  I'Histoire 
du  Verre,  1972),  p.  272. 

83.  The  view  of  "City-Hall,  New 
York**  was  published  by  J.  and 
E  Tallis,  London,  ca.  1840-50. 
The  same  view  appears  on  a 
goblet  in  the  Coming  Museum 


On  November  11,  1822,  only  two  years  after  the 
Bloomingdale  works  commenced  operation,  Gilliland 
transferred  his  interest  in  the  property  to  the  Fishers^^ 
and  moved  on  again.  The  following  year  he  founded 
the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  at  Columbia  Street 
and  Adantic  Avenue  on  the  Brooklyn  waterfront  (see 
fig.  279).^^  (At  the  time  Brooklyn  was  only  beginning 
to  be  developed;  in  1825  its  population  numbered 
11,000,  while  Manhattan's  was  166,000.)^^  The  mys- 
teries of  glassmaking  often  attracted  observers,  and  an 
early  visitor  to  Gilliland's  new  factory  recorded  in  his 
diary  that  he  was  "much  gratified  with  observing  the 


Fig.  278.  Examples  of  Cut  Glass  Made  in  New  Tork,  from  the  Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works  of 
Richard  and  John  Fisher,  New  York  City.  From  the  New  Tork  Sun,  April  i,  1933 


manner  in  which  they  bring  the  fluid  glass  from  the 
Furnaces,  and  the  facility  with  which  they  form  it  into 
the  various  shapes  required;  .  .  .  their  machinery  for 
grinding  and  annealing  the  glass  was  curious.'' '^'^ 
Brooklyn  glass  developed  a  reputation  for  clarity  and 
brilliance,  and  the  glassworks  consistendy  won  awards 
at  fairs  until  it  ceased  to  exist  in  1868.^^  The  absence 
of  any  reference  to  cut  glass  during  the  firm's  early 
decades  suggests  that  at  the  time  cutting  was  not  car- 
ried out  on  the  premises.  Brooklyn  city  direaories  list 
only  one  glasscutter  at  the  glassworks  before  1850. 
Apparentiy  the  company  looked  outside  the  factory 
for  skilled  individuals  to  cut  its  high-quality  products 
and  either  subcontracted  or  sold  its  glass  to  retailers 
and  independent  cutting  studios.  The  foimder  of 
the  Boston  and  Sandwich  Glass  Company,  Deming 
Jarves,  admitted,  "John  L.  Gillerland  {sic\  late  of  the 
Brooklyn  Glass-Works,  is  remarkably  skilfiil  in  mixing 
metal.  He  has  succeeded  in  producing  the  most 
brilliant  glass  of  refractory  power,  which  is  so  difficult 
to  obtain."  ^7 

The  third  New  York  firm  that  produced  luxury-glass 
tablewares  was  the  Jersey  Glass  Company,  founded 
by  George  Dummer,  who  had  carried  on  an  active 
retail  business  in  both  ceramics  and  cut  glass  before 
opening  his  factory.  Surviving  bills  of  sale  show  the 
wide  range  and  quality  of  the  glass  he  sold.^^  A  bill  to 
Mr.  Robert  Kermit  dated  1820  fists  an  assortment  of 
cut  glass,  including  lemonades,  wineglasses,  goblets, 
jugs,  and  celery  glasses,  as  well  as  "6  large  Strawberry 
Cut  Dishes."  Dummer  added  glasscutting  to  his 
retail  business  in  1822,  announcing  that  at  its  ware- 
house and  rooms  at  31  Pine  Street  customers  could 
find:  "Castors,  Liqueur  Stands,  Wine  and  Dessert 
Sets,  Glass  Lamps,  and  Chandefiers  repaired,  and 
orders  executed  to  patterns,  at  the  shortest  notice."*** 

In  its  first  few  years  of  operation  Dummer's  Jersey 
Glass  Company  produced  clear,  colorless  glass  and  for 
cutting  utilized  up-to-date  technology  in  the  form  of 
thirty-two  steam-driven  wheels.*^  It  produced  glass- 
ware in  a  wide  variety  of  shapes  and  patterns  in  the 
Regency  style,  as  is  evidenced  by  both  an  undated 
handbill  (fig.  280)  and  surviving  glass  documented 
through  Dummer  family  history  (cat.  nos.  273-275). 
The  firm  also  made  pressed  glass  and  in  1827  secured 
two  patents  for  improvements  in  pressing  technology, 
which  were  applied  to  the  manufacture  of  glass  fiirni- 
ture  knobs  and  decorative  saltcellars.  The  similarity  of 
its  patterns  to  those  used  in  New  England  may  have 
prompted  the  company  to  impress  its  name  and  loca- 
tion on  the  underside  of  saltcellars:  "Jersey  Glass  Co./ 
Nr.  N.  York"  (see  cat.  no.  272). 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  343 


The  Dummer  factory  may  have  been  the  first  New 
York  firm  to  make  colored  glass,  as  exemplified  by  a 
pale  green  saltcellar  bearing  the  company  mark.  The 
color,  much  employed  for  English  Regency  glass  and 
especially  well  suited  to  cut  decoration,  can  be  seen 
in  a  panel- cut  decanter  and  wineglasses,  probably 
New  York  made,  that  were  purportedly  owned  by 
New  York  merchant  and  art  collector  Luman  Reed 
(cat.  no.  276). 

The  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  expanded  and  reor- 
ganized during  the  1840s  and  began  to  manufacture 
colored  glass  about  1849.  Its  production  of  new  col- 
ors responded  less  to  the  demand  for  Regency-style 
glass  than  to  a  new  taste  for  highly  colored  products: 
clear  glass  vessels  plated  or  cased  with  a  thin  layer 
of  colored  glass  and  then  cut  so  that  both  the  vivid 
shade  and  the  colorless  areas  are  visible.  Glass  of  this 
type  was  beginning  to  be  imported  in  large  numbers 
from  Bohemian  factories  by  businesses  such  as  that  of 
Charles  Ahrenfeldt  of  New  York  City,  who  is  identi- 
fied on  an  1852  billhead  as  an  "importer  of  Bohemian 
Plain,  Cut  and  Fancy  Colored  Glass  Ware.''^^  Bohe- 
mian glassware  cased  or  stained  red  or  blue  and  then 
embellished  with  ambitious  cut  and  engraved  designs 
found  a  ready  market  among  Americans,  who  by  the 
1840S  had  succumbed  to  a  weakness  for  overelabora- 
tion  and  excessive  color  in  many  areas  of  the  decorative 
arts.  Some  of  the  Bohemian  designs  were  market- 
specific  to  a  particular  city,  with  highly  detailed  ren- 
derings of  city  views  or  of  individual  buildings.  In  this 
category  are  several  goblets  and  vases  graced  with 
images  of  New  York's  City  Hall,  all  copied  from  the 
same  print  source  (see  fig.  281). Highly  colored, 
decorative  Bohemian  glassware  received  considerable 
attention  at  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition. 

The  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  capitalized  on  this 
interest  by  describing  some  of  its  own  products  as 
"Fancy  Bohemian  color  glass  ware."^'*^  According  to 
an  advertisement  of  1850,  it  was  making  glass  in  a 
spectrum  that  included  ruby,  alabaster,  chrysoprase 
(apple  green),  and  turquoise;^^  and  it  claimed  to  be  the 
first  firm  in  America  to  produce  "plated  or  Bohemia 
Glass  Ware,"  thus  briefly  preempting  its  New  England 
competition  in  this  area.  Wrote  one  critic  for  the 
Brooklyn  Evening  Star  in  May  1851,  "The  art  of  plating 
glass  has  not  been  understood  at  all  in  America  till 
quite  recentiy,  and  if  we  mistake  not,  this  is  the  only 
establishment  in  the  country  that  manufactures  it  to 
any  extent." ^'^  In  i860  a  group  of  Japanese  diplomats 
were  taken  to  Brooklyn  "to  view  the  process  of  mak- 
ing crystal,  ruby,  green,  and  blue  glass  .  .  .  the  most 
interesting  art  to  be  seen  in  any  country."  Colored 


Fig.  279.  Trade  card  of  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works,  Brooklyn,  New  York.  Steel  engraving,  from 
Antiques  17  (March  1930),  p.  262 


JERSEY  GLASS  COMriNV'S  FACTORY, 
JEBSEY  CITY,  oitosjte  M:W  YOKK. 


CVT 


^2 

FACTORY  WAILEHDVSE 


IJL.I  I 


limiii 
II  mil  1 
liuiiii 

SS!lfS» 


fE|iiiiillEi  far  lin^ 


01 5*114 1  Ijm 


Fig.  280.  Handbill  for  the  Jersey  Glass  Company  of  George  Dummer,  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey, 
undated.  Wood  engraving.  Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  The  Arthur  W.  Clement  Collection  43. 128. 117 


344    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


of  Glass,  Coming,  New  York 
(79.3.160),  and  on  a  vase  and  a 
goblet,  whose  current  locations 
are  unknown;  see  Paul  and 
Alma  C.  Bruner  Americana 
Collection  (sale  cat.,  Cleveland, 
Ohio:  Wolfs  Fine  Arts  Auc- 
tioneers, November  16-17, 
1990),  lots  352, 354D.  See  Jane 
Shadel  Spillman,  "Glasses  with 
American  Views— Addenda," 
Journal  of  Glass  Studies  22 
(1980),  pp.  78-81.  The  view 
appears  again  as  painted  deco- 
ration on  an  opaque  white 
glass  vase,  also  of  Bohemian 
origin.  See  N.  Sakiel  and  Son, 
New  York,  advertisement, 
Antiques  116  (Oaober  1979), 
p.  678. 

84.  American  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  "Report  of  the 
Judges  on  Glass  and  China 
also  Engraving  on  Glass  and 
Painting  on  China  Ware,"  1850, 
item  933,  Manuscript  Depart- 
ment, The  New-York  Histor- 
ical Society. 

85.  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works, 
advertisement.  Home  Journal, 
March  20, 1850. 

86.  Brooklyn  Evening  Star,  May  28, 
1851,  quoted  in  Wilson,  "Bohe- 
mian Influence  on  19th  Cen- 
tury American  Glass,"  p.  272. 

87.  Francis  Nicol  to  Samuel  Fran- 
cis Du  Pont,  June  17,  r86o, 
Hagley  Museum  Library, 
quoted  in  Quimby  and  Fer- 
nald,  "A  Matter  of  Taste  and 
Elegance,"  p.  131. 

88.  Palmer,  Glass  in  Early  Amer- 
ica, p.  137. 

89.  See  "Glass,"  Niks'  Weekly 
Register,  May  22, 1830, 

p.  232. 

90.  The  notice  was  also  published 
in  Portland,  Maine.  It  called 
attention  to  the  Jackson  and 
Baggott  "manufactory  of  Cut 
Flint  Glass .  .  .  the  articles  of 
whose  workmanship,  compar- 
ing with  any  for  nearness  and 
elegance  ...  do  credit  to  the 
skill  and  enterprise  of  the  art- 
ist." See  Eastern  Argus  (Port- 
land, Maine),  May  29, 1816,  in 
Arlene  r^dmer  Schwind,  "Joseph 
Baggott,  New  York  Glasscut- 
ter,"  Glass  Club  Bulletin  of  the 
National  Early  American  Glass 
Club,  no.  142  (fall  1984-winter 
1985),  p.  9.  According  to  Long- 
worth's  New  York  city  directo- 
ries for  1818-23,  the  partnership 
started  out  at  the  comer  of 
Grand  Street  and  the  Bowery 
in  1818,  moved  to  163  Mulberry 
Street  with  a  store  at  196  Broad- 
way, in  1820,  and  the  following 
year  moved  to  7  Park  Street 
near  Grand  Street. 


Fig.  281.  Maker  unknown,  Bohemian,  for  the  American  mar- 
ket. Goblet  depicting  City  Hall,  New  York,  1845-50.  Colorless 
glass,  ruby  cased,  cut  to  clear  glass  and  engraved.  Corning 
Museum  of  Glass,  Corning,  New  York,  Gift  of  The  Ruth 
Bryan  Strauss  Memorial  Foundation  79.3.160 


glass  played  a  visible  role  relatively  short-lived  but 
in  the  context  of  the  entire  history  of  New  York 
glass  manufacture. 

However  much  this  highly  colored  product  capti- 
vated the  public,  it  was  in  glasscutting— a  piecework 
trade  carried  out  in  shops— that  New  York  truly  made 
its  mark  on  the  glass  industry  during  the  antebellum 
period.  Although  glasscutters  had  operated  in  all  the 
major  cities  at  least  since  the  1770s,  they  generally 
worked  in  small,  independent  workshops.  However, 
responding  to  the  surging  market  for  luxury  cut  glass, 
from  the  1820s  on  men  skilled  in  the  trade,  largely 
immigrants,  setded  near  New  York's  commercial  dis- 
trict to  cut  the  most  fashionable  patterns  into  glass  in 


workshops  large  and  small.  Since  there  was  a  symbi- 
otic relationship  between  glassware  factory  and  glass 
decorator.  New  York  City  became  the  center  for  the 
cutting  of  ornamental  glass  during  the  second  quarter 
of  the  nineteenth  century  and  was  home  to  nearly  sev- 
enty expert  glasscutters  between  1825  and  1835  alone. 

The  glasscutting  establishment  of  William  Jackson 
and  Joseph  Baggott  (Baggott  alone  after  1829)  was 
one  of  the  largest  in  operation  in  New  York  City  if  not 
the  entire  country.  Baggott  was  probably  "the  gentie- 
man  at  New  York"  referred  to  in  Hezekiah  Niles's 
1830  newspaper  article  describing  a  firm  that  employed 
forty  hands  in  the  cutting  of  glass.  The  partners  had 
entered  the  business  by  1816,  when  a  notice  announc- 
ing their  workshop  was  published  in  a  New  York 
newspaper.  Since  no  glass  factories  are  known  to 
have  been  functioning  in  the  city  during  the  early 
years  of  the  company's  existence,  presumably  uncut 
glass  vessels,  or  blanks,  were  imported  from  abroad, 
in  partiailar  from  England,  which  was  the  primary 
supplier  of  fine  glass  at  the  time.  In  an  1822  advertise- 
ment (fig.  282)  the  firm  mentions  its  correspondence 
with  a  number  of  fine  English  glasshouses,  no  doubt 
to  obtain  from  them  the  glass  blanks  for  its  cutting 
wheels,  while  asserting  that  its  own  cutting  is  "equal 
to  any  done  in  London."  Later  Baggott  used  blanks 
from  the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  almost  exclu- 
sively, because  the  Brooklyn  firm's  exceptionally  clear 
glass  was  regarded  as  the  best  produced  in  the  New 
York  area. 

Although  no  documented  wares  produced  by  Jack- 
son and  Baggott  survive,  an  vmusually  comprehensive 
picture  of  the  firm's  activity  is  afforded  by  the  detailed 
estate  inventory  that  Baggotfs  widow  and  administra- 
trix prepared  in  1839,  the  year  of  his  death.  Among 
the  items  of  equipment  named  are  "38  Glass  Cutting 
Frames,"  suggesting  that  thirty-eight  glasscutters  were 
able  to  pursue  their  craft  simultaneously.  As  for  quan- 
tity, the  inventory  lists  over  seventeen  thousand  individ- 
ual pieces  of  cut  glass.  They  represent  a  wide  range  of 
luxury  tablewares  in  an  impressive  variety  of  shapes  and 
patterns.  The  most  numerous  were  decanters,  in  sev- 
eral sizes.  Other  wares  included  claret  decanters  and 
carafes,  drinking  glasses  of  all  sorts— from  wine- 
glasses and  tumblers  to  clarets,  cordials,  champagnes, 
and  lemonades— and  jelly  glasses,  bowls  and  dishes  in 
various  sizes,  sugar  bowls,  celeries,  jugs,  finger  basins, 
wine  coolers,  butter  dishes,  salts,  and  flower  stands. 
The  inventory  reveals  as  well  that  the  firm  also  con- 
ducted a  thriving  business  decorating  glass  items  for 
lighting  fixtures,  such  as  lamp  chimneys  and  shades  of 
different  types. 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND   GLASS  345 


The  patterns  enumerated  reflect  the  prevailing  taste 
for  English  Regency  styles,  or,  in  the  words  of  the 
1822  advertisement,  "the  newest  and  most  approved 
London  patterns."  Illustrated  in  the  advertisement 
are  two  forms,  a  ring-neck  decanter  with  diamond-cut 
and  roimdel  decoration  and  a  scallop-cornered  dish 
with  strawberry  diamond  cutting  and  vertical  cuts 
surrounding  a  star-cut  base.  Strawberry  diamonds 
and  fluted  designs  predominated  in  the  firm's  stock, 
but  other  popular  motifs,  such  as  the  strawberry 
diamond  and  fan,  diamond  flutes,  and  Gothic  pat- 
terns, were  part  of  its  repertoire.  Many  of  the  patterns 
direcdy  correspond  to  English  ones.^^  Special-order 
patterns,  or  "glass  cut  to  any  figure,"  were  offered, 
and  a  patron  could  have  personalized  initials  or  a 
monogram  cut  or  engraved  on  each  piece  of  a  cut 
glass  service.  Visitors  to  the  workshop  from  the 
New -York  Mirror  were  impressed  by  a  skillfiil  dem- 
onstration of  "the  curious  art  of  cutting"  and  were 
given  a  large  tumbler  "on  which  numerous  beautifiil 
figures  were  cut  in  our  presence." 

Jackson  and  Baggott  was  one  of  the  few  glasscut- 
ting  workshops  to  receive  recognition  over  an  extended 
period  of  time.  Its  first  recorded  exhibition  was  at  the 
Franklin  Institute  Fair  in  Philadelphia  in  1825,  when 
its  work  was  compared  favorably  with  an  exceptional 
display  by  the  New  England  Glass  Company.  As 
early  as  1828  the  firm  exhibited  at  the  American  Insti- 
tute of  the  City  of  New  York,  at  which  time  it  was 
awarded  a  gold  medal  for  the  best  piece  of  cut  glass- 
ware. In  subsequent  showings  at  the  American  Insti- 
tute, the  firm  continued  to  win  some  of  the  highest 
awards,  capturing  the  silver  medal  in  1836  for  the 
"best  specimen  of  cut  glass  and  cutting,"  while  a  com- 
petitor, Bonnell  and  Bradley,  won  a  diploma  for  the 
"2d  best  specimen." 

Initially  Jackson  and  Baggott  sold  its  wares  at  the 
store  of  George  Dummer  and  Company,  which  had 
been  retailing  china,  glass,  and  earthenware  since  1810. 
Even  before  Dummer  commenced  glasscutting  at 
his  establishment,  Jackson  and  Baggott  opened  its 
own  cut-glass  store  in  New  York,  in  April  18 19  at  36 
Maiden  Lane.^^  By  1830  Baggott's  agent  was  George 
Tingle  of  78  Maiden  Lane,^^  but,  as  is  revealed  in  the 
list  of  outstanding  amounts  owed  Baggott  at  his 
death,  at  this  time  the  firm  sold  its  products 
through  nearly  all  of  the  major  retailers  in  household 
goods,  including  Haviland,  Richard  Tyndale,  Bald- 
win Gardiner,  Haughwout,  Ebenezer  Cauldwell,  and 
Cartlidge.i*^^  Indeed,  Jackson  and  Baggott  marketed 
its  wares  not  only  in  New  York  City  but  also  in 
Philadelphia  and  Washington.  In  the  1820s  and  1830s 


two  Philadelphia  firms,  the  Union  Glass  Works  and 
the  Kensington  Glass  Works,  were  making  cut  glass; 
nevertheless  Baggott  avidly  pursued  the  Philadelphia 
market,  A  Philadelphia  newspaper  advertisement  of 
1830  notified  the  public  that  "Joseph  Baggotts  Cut 
Glass  have  been  removed  from  No.  23  Dock  St."  Break- 
age was  presumably  a  problem,  because  the  agent  sub- 
sequendy  advertised  that  he  would  replace  the  loss 
of  any  Baggott  glass  (or  GiUiland  glass,  which  he 
also  sold)  'Vith  glass  from  the  Union  Glass  Works 
and  Kensington." 

Baggotfs  principal  competitor  in  New  York  was 
the  glasscutting  firm  of  J.  Stouvenel  and  Company. 
Stouvenel  received  awards  from  the  American  Insti- 
tute beginning  in  1842. The  firm  gained  prominent 
exposure  when,  as  Joseph  Stouvenel  and  Brother,  it 
showed  "Cut  crystal  goblets,  bowls,  celery  dishes, 
pitchers,  wine-glasses,  and  other  articles"  at  the  New 
York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  in  1853.^^"^  A  publica- 
tion from  the  fair  illustrated  some  of  these  vessels, 
which  demonstrate  both  the  quality  and  the  diversity 
of  the  firm's  cutting  (fig.  283).  The  celery  dish  shows  an 
allover  diamond  motif  with  fans  at  the  rim;  honey- 
comb cutting,  further  embellished  with  what  appears 
to  be  cross-hatching,  is  seen  on  the  carafe  and  match- 
ing tumbler.  The  handled  decanter  displays  diamond 
cutting  on  its  bulbous  base  and  flute  cutting  on  the 
neck  and  stopper,  typical  features  of  the  Regency 
style.  The  most  unusual  of  all  the  pieces  is  a  small  rose 
bowl  or  vase  with  a  deeply  scalloped  rim  and  cut 


91.  Jackson  and  Baggott,  Glass 
Cutters,  advertisement,  Decem- 
ber 1822  (source  uniaiown), 
photostat,  no.  PH-62,  Joseph 
Downs  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts and  Printed  Ephemera, 
courtesy  The  Winterthur  Library. 

92.  The  Baggott  Estate  inventory 
is  in  the  Joseph  Downs  Collec- 
tion of  Manuscripts  and  Printed 
Ephemera,  courtesy  The  Win- 
terthur Library. 

93.  For  instance,  the  "Coburg" 
wineglass,  which  has  a  trum- 
pet-shaped bowl  and  flutes  cut 
around  the  base,  is  also  listed 
in  an  illustrated  price  list  for 
Apsley  Peliatt's  Falcon  Glass 
Works  in  London.  For  an  in- 
depth  discussion  of  this  and 
other  patterns,  see  Schwind, 
"Joseph  Baggott,  New  York 
Glasscutter,"  p.  10. 

94.  Jackson  and  Baggott,  advertise- 
ment, in  Joshua  Shaw,  United 
States  Directory  for  the  Use  of 
Travelers  and  Merchants 
(Philadelphia:  J.  Maxwell, 
1822),  p.  50,  quoted  in  Schwind, 
"Joseph  Baggott,  New  York 
Glasscutter,"  p.  10. 

95.  "Improvement  in  the  Arts," 
New-Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies' 
Literary  Gazette,  June  18, 1825, 
p.  375. 

96.  Lowell  Innes,  Pittsburgh  Glass, 
J797-1891,  (Boston;  Houghton 
Mifflin,  1976),  p.  118. 

97.  "Fair  of  American  Institute," 
Mechanics'  Magazine,  and 
Journal  of  the  Mechanics'  Insti- 
tute 8  (December  1836),  p.  304. 


JACKSON  b  n.\GGOTT, 

CLASS  tUlTHUS, 

N^.  7  PUrk^  Jive  dmirs  smtih  fif  ihf  Thfatr^,  J^rw-Yafk^ 

^flUil,  CrirtrSTr  Anil  :Svlldliiiki  Bnwiv,  Urrunlriiiq  ^^iHrKp  ^k. 

X  H-  hrifi  qscdCi-J  ■  %i>tr-N]>04ldtii&«  Wilh  -^Vvf-*!  flt  l^**'  fM>i  Uni^w^  "i  IkJi-  Irjiir  ilk 
Ll4|[l,ied:  rruprr  wlLii-tK,  aiilI  llir  Wri^  [lirir  i;urLiuE^  I'lildkiLiiJiMivi^l  ji  Ciirnlyi  lt^il^  Ihtjf  JfC 

and  WiU  VHftMlil  thiii  Cnlltu^  m^Mni  Ut  %uy  liuor  tn  U'f^mn- 
|_r  %n  lu^^rtTHnl  of  N,\LL  LAMf^  tfl  iupc^^^  ri^^l.ty,  fln  hftlhi. 

I>«r«inbfr,  I  AIL 


Fig.  282.  Advertisement  for  Jackson  and  Baggott,  Glass  Cutters,  December  1822.  Wood  engraving. 
Courtesy  of  The  Winterthur  Library,  Winterthur,  Delaware,  Joseph  Downs  Collection  of  Manuscripts 
and  Printed  Ephemera  PH-62 


346    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


98.  Jackson  and  Baggott,  adver- 
tisement, New-Tork  Evening 
Post,  April  22, 1819,  quoted 
in  McKearin  and  McKearin, 
American  Blown  Glass,  p.  108. 

99.  Commercial  Advertiser  (New 
York),  August  33, 1830. 

100.  Baggott  Estate  inventory, 
Joseph  Downs  Collection 
of  Manuscripts  and  Printed 
Ephemera,  Winterthur  Library. 

101.  John  Southan  (Philadelphia 
agent  for  Baggott's  cut  glass), 
advertisement,  Poukon^s  Amer- 
ican Daily  Advertiser  (Phila- 
delphia), January  8, 1830,  in 
N.  Hudson  Moore,  Old  Glass, 
European  and  American  (New 
York:  Tudor,  19+1),  p.  375. 

102.  Stouvenel  worked  at  several 
different  locations  in  New 
York:  35  John  Street,  29  Gold 
Street,  567  Broadway,  and, 
later,  56-60  Vesey  Street 
(Perris  Map,  1855). 

103.  In  two  consecutive  years,  1842 
and  1843,  Stouvenel  received  a 
diploma  "for  the  second  best 
specimen  of  cut  glass."  The  first 
place  winner  for  the  best  speci- 
men of  cut  glass  in  1842  was 

a  George  Wightman  of  561 
Broadway,  about  whom  litde 
is  known. 

104.  Official  Catalogue,  Industry  of 
All  Nations,  p.  80. 

105.  A  third  independent  cutter  of 
note  appears  to  have  been 
Edward  Yates.  In  1828  an 
advertisement  appeared  in 

a  Baltimore  newspaper  for  the 
sale  of  "cut  glass  from  the 
celebrated  establishment  of 
Edward  Yates,  N.  York;  the 
character  ...  of  which,  being 
so  well  known,  nothii^  here  is 
deemed  necessary  to  be  said  in 
recommendation."  See  Alexan- 
der Mitchell,  advertisement, 
Baltimore  American  Mercury, 
September  1, 1828;  I  thank 
Arlene  Palmer  for  sharing  this 
reference.  Yates  was  one  of  the 
principals  of  the  parmership 
styled  as  Sayre  and  Yates,  inde- 
pendent glasscutters  located  at 
23  Delancey  Street.  Its  work 
was  also  celebrated  and  gar- 
nered the  first  premium  of  the 
American  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New  York  in  1830  for  a  dis- 
play of  "numerous  articles  of 
beautiful  Cut  Glassware,  among 
which  were  two  Bowls  uncom- 
monly large,  and  the  hand- 
somest ever  exhibited  in  this 
city."  See  Report  of  the  Third 
Annual  Fair  of  the  American 
Institute  .  .  .  1830  (New  York, 
1830),  p.  17,  Manuscripts  and 
Special  Collections,  New  York 
State  Library,  Albany.  The 


Fig.  283.  Glassware  from  Joseph  Stouvenel  and  Company^  at  the  New  Tork  Crystal  Palace  Exhibition^  i8s3-  Wood  engraving,  from 
B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C.  R.  Goodrich,  eds..  The  World  of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry  Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the  New-Tork  Exhibition, 
i8s3~S4  (New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and  Company,  1854),  p.  159.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J. 
Watson  Library 


decoration  that  resembles  a  crosshatched  balloon  alter- 
nating with  delicate  engraved  urns  and  swags. 

Although  they  did  some  decorating  of  porcelains, 
both  Stouvenel's  and  Baggott's  firms  were  principally 
glasscutting  establishments.  Two  other  firms,  Davis 
Collamore  and  Haughwout,  added  glasscutting,  in 
1850  and  185 1,  respectively,  to  the  wide  range  of 
services  they  already  provided;  these  included  selling 
imported  porcelains  and  glass,  selling  lighting  fixtures 
in  a  variety  of  styles,  and  decorating  porcelain.  Davis 
Collamore  and  Haughwout  as  well  as  Stouvenel  and 
Baggott  could  accommodate  the  growing  market  for 
personalized  wares,  of  which  one  example  is  a  table 
service  richly  cut  in  an  allover  diamond  pattern  and 
engraved  with  the  arms  of  the  Weld  family  (cat.  no. 
2yy).io6  T)avis  Collamore  advertised  in  1850  that  it 
could  provide  just  such  a  service,  of  "Heavy  Cut 
Glass  in  great  variety  of  shapes  and  patterns,''  and  was 
"now  prepared  to  execute  orders  for  Engraved  Glass 
to  any  pattern  which  may  be  designed  by  those  wish- 
ing to  purchase  this  style  of  Glass,  now  the  most 
fashionable  in  use.  The  Crest,  or  Initials  can  be 
engraved  on  the  glass  at  short  notice,  as  a  very  supe- 
rior German  Engraver  works  in  the  store.  .  .  .  Seals 
engraven  to  order."  1**^  Haughwout  and  Dailey,  located 
a  door  away  from  Stouvenel  on  Broadway  in  1853,  ^so 
advertised  that  it  would  perform  cutting  and  engrav- 
ing on  glassware. 

One  of  the  few  individuals  skilled  in  glasscutting 
whose  career  can  be  followed  is  John  Hoare.  Like 


many  New  York  glasscutters,  Hoare  learned  his  trade 
in  Ireland  and  England  before  immigrating  to  the 
United  States.  Arriving  in  1853,  Hoare  worked  ini- 
tially at  Haughwout  and  Dailey,  and  it  is  possible  that 
his  wife,  Catherine  Dailey,  was  related  to  the  William 
Dailey  who  was  a  partner  in  the  firm  and  that 
William  arranged  for  Hoare's  employment.  In  any 
event,  Hoare  subsequendy  set  up  an  independent 
shop  with  one  or  more  partners.  The  litde  informa- 
tion available  is  somewhat  confusing;  it  is  known  that 
his  business  operated  under  various  partnership  rela- 
tionships and  at  various  addresses,  first  on  Sec- 
ond Avenue  and  later  on  Eighteenth  Street.  In 
August  1857,  with  new  partners,  the  firm  of  Hoare, 
Burns  and  Dailey  expanded  its  operations,  purchasing 
the  entire  cutting  department  of  the  Brooklyn  Flint 
Glass  Works.  1**^ 

By  that  time  the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  was 
producing  cut  glass  of  superior  quality.  Although 
early  on  and  for  many  years  the  company  had  relied 
aknost  exclusively  on  outside  cutters  to  decorate  the 
glass  it  manufactured,  in  the  late  1840s  it  established 
its  own  cutting  department  and  beginning  in  1850 
began  to  exhibit  the  results.  These  developments  cul- 
minated in  an  extraordinary  display  at  the  world's  fair, 
or  Great  Exhibition  of  the  Works  of  Industry  of  All 
Nations,  that  took  place  in  London  in  1851.  This  and 
its  successor  fair  held  in  New  York  in  1853  were 
enormously  important  showcases  for  industrially 
made  decorative  objects  of  the  most  elaborate  sort. 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  347 


Fig.  284.  Advertising  broadside  for  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works,  Company  Warehouse,  30  South  William  Street,  New  York. 
Lithograph,  from  Charles  T.  Rodgers,  American  Superiority  at  the  World's  Fair  (Philadelphia:  John  J.  Hawkins,  1852),  opp.  p.  57. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


products  exhibited  "superior 
workmanship  and  elegant  pat- 
terns, comprising  a  great  vari- 
ety." See  "Catalogue  of  Articles 
of  American  Manufacture,  Pro- 
duce, or  Skill,"  a  subtitled  back 
section  issued  with  Report  of 
the  Third  Annual  Fair,  1830. 

106.  The  engraving  on  each  piece 
depicts  the  crest  of  a  wyvern 
with  a  cut  shield  and  the  motto 
NIL  SINE  NUMINE.  The  scrvicc 
may  have  been  made  for  Har- 
riet Corning  Turner  and  Schaick 
Lansing  Pruyn,  who  were  mar- 
ried in  1840,  or  for  Harriet's 
aunt,  Harriet  Weld,  and  her 
husband,  Erastus  Corning  i. 
See  Jane  Shadel  Spillman, 
"Service  of  Table  Glass  with 
the  Weld  Family  Arms,"  in 
Tammis  K.  Groft:  and  Mary 
Alice  Mackay,  eds.,  Albany 
Institute  of  History  and  Art: 
200  Tears  of  Collecting  (New 
York:  Hudson  Hills  Press, 
1998),  p.  264. 

107.  Davis  CoUamore,  advertise- 
ment, "Engraved  Glass!"  Home 
Journaly  March  9, 1850,  p.  3. 

108.  See  the  printed  announcement 
reproduced  in  Estelle  Sinclair 
Farrar  and  Jane  Shadel  Spill- 
man,  The  Complete  Cut  and 
Engraved  Glass  of  Corning 
(New  York:  Crown  Publishers, 
1979),  p.  27. 

109.  George  Wallis,  New  Tork 
Industrial  Exhibition:  Special 
Report  of  Mr.  George  Wallis, 
Presented  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons by  Command  of  Her 
Majesty,  i8s4  (London:  Harri- 
son and  Son,  1854),  p.  43- 

no.  See  Jane  Shadel  Spillman,  Glass 
from  World's  Fairs,  18SI-1904 
(Corning,  New  York:  Corning 
Museum  of  Glass,  1986),  p.  10. 

111.  "Recent  American  Patents: 
Manufacture  of  Glass,"  Scien- 
tific  American,  January  23, 
1834,  p.  55- 

112.  The  Art-Journal  Illustrated  Cat- 
alog: The  Industry  of  All  Nations 
i8si  (exh.  cat.,  London:  George 
Virtue,  1851),  p.  246. 

113.  Miscellaneous  Treasury 
Accounts  for  the  President's 
House,  Record  Group  217, 
Account  141. 158,  no  voucher. 
National  Arcliives;  quoted  in 
Jane  Shadel  Spillman,  White 
House  Glassware:  Two  Cen- 
turies of  Presidential  Enter- 
taining (Washington,  D.C.: 
White  House  Historical  Asso- 
ciation, 1989),  p.  68. 

114.  For  a  discussion  of  various 
possible  attributions  for  the 
Lincoln  service,  see  Spillman, 
White  House  Glassware, 

pp.  68-71. 


348    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


«r  fonii  la  HM**  l« 


Fig.  285.  Robert  Roberts, 
Glassware  jrom  the  Brooklyn 
Flint  Glass  Works,  Wood 
engraving,  from  the^l?!- 
Joumal  Illustrated  Catalqgm: 
The  Industry  of  All  Nations 
i8si  (London:  George 
Virtue,  1851),  p.  246.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Thomas  J. 
Watson  Library 


Each  exposition  was  held  in  a  Crystal  Palace,  a  grand 
glass  building  that  was  itself  a  technological  marvel 
representing  a  highly  innovative  use  of  the  material. 

Of  the  glass  exhibitions  in  the  London  Crystal  Pal- 
ace, the  most  impressive  entry  was  an  enormous  foun- 
tain, twenty-seven  feet  tall,  of  molded  and  cut  glass 
fabricated  by  R  and  C.  Osier  of  Birmingham.  Dis- 
plays of  cut  glass  from  many  other  English  firms  and 
of  elaborately  decorated  colored  glass  from  Bohemian 
glasshouses  dominated  the  field.  Exhibiting  firms 
from  the  United  States  were  noticeably  absent  with 
the  important  exceptions  of  Gilliland's  Brooklyn  Flint 
Glass  Works  and  the  New  England  Glass  Company. 
The  latter  received  bronze  medals  for  its  pressed  glass 
and  "fancy,  cut,  plated,  and  enameled  Coloured 
Glass.""  However,  the  jurors  awarded  a  silver  medal  to 
the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  "for  their  discovery  in 
compoimding  Materials  for  making  Glass,  by  which  a 
superior  brilliancy  of  colour  is  produced,  and  for  their 
beautiful  display  of  rich  cut  Flint  Glass."  This  cita- 
tion surpassed  not  only  those  awarded  the  American 
competition  but  also  those  that  went  to  well-estab- 
lished glass  firms  in  France  and  Austria. 

Praise  for  the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  centered 
on  the  intrinsic  excellence  and  purity  of  its  glass,  qual- 
ities that  had  been  admired  by  American  critics  from 
the  firm's  inception.  So  impressed  were  British  glass 
companies  that  some  even  began  to  import  American 
sand,  which  was  most  often  cited  as  the  basis  for  the 
superlative  nature  of  the  Brooklyn  product.  (Opin- 
ions about  the  crucial  role  of  sand  notwithstanding, 
Gilliland  secured  a  patent  for  an  improvement  in  his 
glass  ftirnace,  which  protected  vessels  from  exposure 
to  fiimes,  dust,  and  smoke,  resulting  in  a  "brighter  and 
cleaner  surface.")  Of  the  prizewinning  glass,  the 
Art-Journars  catalogue  for  the  fair  opined,  "There  is 
enough  novelty  of  form  in  these  works  to  assure  us 
that  our  transatiantic  brethren  are  fully  aware  of  the 
mercantile  value  of  Art."^^^  Three  pieces,  all  from  the 
Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  (fig.  285),  were  illustrated 
to  demonstrate  the  point.  Stylistically  the  Brooklyn 
submissions  were  consistent  with  the  wares  fashion- 
able in  England  at  the  time.  For  example,  a  decanter 
shown  in  the  catalogue  features  a  facet-cut  neck  and 
fine  diamond  cutting  all  over  its  bulbous  body— a 
type  of  design  that  had  been  in  vogue  for  at  least  two 
decades.  However,  the  acorn  stopper  with  its  comple- 
mentary patterns  is  quite  imusual. 

The  fine  diamond  cutting  used  on  this  decanter  was 
a  new  variation  on  a  style  that  would  retain  its  popu- 
larity for  yet  another  decade.  A  similar  pattern  covers 
the  bottom  half  of  a  compote  that  is  part  of  a  much 


larger  service  ordered  for  use  in  the  White  House 
by  Mrs.  Lincoln  in  1861  (cat.  no.  279).  The  service  is 
described  in  the  invoice  from  its  Washington  retailer 
simply  as  "one  sett  of  Glass  Ware  rich  cut  &  eng'd 
with  U.S.  Coat  of  Arms:  $1500."  «njch  cut"  refers 
not  only  to  the  diamond  cutting  on  the  bowls  but 
also  to  the  cutting  on  the  stems  and  to  star  cutting  on 
the  feet.  The  component  features,  in  addition  to  the 
diamond  cutting,  a  delicate  copper-wheel-engraved 
border  design  and,  in  the  center,  the  insignia  of  the 
great  seal  of  the  United  States.  The  elaborate  service, 
intended  for  three  to  four  dozen,  was  probably  made 
at  a  Brooklyn  glassworks  established  by  the  Alsatian 
glassmaker  Christian  Dorflinger.^^'^ 

Dorflinger  built  a  total  of  three  glass  factories  in 
Brooklyn  at  different  locations.  The  first,  the  Concord 
Street  Flint  Glass  Works,  opened  in  1852,  was  a  rela- 
tively small  factory  that  primarily  produced  utilitarian 
wares,  in  particular  druggists'  botdes  and  chimneys 
for  oil-burning  lamps.  Only  two  years  after  founding 
the  factory,  Dorflinger  enlarged  and  rebuilt  it,  chang- 
ing the  firm's  name  to  the  Long  Island  Flint  Glass 
Works.  He  subsequendy  built  his  second  glassworks, 
which  included  a  glasscutting  shop  wdth  thirty-five 
cutting  frames,  on  Plymouth  Street.  His  third  fac- 
tory, the  Greenpoint  Glass  Works,  construaed  in  i860, 
was  the  only  one  devoted  solely  to  the  production  of 
fine  table  glass.  An  elaborately  decorated  vase  made  as 
a  presentation  gift  to  Dorflinger's  wife  one  year  before 
the  Greenpoint  works  opened  is  testament  to  the 
quality  of  cut  glass  the  firm  was  able  to  manufacture 
(cat.  no.  278).  Within  a  cut  shield  it  bears  the  engraved 
inscription,  "Presented  by  the  officers /&  members 
of  the/ Dorflinger  Guards/To  Mrs /Dorflinger./ 
January  14th/ 1859."  (The  Guards,  a  "colorfully  uni- 
formed body  of  trained  men"  who  functioned  in  lieu 
of  a  police  force,  were  also  called  upon  for  ceremo- 
nial occasions  and  parades.)  A  tall,  slender  form  sup- 
ported by  a  faceted  stem,  the  vessel  is  a  virtual 
compendium  of  cut  patterns  and  brings  to  bear  all 
the  skills  of  the  glasscutter.  A  horizontal  midrib 
divides  the  piece.  Cut  circles  surround  its  lower 
part,  while  the  top  portion  features  lozenges  with 
crosshatched  cutting  that  alternate  with  cut  fans, 
which  form  a  scalloped  rim.  The  same  pattern  is 
adapted  in  the  elaborate  design  of  the  star-cut  foot. 
Together,  the  tour-de-force  craftsmanship  and  the 
message  of  the  inscription  demonstrate  both  the 
skill  of  the  immigrant  workers  employed  in 
Dorflinger's  factories  and  the  loyalty  of  his  work- 
force. No  one  who  admired  that  extraordinary  object 
in  1859  covild  have  imagined  the  chain  of  events  that 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  349 


Fig.  286.  Wood  and  Hughes,  Tea  service  depicting  views  of  Christian  Dorfiinger's  Long  Island  Flint  Glass  Works,  1862-63.  Silver. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Lent  by  Christian  Dorflinger,  in  memory  of  his  mother  Margaret  F.  Dorflinger,  and 
in  honor  of  his  father  Lambert  M.  Dorflinger 


within  only  a  few  years  would  radically  transform  the 
glass  industry. 

The  Civil  War  years,  which  overturned  the  old  order 
of  life  throughout  the  nation,  were  troublesome  ones 
for  Dorflinger.  He  was  operating  three  separate  glass- 
houses with  a  corps  of  workers  that  had  been  dimin- 
ished by  the  departure  of  men  called  on  to  serve  the 
war  effort.  The  resultant  physical  and  mental  stress 
compelled  Dorflinger  to  retire  from  the  glassmaking 
business.  His  workers  marked  the  retirement  with 
an  unusual  presentation  tea  set  made  by  a  New  York 
silversmith  that  provides  an  unexpected  glimpse  of 
the  Dorflinger  works  (fig.  286).  The  teapot  carries  the 
presentation  inscription  on  one  side  and  on  the  other 
a  view  in  repousse  of  the  inner  yard  of  one  of  the 
Dorflinger  factories,  with  loading  barrels  stacked 
about.  Other  components  of  the  set  advance  the  fac- 
tory theme:  on  the  sugar  bowl  the  facade  of  the  Long 
Island  Flint  Glass  Works  is  depicted;  the  cream  jug 
shows  a  glassblower  working  at  his  bench;  and  pic- 
tured on  the  waste  bowl  is  the  drying  room  for  the 


crucibles  in  which  molten  glass  was  heated. On 
his  departure,  Dorflinger  sold  the  Long  Island  Flint 
Glass  Works,  which  continued  to  operate  until  the 
1890S.118 

Dorflinger's  retirement  exemplifies  the  changes 
then  taking  place  throughout  New  York's  glass  indus- 
try. The  Fisher  brothers'  Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass 
Works  had  been  dissolved  by  1840;  the  Jersey  Glass 
Works,  founded  by  Dummer,  lasted  until  1862;  the 
Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works,  originated  by  Gilliland, 
closed  its  Brooklyn  location  in  1868.  The  manufacture 
of  fine  cut  glass,  along  with  its  entrepreneurs  and 
skilled  craftsmen,  migrated  westward  to  more  coal- 
rich,  less  populous  regions.  Glass  production  was 
subject  to  technological  advances  and  becoming  a 
more  fully  mechanized  industry,  which  required  not 
only  ever  larger  amounts  of  fuel  but  also  space  for 
new,  larger  factories.  To  remain  in  an  urban  location 
with  a  rapidly  increasing  population,  such  as  Brook- 
lyn, was  no  longer  feasible.  And  urban  markets  were 
now  accessible,  even  from  distant  locations,  because 


115.  John  Q.  Feller,  Dorfiin^ier: 
America's  Finest  Glass,  1852- 
ipzi  (Marietta,  Ohio:  Antique 
Publications,  1988),  p.  13. 

116.  Frederick  Dorflinger  Suydam, 
Christian  Dorflinger:  A  Miracle 
in  Glass  (White  Mills,  Pennsyl- 
vania: Privately  printed,  1950), 
p.  20.  Another  Dorflinger 
Guards  presentation  piece  is  a 
compote  with  the  inscription: 
"W.  C.  Fowler:  Presented  By 
The  Dorflinger  Guard  Oct.  20th 
i860.";  see  Helen  Barger,  Shel- 
don Butts,  Ray  La  Tournous, 
"The  Dorflinger  Guard  Pre- 
sents," Glass  Club  Bulletin  of 
the  National  Early  American 
Glass  Club,  no.  136  (winter 
1981-82),  pp.  3-4. 

117.  For  a  complete  discussion  of 
this  tea  set,  see  Arlene  Palmer 
and  John  Quentin  Feller, 
"Christian  Dorflinger's  Presen- 
tation Silver  Service,"  unpub- 
lished article,  1991. 

n8,  Dorflinger  started  a  new  factory 
in  1865  in  White  Mills,  Pennsyl- 
vania. In  1863  he  sold  the  Long 
Island  Flint  Glass  Works  to 
Fowler,  Crainpton  and  Com- 
pany, which  ran  it  for  four 
years.  It  was  sold  to  a  number 
of  subsequent  owners  and 
continued  in  operation  as  the 
Plymouth  Glass  Works.  Dor- 
flinger leased  the  Greenpoint 
Glass  Works  to  two  former 
employees,  Nathaniel  Bailey 
and  John  Dobelman,  who  were 
succeeded  by  John  W.  Sibell.  In 
1882  (while  retaining  the  name 
Greenpoint  Glass  Works),  the 
firm  was  leased  by  the  Elliot  P. 
Gleason  Manufacturing  Com- 
pany, which  primarily  made 
globes  and  chimneys  for  light- 
ing. It  later  merged  with  Cor- 
nelius H.  Tiebout,  and  in  1905 
it  was  the  Gleason-Tiebout 
Company  that  finally  bought 
the  property  from  Dorflinger. 

119.  John  Bolton  of  Pelham  exhib- 
ited a  "Richly-stained  Mosaic 
window,  with  Scripture  studies 
and  emblems.  Specimens  of 
illuminated  lettering  on  glass." 
William  J.  Hannington  of  New 
York  City  submitted  three  sepa- 
rate entries  that  included  a 
"Stained  glass  gothic  window; 
stained  glass  plates,  panels, 
borders,  &c.,  for  windows  and 
doors.  Stained  glass  portraits 
and  fancy  subjects."  Sharp  and 
Steele  of  216  Sixth  Avenue 
showed  "Stained  glass,  in 
ancient  and  modern  styles."  See 
Cffficial  Catalogue,  Industry 

of  All  Nations,  pp.  80-81. 

120.  In  1638  Evert  Duyckinck  set  up 
a  business  in  New  Amsterdam 


350    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


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Fig.  287.  Advertisement  from  a  four-page  pamphlet  for  William  Gibson's  Stained  Glass  Works, 
1850S.  Wood  engraving.  Courtesy  of  The  Winterthur  Library,  Winterthur,  Delaware,  Printed 
Book  and  Periodical  Collection 


as  a  glazier  and  "burner  of  glass." 
Some  of  the  small  panels  of  glass 
he  painted  with  coats  of  arms 
survive  at  the  Metropolitan 
Museum,  the  New-York  Histori- 
cal Society,  and  die  Albany  Insti- 
tute of  Art.  These  are  the  earliest 
known  examples  of  American 
stained  glass.  See  R.  W.  G.  Vail, 
"Storied  Windows  Richly 
Delight"  New-Tork  Historical 
Society  Quarterly  36  (April  1952), 
pp.  149-59,  and  R.  W.  G.  Vail, 
"More  Storied  Wmdows,"  New- 
Tork  Historical  Society  Quarterly 
37  (January  1953),  PP-  55-58. 
121.  Evening  Post  (New  York), 
October  1840,  quoted  in  His- 
tory of  Architecture  and  the 
Building  Trade  of  Greater 
New  Tork,  2  vols.  (New  York: 
Union  History  Company, 
1899),  vol.  2,  p.  19. 


of  railroads  and  improved  river  transportation.  The 
Houghton  family  purchased  the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass 
Works  in  1864,  persuaded  John  Hoare's  cutting  firm 
to  join  the  business,  and  moved  the  entire  enterprise  to 
Coming,  New  York.  In  1870  Dorflinger  established  a 
new  and  thriving  operation  in  White  Mills  in  north- 
eastern Pennsylvania.  Thus  the  tradition  that  began  in 
Brooklyn  and  New  York  City  during  the  1820s  laid 
the  foundation  for  a  large  and  active  industry  of  glass 
manufacturing  and  glasscutting  that  during  the  late 
nineteenth  and  early  twentieth  centuries  would  operate, 
elsewhere  in  the  coimtry,  with  extraordinary  success. 

Stained  Glass 

The  eight  submissions  of  stained  glass  at  the  New 
York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition,  which  included  several 


from  local  makers,i^^  emphasized  the  recent  growth 
of  a  stained-glass  industry  in  the  metropolitan  region. 
New  York  had  seen  littie  production  of  stained  glass 
prior  to  the  1830s;  1^**  indeed,  it  was  only  during  the  late 
1820S  and  the  1830s  that  the  art  and  craft  of  stained 
glass  were  revived  in  England  and  on  the  Continent, 
consistent  with  a  renewed  interest  in  Gothic  archi- 
tecture and  Gothic  styles.  Two  of  the  earliest  known 
stained-glass  studios  in  New  York  were  those  founded 
in  1830  and  1833,  respectively,  by  William  J.  Hanning- 
ton  and  William  Gibson,  both  of  whom  claimed  to 
have  opened  the  first  such  business  in  the  city.  It  was 
not  until  the  1840s  that  the  stained-glass  industry 
gained  momentum  in  New  York,  which  in  the  last 
decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  would  become  one 
of  the  largest  and  most  successful  centers  in  America 
for  that  art  form. 

In  1840,  after  viewing  a  display  of  stained  glass 
at  the  American  Institute,  an  imidentified  reporter 
expressed  his  views  on  the  relatively  unfamiliar 
medium:  "It  is  rather  surprising  to  those  who  have 
observed  how  usefiil  as  well  as  ornamental  windows 
set  in  stained  glass  are,  .  .  .  that  they  are  not  in  more 
general  use."^^^  However  imaccustomed  to  decora- 
tive window  glass  the  observer  may  have  been, 
records  indicate  that  it  was  beginning  to  be  utilized  in 
a  variety  of  ways  not  only  in  churches  but  also  in  res- 
idences and  theaters  and  on  steamboats.  For  example, 
in  the  early  1840s  the  new  firm  of  Carse  and  West  at 
472  Pearl  Street  offered  "specimens  of  staining  upon 
glass  .  .  .  intended  either  for  steamboat  or  packet  ship 
lights,  transparent  signs,  window  blinds,  sky  lights 
and  other  purposes,  for  which  painted  glass  is  com- 
monly used.'^i^^  And  Hannington's  1847  advertise- 
ment elaborates  on  the  many  types  of  stained  glass 
available  from  his  establishment: 

.  .  .  suitable  for  the  embellishment  of  Churches, 
Public  Buildin0Sy  Drawing  Rooms,  Sliding  and 
Hall  doors.  Domed  Sky-lights,  Wall  Lanterns, 
Damasked  enamelled  Glass,  white  or  colored,  for 
Basement  windows;  Double  Obscured  Glass 
for  Bathing -ROOMS.  Conservatories,  Cemeteries, 
Packet  Ships,  and  Steamboat  Cabins,  and  Office 
Windows.  .  .  .  Landscapes, figures,  fruits,  and 
flowers,  painted  and  burnt  into  the £flass  in 
natural  colors.  .  .  . 

W  /.  H.  has  constantly  on  hand  a^reat  stock 
of  rich  colored  ^lass,  of  all  sizes,  in  ruby  red, 
purple,  greens,  blue,  amber,  gold,  yellow,  and 
violet,  which  can  be  forwarded  in  a  few  hours^ 
notice  to  any  part  of  the  Union}^^ 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  351 


Like  luxury  table  glass,  stained  glass  made  in  New 
York  has  been  largely  overlooked,  and  few  surviving 
documented  examples  are  known.  Beginning  in  the 
late  1 870s,  as  congregations  and  the  city  prospered, 
early  stained-glass  installations  were  typically  replaced 
with  opalescent  glass.  Despite  the  paucity  of  existing 
examples,  however,  study  yields  a  picture  of  a  large 
and  industrious  group  of  studios.  Many  of  these  firms 
exhibited  regularly  at  industrial  fairs  such  as  those  of 
the  American  Institute,  and  the  talents  of  their  glass 
painters  were  duly  recognized.  ^^"^ 

The  trade  of  stained-glass  painting,  although  highly 
regulated  in  England,  in  America  during  this  period 
encompassed  a  multitude  of  services  beyond  the  pro- 
vision of  ornamental  windows.  An  advertising  broad- 
side for  William  Gibson's  Stained  Glass  Works  dating 
to  the  1850S  (fig.  287)  announces  that  in  addition  to 
stained  glass  the  firm  executed  "architectural  enrich- 
ments ...  for  interior  and  exterior  work  in  the 
improved  Papier  Mache,  Carton  Pierre,  Putt,  Plaster, 
Cement,  and  other  Plastic  Compositions,"  as  well  as 
furniture  work  and  "painting,  gilding,  paper  hanging, 
etc."  Although  no  examples  of  his  work  are  known 
to  survive,  Hannington  appears  to  have  had  a  thriving 
career  for  at  least  four  decades.  In  1839  his  firm  adver- 
tised for  skilled  artists  and  an  apprentice  to  supple- 
ment its  staff.  His  establishment  consistendy  won 
awards  at  the  American  Institute  fairs. 

Litde  is  known  of  Gibson's  career,  but  his  firm  was 
long  lived;  it  lasted  until  1895,  according  to  New  York 
City  directories,  and  presumably  was  run  by  his  sons 
after  he  retired  or  died.  After  Gibson  and  Hanning- 
ton opened  the  original  New  York  studios,  they  were 
joined  in  the  field  by  Thomas  Thomas,  who  also 
operated  as  a  glass  stainer  during  the  1830s,  and  then 
by  the  partnership  of  Robert  Carse  and  James  West, 
both  of  whom  are  first  listed  in  New  York  City  direc- 
tories as  glass  stainers  in  the  early  18405.^^'"  In  the 
early  1850s  Henry  Sharp  and  William  Steele  estab- 
lished themselves  in  a  partnership  as  glass  stainers, 
working  together  at  216  Sixth  Avenue  from  1852-53 
through  1854-55.^^^  The  stained-glass  trade  took  root 
on  or  near  Broadway,  the  primary  commercial  district 
of  the  city  and  also  home  to  numerous  churches  that 
were  built  during  the  period  and  required  its  services. 
For  these  churches  craftsmen  in  stained  glass  made 
figural  religious  windows  and  colored  "panels,  bor- 
ders, &c,  for  windows  and  doors,"  presumably  in 
the  Gothic  Revival  style. 

New  York  was  the  center  from  which  stained 
glass  was  disseminated  to  other  parts  of  the  country. 
Trinity  Church  in  New  Orleans  ordered  ornamental 


stained-glass  windows  from  Gibson,  in  New  York, 
in  1854.-^^^  Architect  Richard  Upjohn  favored  the 
stained-glass  studio  of  Sharp  and  Steele  and  utilized 
its  services  for  Saint  Paul's  Church  in  Buffalo  in  1851 
and  (in  association  with  Carse  and  Reed,  then  prac- 
ticing as  glaziers  in  Brooklyn)  for  the  Gothic-style 
chapel  he  designed  for  Bowdoin  College  in  Bruns- 
wick, Maine,  built  1846-51.^^^ 

Following  English  practice,  stained-glass  artists 
not  only  made  their  own  designs  for  clients  but  also 
executed  designs  prepared  by  architects.  For  example, 
the  Gothic  Revival  architect  Alexander  Jackson  Davis 
commissioned  two  New  York  studios  to  paint  glass 
from  his  designs  for  Litchfield  Villa  in  Brooklyn.  Gib- 
son painted  the  "central  window  side  light  of  south 
2  story  state  bedroom  at  $2.00  per  ft.,"  and  Han- 
nington "did  the  tower  windows."  Davis's  designs 
for  stained-glass  windows  follow  the  stylistic  prefer- 
ences of  the  day;  they  generally  call  for  panes  filled 
with  diamond-shaped  sections  of  clear  colorless  or 
colored  glass,  surrounded  by  decorative  borders  in  a 
bold  contrasting  color  embellished  with  Gothic  orna- 
ment (fig.  288).  Stained  glass  such  as  this  became  a 
vehicle  by  which  art  and,  consequentiy,  refinement 
were  brought  into  the  Empire  City  home. 

The  most  ambitious  work  in  stained  glass  took  place 
in  the  mid-i840S  with  the  building  of  two  important 
New  York  churches.  Trinity  Church  on  Wall  Street, 
whose  construction  began  in  1841,  and  Holy  Trinity 
Church  (now  St,  Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity)  at  Clin- 
ton and  Montague  streets  in  Brooklyn  Heights,  dat- 
ing to  1844-47.  Each  was  designed  in  the  Gothic 
Revival  style  by  a  noted  architect.  Trinity  by  Richard 
Upjohn  and  Holy  Trinity  by  Minard  Lafever,  and 
each  required  a  major  installation  of  stained  glass.  An 
examination  of  these  two  parallel  commissions  offers 
a  revealing  insight  into  two  widely  differing  stained- 
glass  styles  and  processes. 

Trinity  Church  was  a  parish  of  long  standing  on 
Wall  Street,  having  been  founded  in  1698.  It  was  old- 
line  Episcopalian,  conservative,  and  Anglican  in  its 
traditions.  After  its  second  building  was  torn  down  in 
the  late  1830s,  the  congregation  hired  Richard  Upjohn 
to  design  the  majestic  structure  that  still  stands  on  its 
original  site.  His  plan  called  for  an  extensive  array  of 
windows,  including  an  enormous  fourteen-light 
chancel  window.  Completed  in  1846,  Trinity  was 
called  the  "glory  of  our  City."!^^  Holy  Trinity  in  Brook- 
lyn, on  the  other  hand,  was  a  completely  new  under- 
taking sponsored  by  Edgar  John  Bartow,  a  wealthy 
Brooklyn  resident  who  wanted  Brooklyn  Heights  to 
have  a  church  that  would  rival  Trinity  in  Manhattan. 


122.  Ibid. 

123.  W.  J.  Hannington,  advertise- 
ment. Spirit  of  the  Times,  Octo- 
ber 16, 1847,  p.  401. 

124.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  until 
the  end  of  the  1840s,  when 

a  separate  "stained-glass"  cate- 
gory was  established,  stained- 
glass  artists  exhibited  their 
work  in  the  "artists"  category. 

125.  William  Gibson's  Stained  Glass 
Works,  374-376  Broadway,  ad- 
vertising broadside,  ca.  1850- 
60,  Joseph  Downs  Collection 
of  Manuscripts  and  Printed 
Ephemera,  courtesy  The 
Winterthur  Library. 

126.  Advertisement,  The  Albion, 
March  30, 1839,  p.  104. 

127.  According  to  New  York  City 
directories,  Thomas  Thomas 
worked  as  a  glass  stainer  from 
1834-35  to  1848-49,  beginning 
at  36  Wooster  Street  in  1834, 
moving  to  136  Spring  Street  at 
Broadway  in  1837-38,  and  in 
1846-47  moving  to  226  Ave- 
nue 6.  Carse  and  West's  part- 
nership as  glass  stainers  began 
at  472  Pearl  Street  in  1842-43. 
It  was  apparendy  dissolved  by 
1844-45,  when  they  are  listed 
separately  in  the  directory, 
both  as  glass  stainers,  Carse 

at  61  White  Street  and  West 
remaining  at  472  Pearl.  Carse 
began  a  new  partnership  with 
Joseph  Read  at  5  Spruce  Street, 
and  they  remained  together 
until  1848-49,  after  which  time 
Carse  continued  the  business 
at  the  same  address  through 
1850-51.  West  remained  an 
independent  glass  stainer,  first 
at  6  Wall  Street  in  1846-47, 
then  moving  to  492  Broadway 
in  1847-48,  in  1848-49  to  480 
Broadway  (across  the  street 
from  furniture  makers  E.  W. 
Hutchings  and  Alexander 
Roux),  and  further  uptown 
to  II 16  Broadway  in  1852-53. 
Hannington  (also  spelled 
Hanington)  started  out  in  the 
city  directories  with  his  brother 
Henry  as  a  decorative  painter 
at  472i  and  568  Broadway  in 
1841-42,  but  in  1842-43  is 
listed  on  his  own  at  293  Broad- 
way, at  46  Canal  Street  in 
1844-45  to  1845-46,  and  at  418 
Broadway  the  following  year. 
In  1847-48  he  moved  to  364 
Broadway,  where  he  remained 
until  1854-55,  when  he  is  listed 
at  442  Broadway.  He  continued 
to  be  listed  at  various  addresses 
on  Broadway:  440  (corner  of 
Pearl)  in  1856-57;  418  (corner 
of  Canal)  in  1857-58,  and  finally, 
820  in  1858-59. 


352    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


128.  Henry  Sharp  was  listed  for  one 
additional  year  (1856-57),  when 
he  continued  as  a  glass  staincr 
independent  of  Steele  at  the 
same  address. 

129.  In  1852  William  Hannington 
was  awarded  a  silver  medal 
at  the  American  Institute  fair 
for  "a  stained  glass  church 
window  figure  of  St.  Peter." 
**List  of  Premiums  Awarded  by 
the  Managers  of  the  Twenty- 
fifth  Annual  Fair  of  the  Ameri- 
can Institute,  October,  1852," 
p.  18,  New-York  Historical 
Society  Library.  Hannington 
received  a  bronze  medal  with 
special  approbation  at  the  1853 
New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhi- 
bition for  his  entry,  a  "Stained 
glass  gothic  window;  stained 
glass  plates,  panels,  borders, 
&c.,  for  windows  and  doors. 
Stained  glass  portraits  and 
fancy  subjects.**  Official  Ca-ta- 
lo^ue.  Industry  of  All  Nations, 
pp.  80-81. 

130.  Regrettably,  Gibson's  windows 
for  Trinity  Church  no  longer 
survive,  having  been  "upgraded" 
in  the  later  nineteenth  century. 

131.  The  windows  of  Saint  Paul's 
were  imdoubtedly  typical  for 
the  day.  The  aisle  windows 
were  described  as  "of  a  rich 
salmon  color,  in  small  diamond 
panes,  each  pane  bearing  a 
fleur-de-lis.^  See  Charles  W. 
Evans,  History  of  St.  Paul's 
Church,  Bt^alo,  N.T,  1817  to 
1888  (Buffalo  and  New  York: 
Matthews-Northrup  Works, 
1903),  p.  69. 1  thank  Arlene 
Palmer  for  bringing  to  my 
attention  the  Bowdoin  College 
chapel  windows  and  their 
documentation. 

132.  List  of  contractors  and  mer- 
chants mentioned  by  Alexander 
Jackson  Davis  in  connection 
with  Litchfield  Villa.  I  thank 
Amelia  Peck  for  bringing  these 
references  to  my  attention. 

133.  The  Diary  of  Philip  Hone, 
1828-18S1,  2  vols.,  edited  by 
Allan  Nevins  (New  York: 
Dodd,  Mead  and  Company, 
1927),  vol.  2,  p.  764. 

134.  The  steeple  was  taken  down 
in  1906  when  the  subway 
was  built  beneath  the  church, 
for  fear  the  train's  vibrations 
would  dangerously  weaken 
the  structure. 

135.  Everard  M.  Upjohn,  Richard 
Upjohn:  Architect  and  Church- 
man (New  York:  Columbia 
University  Press,  1939), 

PP-  54-55- 

136.  WiUiam  Bolton  had  studied 
under  Samuel  R  B.  Morse  at  the 
National  Academy  of  Design  in 


Fig.  288.  Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  Design  Drawing  for  Stained- 
GUtss  Window^  ca.  1840.  Watercolor  and  ink.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.1042 


Bartow  commissioned  Lafever  to  design  a  monumen- 
tal house  of  worship;  the  result  was  a  soaring  Gothic 
Revival  structure  with  a  tall,  attenuated  steeple  en- 
crusted with  Gothic-style  ornament.  ^^"^  Holy  Trinity 
expresses  a  new  spirit  and  sense  of  freedom  and  rep- 
resents a  departure  from  the  ecclesiastical  conserva- 
tism of  Trinity. 

In  their  process  of  manufacture  as  well  as  their  de- 
sign, the  windows  embody  the  differences  between 
the  churches  themselves.  At  Trinity,  following  the  tra- 
ditional European  practice,  the  architect  was  also  the 
window  designer.  Upjohn  retained  complete  artistic 
control;  he  prepared  designs  to  be  painted  and  glazed 
by  Abner  Stevenson,  a  glazier  who  erected  a  small 
workshop  on  the  church  grounds  in  order  to  accom- 
plish this  enormous  task.^^^  For  the  Brooklyn  endeavor, 
which  called  for  an  ensemble  of  some  sixty  windows 
on  three  stories  as  well  as  an  organ  loft  window  and  a 
majestic  chancel  window,  Lafever  hired  William  Jay 
Bolton,  an  artist  from  Pelham,  New  York,  who  served 
as  designer,  glazier,  and  painter  at  once.^^^ 

At  Trinity,  traditional  Gothic  Revival  quarry,  or 
diamond-paned,  wdndows,  the  style  favored  by  the 
High  Church  Anglican  movement,  were  used  through- 
out in  the  aisles,  galleries,  and  clerestory.  Both  in  their 
motifs  and  in  their  limited  use  of  color,  the  windows 
are  restrained.  Figural  designs  appear  only  in  the 
chancel  window,  where  they  stand  one  to  a  lancet,  in 


Fig.  289.  Richard  Upjohn, 
designer;  Abner  Stevenson, 
maker.  Saint  Marky  Christy  and 
Saint  Luke,  detail  of  chancel 
window.  Trinity  Church,  Wall 
Street,  1842;  photograph  by 
David  Finn.  Paint  and  silver 
stain  on  pot-metal  glass 


EMPIRE  CITY  ENTREPRENEURS:   CERAMICS  AND  GLASS  353 


traditional  poses  and  with  their  appropriate  attri- 
butes, surrounded  by  decorative  diaper  patterning 
and  set  under  elaborate  architectural  canopies  (fig.  289)- 
In  contrast,  the  windows  at  Holy  Trinity  in  Brooklyn, 
reflecting  its  less  conservative  ecclesiastic  spirit,  carry 
an  exuberant  figural  program  of  bold  Renaissance- 
style  narrative  scenes.  Bolton's  designs  are  dense  with 
people  in  complex  compositions  and  often  depart 
from  traditional  depictions  of  their  subjects.  The  aisle 
windows  represent  scenes  from  the  Old  Testament, 
and  the  gallery  or  balcony  windows  present  scenes 
from  the  life  of  Christ.  In  Christ  Stills  the  Tempest 
Bolton  has  shown  Christ  and  his  disciples  in  an  open 
boat  in  a  raging  storm  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  whose 
turbulent  waves  seem  ready  to  engulf  the  vessel  (cat. 
no.  280).  Although  illustrations  of  this  miracle  usually 
show  Christ  sitting  peacefully  or  sleeping,  here  he  is 
seen  with  his  arms  outstretched,  about  to  still  the 
waters,  while  his  disciples  regard  him  in  awe.  Jesus 
appears  not  as  the  familiar  grown  man  with  dark 
flowing  hair  and  beard  but  as  a  clean-shaven  youth 
with  short  blond  hair.  He  and  his  disciples  are 
depicted  as  individualized  characters  instead  of 
iconic  figures.  Bolton  utilized  glass  in  a  wide  range 
of  high  colors,  richly  varied  silver  staining  that 
ranges  from  pale  lemon  yellow  to  a  deep  amber,  and 
colored  enamel  painted  or,  as  seen  in  the  stormy  sea, 
sponged  on:  in  short,  any  material  or  technique  at 
his  disposal  that  would  heighten  the  artistic  effect. 


Liberal  amoimts  of  white  glass  also  appear  in  his  intri- 
cate designs.  The  traditional  diaper  patterns  found  in 
the  windows  of  Trinity  and  in  certain  earlier  windows 
by  Bolton  are  absent  here.  Trained  not  as  a  technician 
but  as  an  artist,  Bolton  approached  his  work  from  a 
painterly  perspective  rather  than  from  the  decorative 
viewpoint  of  a  traditional  glass  stainer.  The  result,  a 
series  of  intensely  dramatic  compositions,  was  also  a 
most  unusual  example  of  the  glass  stainer's  art.^^^ 

Bolton's  complex,  densely  figured,  individualistic  art 
evokes  the  city  that  was  its  setting:  an  increasingly 
complex  and  populous  New  York  with  ever  more  richly 
colorful  streetscapes  and  citizens.  Yet  Bolton's  hand- 
executed  craft,  practiced  in  a  small  workshop  next  to 
his  Pelham  home,  is  the  product  of  techniques  that 
are  the  antithesis  of  the  maniafacturing  developments 
that  profoundly  affected  industry  and  its  growth  in  the 
region.  It  was  the  glass  and  ceramics  factories,  especially 
the  highly  mechanized  Brooklyn  glassworks;  the  cut- 
ting shops  using  steam  power;  the  new  industrial  pot- 
teries organized  along  English  factory  lines;  and  the 
tremendous  influx  of  skilled  immigrant  labor  that  for- 
ever changed  the  city  and,  even  more,  the  nation  as  a 
whole.  For  although  after  the  Civil  War  neither  glass- 
making  nor  ceramic  manufacture  in  and  around  the 
city  was  able  to  attain  the  production  levels  of  the  pre- 
vious decades,  it  was  in  New  York  that  the  groundwork 
had  been  laid  for  an  impressive  further  development 
of  those  industries  in  many  other  parts  of  the  country. 


New  York,  see  Willene  B.  Clark, 
JJje  Stained  Glass  of  William 
Jay  Bolton  (Syracuse:  Syracuse 
University  Press,  1992), 
pp.  12-13.  Bolton  had  earlier 
made  a  presentation  to  the 
vestry  of  Trinity  Church  in  an 
attempt  to  secure  the  commis- 
sion for  its  windows:  appealing 
on  the  grounds  of  aesthetics, 
doctrine,  and  economy,  he  pro- 
posed a  complex  Ascension 
window  for  the  chancel  and  a 
figural  program  for  the  aisles,  a 
design  that  was  not  selected. 
Leuer  from  William  Jay  Bolton 
to  William  H.  Harison  of  the 
building  committee  of  Trinity 
Church,  October  19,  i844(?). 
Trinity  Church  Parish  Archives, 
New  York. 
137.  I  am  grateful  to  David  J.  Fraser, 
Stained  Glass  Conservator, 
St.  Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity 
Church,  Brooklyn,  who  was 
responsible  for  the  conservation 
of  this  and  most  of  the  other 
windows  at  the  church,  for 
sharing  his  observations. 


^"^Silver  Ware  in  Great  Peffection^^: 

The  Precious-Metals  Trades  in  New  Tork  City 

DEBORAH  DEPENDAHL  WATERS 


Responding  to  an  1820  federal  census  ques- 
tionnaire, New  York  silverware  manufac- 
turer  Colin  van  Gelder  Forbes  (1776-1859) 
assessed  current  conditions  in  his  industry.  "From 
1795  to  1816,"  he  wrote,  "the  business  was  brisk  and 
silver  work  was  during  those  years  in  good  demand. 
Since  18 16  there  has  been  but  little  doing."  ^  The 
decline  he  described  was  relatively  short  lived,  as  the 
products  of  New  York  City's  precious-metals  trades, 
described  by  one  observer  as  "Silver  Ware  in  great 
perfection,"^  came  to  dominate  the  American  market 
in  both  artistic  merit  and  quantity  during  the  suc- 
ceeding forty  years,  through  stylistic,  technological, 
and  marketing  transformations. 

In  1824  a  committee  of  Pearl  Street  merchants, 
charged  with  judging  a  competition  for  a  pair  of  vases 
to  be  presented  to  Governor  De  Witt  Clinton  in  rec- 
ognition of  his  efforts  in  connection  with  the  Erie  and 
related  canals,  chose  a  submission  by  a  firm  outside 
New  York,  despite  the  presence  within  the  city  of  some 
one  hundred  craftsmen  working  with  precious  met- 
als. The  well-known  Philadelphia  silversmith  Thomas 
Fletcher  modeled  his  winning  designs  (cat.  no.  281  A,  B; 
fig.  290)  on  a  colossal  Roman  urn  of  the  second 
century  a.d.  known  as  the  Warwick  Vase.  They  were 
manufactured  in  the  workshop  he  owned  with  Sidney 
Gardiner.  The  vases  impressed  such  New  Yorkers  as 
businessman  and  diarist  Philip  Hone  when  they  were 
completed  and  exhibited  in  the  assembly  room  of  the 
City  Hotel  in  March  1825.  Some  thirteen  years  later, 
Hone  visited  the  shop  of  Thomas  Fletcher  in 
Philadelphia  and  observed,  "Fletcher  &  Co.  are  the 
artists  who  made  the  Clinton  vases.  Nobody  in  this 
'world'  of  ours  hearabouts  can  compete  with  them  in 
their  kind  of  work."  ^ 

By  comparison  with  these  monumental  Philadelphia 
vases,  the  New  York-made  presentation  silver  associ- 
ated with  Clinton  and  the  canals  is  on  a  domestic  scale 
and  utilizes  less  handwrought  ornament.  Two  years 
prior  to  the  presentation  of  the  Fletcher  and  Gardiner 
vases,  the  shop  of  William  Gale,  established  in  1 821,  pro- 
duced a  covered  pitcher  (fig.  291)  commissioned  by  a 


group  of  New  York  City  flour  manufacturers  to  com- 
memorate the  maiden  voyage  from  Seneca  Lake  to 
New  York  City  via  the  Seneca  and  Erie  (Western) 
canals  of  the  schooner  Mary  and  Hannah,  laden  with 
a  cargo  of  Western  wheat,  butter,  and  beans.  Gale 
elongated  the  midsection  of  a  typical  pitcher  form  to 
accommodate  a  view  of  New  York  Harbor  engraved 
after  an  unidentified  source,  and  he  incorporated  such 
topical  references  in  its  decoration  as  die-rolled  bor- 
ders featuring  sheaves  of  wheat  alternating  with 
scenes  of  rural  life  and  a  cast  sheaf- of- wheat  finial."^ 

Closer  to  the  Clinton  vases  in  scale  and  provenance 
is  a  mirrored  plateau  (fig.  292)  struck  with  the  mark 
of  New  York  silversmith  John  W.  Forbes  (1781- 
1864).^  More  than  five  feet  in  length,  the  tripartite  table 
ornament  is  in  a  form  that  originated  in  eighteenth- 
century  France  and  was  brought  to  American  tables  by 
stylish  European  ambassadors  and  American  gentle- 
men, including  George  Washington,  who  ordered 
plateaus  from  France  in  1789.^  The  frame  of  the 
Forbes  plateau  is  closely  related  to  London  examples 
of  the  early  nineteenth  century,  such  as  an  1810  model 
by  Paul  Storr,'^  The  Forbes  plateau  has  two  widths  of 
die-rolled  floral  scroll  border  centering  a  pierced  cen- 
tral band.  The  latter  is  composed  of  alternating  motifs 
of  winged  lions  supporting  an  urn  and  grapevine  with 
grape-cluster  scrolls  flanking  a  laurel  wreath.  Six  ped- 
estals with  cast  spread-eagle  finials  on  cast  acanthus- 
leaf  legs  terminating  in  lion's-paw  feet  support  the 
mirrored  frame.  Mounted  on  the  central  pedestals 
are  relief  figures  of  Flora,  the  Roman  goddess  of  flow- 
ers, and  Pomona,  the  ancient  Italian  goddess  of  fruit 
trees.  Ornamenting  the  two  end-pedestals  are  relief 
trophies  composed  of  symbolic  devices,  including  a 
liberty  cap  on  pole,  a  caduceus,  an  anchor,  and  an 
American  flag.  The  only  comparable  American  exam- 
ple, also  marked  by  Forbes  and  now  at  the  White 
House,  is  similarly  ornamented.^ 

Forbes  placed  an  announcement  in  the  New -Tork 
Daily  Advertiser  for  January  11, 1825,  inviting  customers 
and  "admirers  of  good  work  in  general"  to  examine 
what  he  characterized  as  "a  superb  Silver  Plateau  of 


1.  United  States,  Census  Office, 
4th  Census,  1820,  Records 

of  the  1820  Census  of  Manufac- 
tures, National  Archives  Micro- 
film Publication,  Microcopy 
no.  279,  roll  10. 

2.  New-Tork  American,  Octo- 
ber 20, 1835,  p.  2,  col.  3. 

3.  See  Thomas  H.  Ormsbee, 
"Gratitude  in  Silver  for  Pros- 
perity," American  Collector  7 
(April  1937),  p.  3;  and  The  Diary 
of  Philip  Hone,  i8z8-i8si,  2  vols., 
edited  by  Allan  Nevins  (New 
York:  Dodd,  Mead  and  Com- 
pany, 1927),  vol.  1,  pp.  301-2. 

4.  See  Tammis  K.  Groft  and  Mary 
Alice  Mackay,  eds.,  Albany 
Institute  of  History  and  Art: 
200  Tears  of  Collectin^f  (New 
York:  Hudson  Hills  Press  in 
association  with  Albany  Insti- 
tute of  History  and  Art,  1998), 
pp.  198-99,  no.  74.  The  pitcher 
is  marked  "w.g."  and  inscribed 
"Presented  by  the  undernamed 
Manufacturers  of  flour  in  the 
City/of  new  York  to  John  H. 
Osborne  and  Samuel  S.  Seely, 
of  the  Town  of  Hector,  Tomp- 
kins County  owners  of  the  Boat 
Mary/&  Hannah  to  Commem- 
orate their  enterprise  in  having 
first  navigated /the  Western 
Canal  and  Hudson  River,  from 
Seneca  Lake  to  this /City  with  a 
Cargo  of  Wheat  in  Bulk,  New 
York  1823"  (followed  by  the 
names  of  ten  individuals  and 
firms).  The  reverse  is  engraved 
with  a  view  of  the  Mary  and 
Hannah  in  New  York  Harbor. 

5.  John  W.  Forbes  was  a  second- 
generation  New  York  silversmith, 
son  of  William  Garret  Forbes 
and  younger  brother  of  silver- 
smith Colin  van  Gelder  Forbes. 
The  plateau  is  marked  "i.w. 
FORBES"  in  a  rectangle  with 
pseudohallmarks  of  an  anchor, 
star,  monarch's  head  and  the  let- 
ter C,  each  in  an  oval.  The  cen- 
ter section  is  marked  twice.  The 
end-section  with  one  foot  is 
marked  twice  on  each  side.  The 
other  end-section  is  unmarked. 
For  the  mark,  see  Louise  Con- 
way Belden,  Marks  of  American 


Opposite:  detail,  fig.  301 


356    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  290.  Hugh  Bridport,  Philadelphia,  artist,  after  Thomas  Fletcher,  designer;  Fletcher  and  Gardiner,  Philadelphia,  manufacturing 
silversmith.  Drawing  of  One  of  the  Covered  Vases  Made  for  Presentation  to  Governor  De  Witt  Clinton  in  March  182s,  ca.  1825.  Watercolor. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Collection,  The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Fund,  1953  53.652.2 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  R  E  C  I  O  U  S  -  M  E  T  A  L  S  TRADES  357 


Fig.  291.  William  Gale,  Covered  ewer  presented  to 
the  owners  of  the  bo2LtMary  and  Hannah,  1823. 
Silver.  Collection  of  the  Albany  Institute  of  History 
and  Art,  gift  of  William  Gorham  Rice,  grandson  of 
Samuel  Satterlee  Seely  X1940.435 


Fig.  292.  John  W  Forbes,  Plateau,  ca.  1825.  Silver, 
mirrored  glass,  and  walnut.  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  Purchase,  The  AE 
Fund,  Annette  de  la  Renta,  The  Annenberg 
Foundation,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robert  G.  Goelet, 
John  J.  Weber,  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Burton  P.  Fabricand, 
The  Hascoe  Family  Foundation,  Peter  G.  Terian, 
and  Erving  and  Joyce  Wolf  Gifts,  and  Friends  of 
the  American  Wing  Fund,  1993  I993.i67a-c 


358    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  293.  Pelletreau,  Bennett  and  Cooke,  Pitcher  presented  to  the  Honorable  Richard  Riker,  1826. 
Silver.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  Purchase,  The  Overbook  Foundation  Gift,  1996  i99<5.559 


his  own  manufacture,  which  he  believes  to  be,  at  least, 
equal  to  any  imported  or  manufactured  in  the  United 
States."^  Although  an  official  presentation  of  the  piece 
to  Clinton  cannot  be  documented,  the  family  history 
that  accompanied  the  plateau  confirms  that  it  is 
indeed  the  one  on  which  the  Fletcher  and  Gardiner 
vases  stood— a  fact  also  noted  in  1828  in  the  press  cov- 
erage of  the  sale  of  Clinton's  personal  effects  follow- 
ing his  death. 

In  1824  and  1825  a  series  of  grand  civic  celebrations 
honoring  venerable  Revolutionary  War  hero  the  mar- 
quis de  Lafayette  and  the  completion  of  the  Erie  Canal 
prompted  the  production  of  an  array  of  presentation 
silver  by  city  craftsmen.  Following  the  Grand  Canal 
Celebration  of  November  4, 1825,  the  Corporation  of 
the  City  of  New  York  ordered  a  medal  coined  in  com- 
memoration of  the  successful  opening  of  a  water  route 
joining  Lake  Erie  with  the  Adantic  Ocean  (cat.  nos. 
282A,  B,  283A,  b).  Preparation  of  the  dies  required  to 
strike  the  medal  was  a  collaborative  projea  involving 
artist  Archibald  Robertson,  engraver  and  diesinker 
Charles  Gushing  Wright,  engraver,  diesinker,  and 
piercer  Richard  Trested,  and  iron-  and  steelworker 
William  Williams.  Silversmith  Maltby  Pelletreau,  of 
the  firm  Pelletreau,  Bennett  and  Cooke,  struck  the 
medals  in  gold,  silver,  and  semimetal  using  a  hand- 
powered  screw  press  with  a  heavy  end-weighted  balance 
lever  that  drove  the  screw  with  sufficient  momentum  to 
coin  them  cleanly.  Pelletreau  also  struck  the  obverse 
die— depicting  Neptune,  Roman  god  of  the  sea,  and 
goat-legged  Pan,  Greek  god  of  forests,  pastures,  flocks, 
and  shepherds— on  the  body  of  a  globular  silver 
pitcher  (fig.  293)  that  his  firm  presented  to  the  Hon- 
orable Richard  Riker,  recorder  of  New  York  City.  As 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements  for  the 
Grand  Canal  Celebration,  Riker  apparently  selected 
the  firm  for  the  prestigious  medal  commission. 

On  January  i,  1826,  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of 
New  York  acknowledged  the  contributions  of  Charles 
Rhind  to  the  success  of  the  Lafayette  visits  and  the 
canal  celebration  by  presenting  him  with  a  silver  service 
composed  of  a  tea  set  by  master  craftsman  Garret  Eoff 
(1779-1845)  and  a  tray  (fig.  294)  and  cake  basket  firom 
the  shop  of  Stephen  Richard  (1769-1843).^^  Rhind,  a 
Scottish-born  merchant  who  acted  as  agent  for  the 


Fig.  294,  Stephen  Richard,  retailer;  James  D.  Stout, 
engraver,  Tray  presented  to  Charles  Rhind,  1826.  Silver. 
The  Metropolitan  Museiim  of  Art,  New  York,  Lent  by 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Samuel  Schwartz 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  R  E  CI  O  U  S  -  M  E  T  AL  S  TRADES  359 


Fig.  295.  Edgar  Mortimer  Eoff  and  George  L.  Shepard,  silverware  manufacturer;  Ball,  Black  and  Company, 
retailer,  Pair  of  pitchers  presented  to  Julie  A.  Vanderpoel,  ca.  1855.  Silver.  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
Gift  of  Charles  E.  Loew  and  Miss  Julie  V  Loew  44. 153. 1-2 


North  River  Steam  Boat  Company,  had  served  as 
chairman  of  the  reception  committee  that  welcomed 
Lafayette  upon  his  arrival  in  New  York  in  1824  and  as 
admiral  of  the  fleet  during  the  Grand  Aquatic  Display 
portion  of  the  Grand  Canal  Celebration  of  November 
1825.  James  D.  Stout  handsomely  engraved  the  tray  with 
a  vignette  depicting  the  arms  of  the  city,  flanked  by  its 
mariner  and  native  American  supporters,  against  a  view 
of  the  city  and  its  harbor.  Used  on  both  the  tray  and 
the  cake  basket  (unlocated)^'^  is  a  die-stamped  floral 
border  of  typical  New  York  design.  Like  the  die-rolled 
borders  and  sheaf- of- wheat  finial  of  William  Gale's 
pitcher  (fig.  291),  it  appears  on  silver  objects  struck 
with  marks  identified  with  various  shops,  including 
that  of  silver  manufacturer  William  Thomson. 


Available  documentation  suggests  that  Stephen 
Richard,  active  as  a  jeweler,  enameler,  and  hair  worker 
in  New  York  at  various  locations  in  Manhattan  between 
18 01  and  1829,  operated  a  retail  store  selling  both 
domestic  and  imported  products.  In  1816  his  firm 
had  provided  a  gold  box  presented  to  Commodore 
William  Bainbridge  by  the  Common  Council  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  so  a  second  city  commission  a 
decade  later  would  not  have  been  unexpected. 
That  these  pieces  for  Rhind  date  from  the  end  of 
Richard's  career— as  do  other  significant  presenta- 
tion commissions,  including  an  undated  ewer  and 
salver  given  to  Charles  Bancroft:  by  the  Phenix  Bank 
of  New  York  (Bayou  Bend  Collection,  Museum  of 
Fine  Arts,  Houston)  and  a  pair  of  pitchers  presented 


Silversmiths  in  the  Ineson-Bissell 
Collection  (Charlottesville: 
University  Press  of  Virginia  for 
the  Henry  Francis  du  Pont 
Winterthur  Museum,  1980), 
p.  172,  mark  d. 

6.  For  plateaus,  see  Martha  Gandy 
Fales,  Early  American  Silver  for 
the  Cautious  Collector  (New 
York:  Funk  and  Wagnalls,  1970), 
pp.  148-49- 

7.  Alain  Gruber,  Silver  (New  York: 
Rizzoli  International  Publica- 
tions, 1982),  p.  r86,  fig.  265. 

8.  Graham  Hood,  American  Silver 
(New  York:  Praeger  Publishers, 
1971)^  PP-  ioi-2,  figs.  223,  224. 

9.  New-Tork  Daily  Advertiser,  Jan- 
uary II,  1825. 

10.  "The  Clinton  Vases,"  Niles^ 
Weekly  Register,  June  14, 1828. 

11.  For  a  description  of  a  compara- 
ble coinage  conducted  at  the 
Philadelphia  Mint  in  the  early 
nineteenth  century,  see  the  com- 
mentary prepared  by  George 
Escol  Sellers,  cited  in  Edgar  P. 
Richardson,  "The  Cassin  Medal," 
Winterthur  Portfolio  4  (1968), 
pp.  80-81. 

12.  Marked  "s.  richard"  in  a  ser- 
rated rectangle  with  rounded 
corners,  the  tray  is  inscribed 
"Presented  by  the  Corporation 
of  the  City  of  New  York  to 
Charles  Rhind  Esqr.  Jany  ist 
1826";  "Reception  of  Majr.  Genl. 
LaFayette  a.d.  1824";  "Grand 
Canal  Celebrations  a.d.  1825"; 
and  "Engd.  by  I.  D.  Stout." 

13.  Stout  advertised  the  execution 
of  card  and  doorplate  engraving 
as  well  as  engraving  on  pen- 
knives, spoons,  umbrellas,  lock- 
ets and  rings,  and  silver  plate 

in  the  Morning  Courier  (New 
York),  April  10, 1832,  p.  2,  col.  7. 

14.  The  cake  basket  was  illustrated 
in  an  advertisement  published  in 
Antiques  94  (December  1968), 
p.  795- 

15.  For  example,  William  Thomson 
used  the  border  on  a  tea  service 
that  descended  in  the  Osgood- 
Field  family  of  New  York 
(Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  90.65.2). 

16.  Minutes  of  the  Common  Council 
of  the  City  of  New  York,  1784- 
1S31  (New  York:  City  of  New 
York,  1917),  vol.  8,  August  6, 
1816,  p.  599. 


360    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  296.  Thomas  Fletcher,  Philadelphia,  designer  and  manufacturer;  marked  by  Baldwin  Gardiner,  retailer.  Presentation  vase  presented  by  the  merchants  of 
New  York  to  District  Attorney  Hugh  Maxwell,  Esq.,  1828-29.  Silver.  On  loan  from  The  New  York  Law  Institute  to  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  R  E  CI  O  US  -  M  E  TA  L  S  TRADES  36I 


to  Jameson  Cox  in  1829  (Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York)— indicates  that  Richard's  shop  either  employed 
skilled  journeymen  or  subcontracted  its  silver  work  to 
such  manufacturing  silversmiths  as  Garret  EofF.  EofF 
had  announced  his  intention  to  "decline  the  retail 
business  and  confine  himself  to  manufacturing  exclu- 
siveiy"  in  April  1825.^^  Other  manufacturing  silver- 
smiths, such  as  John  W.  Forbes,  opposed  wholesale 
selling  to  retailers.  To  differentiate  himself  from  oth- 
ers, Forbes  advertised  that  he  attended  personally  to 
his  manufactory,  manufactured  "solely  to  order  and 
for  cash,"  and  that  "all  articles  of  silver  of  his  manu- 
facture [were]  sold  only  by  himself?' 

Traditional  kinship  and  apprenticeship  networks 
continued  to  link  many  craftsmen  in  the  luxury- 
metals  trades  from  the  1820s  through  the  outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War,  even  as  new  models  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  craft  evolved.  For  example,  the  brothers 
John  W.  and  Colin  van  Gelder  Forbes  continued  a 
family  tradition  of  silversmithing  established  in  the 
eighteenth  century  by  their  father,  William  Garret 
Forbes  (1751-1840),  and  their  uncle  Abraham  G. 
Forbes.  In  1826  Colin's  son  William  joined  his  father's 
silver  manufactory.  Nine  years  later  Colin  V  G. 
Forbes  and  Son  produced  a  distinguished  hot-water 
urn  ornamented  with  relief  decoration  after  a  design 
by  Henry  Inman  (cat.  no.  290).^^  The  younger 
Forbes's  entry  in  the  1838  American  Institute  fair  won 
a  silver  medal  for  the  best  tea  set,  an  award  that  came 
at  the  beginning  of  his  independent  career.  The 
Forbes  manufactory  produced  goods  distributed  by 
the  New  York  retail  silversmith  and  jewelry  firm  Ball, 
Tompkins  and  Black  (see  cat.  no.  306)  and  its  succes- 
sor. Ball,  Black  and  Company  (active  1851-74),  until 
William's  retirement,  about  1864.  As  a  master  crafts- 
man, John  W.  Forbes  proudly  announced  to  potential 
customers  that  he  had  "served  a  regular  apprentice- 
ship at  the  business"  and  would  execute  all  orders  "in 
a  masterly  manner."  He  continued  to  teach  appren- 
tices the  "art  and  mystery"  of  the  craft,  preferring,  as 
he  stated  in  an  advertisement  of  1821,  "an  active  lad 
about  14  years  of  age,  of  respectable  connexions." 
Although  Forbes  called  his  shop  a  "manufactory"  and 
owned  both  a  flatting  mill  (for  preparing  sheet  silver) 
and  an  embossing  mill  (for  die-rolling  borders),  he 
employed  only  three  men  and  two  boys  in  1820,  not  the 
minimum  workforce  of  twenty  as  proposed  by  historian 
Sean  Wilentz  in  his  definition  of  "manufactory."^^ 

A  shortened  apprenticeship  with  Abraham  G, 
Forbes,  from  April  1793  to  April  1798,  links  Garret 
Eoff  with  the  extended  Forbes  clan  of  silversmiths  at 
the  outset  of  his  career.  He  in  turn  fostered  the  early 


career  of  John  C.  Moore  when  they  worked  in  part- 
nership as  EofF  and  Moore  in  1835.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  1 820s  EofF  operated  a  retail  silver  and  jewelry 
store  at  163  Broadway,  but  in  1825  he  decided  to  dis- 
continue retail  sales  and  to  relocate  away  from  the 
busde  of  Broadway.  EofF  sold  ofF  not  only  the  stock 
he  had  on  hand  but  also  his  shop  fixtures,  including 
"three  glass  side  cases,  one  good  awning,  and  two 
counter  cases." 

One  of  EofF's  heirs,  Edgar  Mortimer  EofF,  carried 
Garret's  eighteenth-century  craft  legacy  into  the  third 
quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century.  As  a  manufactur- 
ing silversmith  in  partnership  first  with  William  M. 
Phyfe  and  then,  beginning  in  1852-53,  with  George 
L.  Shepard,  EofF  supplied  goods  not  only  to  New 
York  City  retailers  Ball,  Black  and  Company  (see  fig. 
295)  but  also  to  retail  silversmiths  as  far  afield  as  Rich- 
mond, Virginia. 

As  the  city  grew  and  prospered  following  the  open- 
ing of  the  Erie  Canal,  the  silver-manufacturing  indus- 
try offered  financial  opportunities  to  a  second  group 
of  specialists  whom  Wilentz  has  identified  as  "craft 
entrepreneurs."  In  the  luxury-metals  trades,  not  all 
entrepreneurs  were  skilled  craftsmen.  Often  they  were 
merchandisers  whose  expertise  lay  in  their  ability  to 
persuade  consumers  to  acquire  goods  from  ever- 
changing  assortments  of  domestic  and  imported  mer- 
chandise. One  of  these  was  Baldwin  Gardiner,  brother 
of  Sidney  Gardiner.  Trained  as  a  shopkeeper  in  the 
firm  of  Fletcher  and  Gardiner,  first  in  Boston  and 
then  in  Philadelphia,  Baldwin  moved  to  New  York 
late  in  1826  or  early  in  1827.  In  New  York  he  established 
a  fashionable  furnishings  warehouse  at  149  Broadway, 
at  the  corner  of  Liberty  Street,  where  he  sold  lamps 
and  other  goods  and  filled  special  local  orders  for 
silver.  After  his  brother's  untimely  death  in  1827,  Gar- 
diner maintained  contact  with  Thomas  Fletcher,  to 
whom  he  turned  when  seeking  the  commission  for 
two  pitchers  and  a  vase  to  be  presented  to  New  York 
district  attorney  Hugh  Maxwell,  who  had  reached  the 
midpoint  of  his  twenty  years  in  office.  As  Gardiner 
explained  when  he  requested  design  drawings  from 
Fletcher  in  August  1828,  "Of  course,  I  should  expect 
to  have  my  name  stamped  upon  the  bottoms." 

Gardiner  received  the  commission,  and  the  Fletcher 
shop  manufactured  the  "splendid  Vase"  (fig.  296), 
which  was  stamped  with  Gardiner's  name.^^  In  design- 
ing the  Maxwell  vase,  Fletcher  once  again  took  the 
Warwick  Vase  as  his  model,  adapting  its  rustic 
grapevine  handles,  central  foot,  and  repousse  acan- 
thus-leaf decoration.  Unlike  the  Warwick  Vase  or  the 
earlier  De  Witt  Clinton  vases,  however,  the  Maxwell 


17.  New -York  Evening  Post,  April  13, 
1825,  p.  3,  col.  2. 

18.  New-Tork  Daily  Advertiser,  Sep- 
tember 2, 1820;  ibid.,  October  i, 
1817,  p.  3,  col.  5. 

19.  Several  previous  publications, 
including  igth-Century  America, 
vol.  I,  Furniture  and  Other  Dec- 
orative Arts,  by  Marilynn  John- 
son, Marvin  D.  Schwartz,  and 
Suzanne  Boorsch  (exh.  cat.,  New 
York:  The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  1970),  no.  52;  and  David 
B.  Warren,  Katherine  S.  Howe, 
and  Michael  K.  Brown,  Marks 
of  Achievement:  Four  Centuries 
of  American  Presentation  Silver 
(exh.  cat.,  Houston:  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts,  1987),  pp.  124-25, 
no.  156,  have  recorded  the  mem- 
bers of  the  firm  as  Colin  van 
Gelder  Forbes  and  John  W. 
Forbes;  John  W.  Forbes  was  the 
younger  brother  of  Colin  van 
Gelder  Forbes,  not  his  son. 

20.  New-Tork  Daily  Advertiser, 
December  16, 1819. 

21.  Ibid.,  July  30, 1821,  p.  I,  col.  7. 

22.  Sean  Wilentz,  Chants  Democra- 
tic: New  Tork  City  and  the  Rise 
of  the  American  Working  Class, 
17S8-18S0  (New  York:  Oxford 
University  Press,  1984),  p.  115. 

23.  New-Tork  Evening  Post,  April  13, 
1825,  p.  3,  col.  2;  ibid.,  April  30, 
1825,  p.  3,  col.  4. 

24.  See  Decorative  Arts  Photo- 
graphic Collection  Files,  Win- 
terthur  Library,  Henry  Francis 
du  Pont  Winterthur  Museum, 
Winterthur,  Delaware,  for  exam- 
ples of  EofF  and  Phyfe  products 
marked  for  non-New  York 
retailers,  including  dapc  69.1999 
and  DAPC  78.3897,  a  handled  cup 
in  the  collection  of  the  Valentine 
Museum,  Richmond,  Virginia. 

25.  Wilentz,  Chants  Democratic, 
PP-  35-37,  116-17. 

26.  David  McAdam  et  al.,  eds., 
History  of  the  Bench  and  Bar  of 
New  Tork,  2  vols.  (New  York: 
New  York  History  Company, 
1897-99),  vol.  I,  p.  413. 

27.  Baldwin  Gardiner,  New  York, 
August  29, 1828,  to  Thomas 
Fletcher,  Philadelphia,  Fletcher 
Papers,  Box  11,  Athenaeum  of 
Philadelphia. 


2    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  297.  William  Gale  and  Joseph  Moseley,  Tureen,  ca.  1830.  Silver.  The  Minneapolis  Institute  of  Arts,  the  James  S.  Bell  Memorial 
Fund  and  the  Christina  N.  and  Swan  J.  Turnblad  Memorial  Fund  80.57 


.  Morning  Courier  and  New-Tork 
Enquirer,  October  17, 1833. 

.  On  the  history  of  J.  and  I.  Cox 
and  its  successors,  see:  New- 
Tork  Daily  Advertiser,  April  8, 
1820,  p.  2,  col.  6;  ibid.,  Janu- 
ary 26, 1826,  p.  I,  col.  6;  ibid., 
April  6, 1826,  p.  I,  col.  5;  New- 
Tork  Evening  Post,  October  24, 
1826;  The  American  Advertising 
Directory  for  Manufacturers 
and  Dealers  for  the  Tear  1832 
(New  York:  Jocelyn,  Darling 
and  Co.,  1832),  p.  105;  Thomas 
Cox,  Birmingham,  to  Thomas 
Fletcher,  Philadelphia,  Decem- 
ber 2, 1833,  Fletcher  Papers, 
Box  III,  Athenaeum  of  Phila- 
delphia; Third  Annual  Fair  of  the 
Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New  Tork  (New  York,  1837), 
p.  16  (on  the  firm's  diploma); 
The  New  Tork  Business  Directory 
for  1840  &1841  (New  York: 
Publication  Office,  1840), 
pp.  152-53;  The  New-Tork  City 
and  Co-Partnership  Directory 
for  1843  &1844  (New  York:  John 
Doggett  Jr.,  1843),  pp.  84,  85, 
385;  Gertrude  A.  Barber,  comp., 
"Abstracts  of  Wills  for  New  York 
County,  New  York,"  vol.  15, 


presentation  piece  has  an  unadorned  band  around  the 
body.  Fletcher  mounted  the  whole  on  a  tripod  base 
with  crisply  sculpted  sphinxes,  whose  extended  wings 
appear  to  support  the  vase  above.  Robust  acanthus- 
and-paw  feet  in  turn  support  the  plinth.  By  1831  Gar- 
diner had  his  own  silver  manufactory  in  operation, 
with  high-pressure  steam  power  available.  Two  years 
later,  Gardiner's  entry  in  the  fair  of  the  American 
Institute  brought  praise  from  a  newspaper  reporter, 
who  wrote,  "We  first  viewed  some  superb  silverware 
from  the  manufactory  of  B.  Gardiner,  149  Broadway. 
The  embossed  silver  waiters  and  pitchers  were 
finished  in  admirable  style"  (see  cat.  nos.  284,  286).^^ 
Preceding  Baldwin  Gardiner  in  New  York  as  mer- 
chants of  imported  fancy  hardware  and  lamps  were 
the  brothers  Joseph  (ca.  179 0-1852)  and  John  Cox 
from  Birmingham,  England,  who  traded  as  J.  and  I. 
Cox.  In  time  for  inclusion  in  the  1819-20  edition  of 
Lon^worth^s  Directory,  these  merchants  had  setded  at 
5  Maiden  Lane,  near  Broadway,  at  the  Sign  of  the 
Lamp.  The  Cox  firm,  like  others  in  the  Maiden  Lane 
neighborhood,  moved  from  sales  of  imported  fancy 
hardware  and  lamps  to  imported  and  domestic  plated 


goods  and  furnishings  and  subsequendy  added  silver- 
ware and  gas  fixtures  to  its  product  lines.  At  the  third 
annual  fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Institute,  held  at  Niblo's 
Garden  in  September  1837,  J.  and  1.  Cox  won  a  diploma 
for  its  entries  of  a  silver  tea  set  and  pitchers,  which 
"displayed  great  taste,  both  in  design  and  work- 
manship." By  1843  two  branches  of  "Cox's  Furnishing 
Warehouse"  served  consumers,  at  15  Maiden  Lane  and 
349  Broadway,  on  the  corner  of  Leonard  Street.  In 
1848  the  firm  offered  silverware  only  at  the  Maiden 
Lane  warehouse.  Following  the  death  of  Joseph  Cox 
in  December  1852,  both  the  silver  and  gas-fixtures 
lines  of  merchandise  were  transferred  to  John  Cox 
and  Company,  349  Broadway.  In  1856-57  John  Cox 
and  Company  listed  itself  as  an  importer  of  gas 
fixtures,  clocks,  bronzes,  plated  ware,  and  related 
goods,  and  as  a  manufacturer  of  silverware,  with 
Joseph's  son  a  member  of  the  firm.^^ 

The  relationship  between  manufacturing  silversmith 
and  silver  retailer  was  often  unclear  to  the  public. 
J.  and  L  Cox  offered  silverware  to  its  customers  and 
entered  silver  into  competitions  under  its  name;  its 
successor  firm,  John  Cox  and  Company,  advertised  as 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  RE  C  I  O  U  S  -  M  ET  A  LS  TRADES  363 


a  manufacturer  of  silverware.  In  at  least  one  instance, 
manufacturing  silversmiths  Cann  and  Dunn  (John 
Cann  and  David  Dunn;  active  ca,  1855-57)  produced 
silver  also  struck  with  the  Cox  firm  stamp.  Cann  and 
Dunn  succeeded  the  partnership  Charters,  Cann 
and  Dunn  (Thomas  Charters,  John  Cann,  and  David 
Dunn;  active  1848-54).  In  the  1855-56  edition  of 
Trow^s  New  York  City  Directory^  the  "old  established 
silver  ware  manufactory  of  Cann  and  Dunn"  took  a 
display  advertisement  to  announce  its  relocation  to 
Brooklyn,  where  the  firm  remained  the  following 
year.  With  its  new  facilities,  Cann  and  Dunn 
announced  it  was  prepared  "to  fulfill  as  usual,  all 
Orders  from  the  Trade  for  Vases,  Urns,  Salvers,  Pitch- 
ers, Tea  and  Coffee  Services,  trumpets, /plates, 
GOBLETS,  CUPS,  &c./From  Designs  Original  and 
Selected, /Ancient  and  Modern,'' 

Silverware  manufacturers  and  retail  silversmiths 
both  embraced  the  neutral  showcase  for  shop  prod- 
ucts provided  by  the  annual  fairs  sponsored  by  the 
American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New  York  (begin- 
ning in  1828)  and  those  organized  by  the  Mechanics' 
Institute  of  the  City  of  New-York  (from  1835  on). 
These  juried  fairs  highlighting  American  improve- 
ments in  the  mechanical  and  fine  arts  quickly  became 
significant  venues  for  the  display  of  new  goods  and 
product  lines. In  each  product  category,  men  who 
had  experience  within  the  industry  or  in  a  related  dis- 
cipline were  chosen  as  judges.  Journalists  sympathetic 
to  the  cause  of  protecting  American  manufactures 
wrote  articles  listing  the  winners  of  the  competitive 
awards  and  often  featuring  specific  exhibits  or  items 
within  displays.  Their  accounts  were  printed  both  in 
New  York  and  in  such  national  publications  as  Niks^ 
Weekly  Register,  Although  the  1829  American  Insti- 
tute fair  had  no  official  class  for  precious  metal  objects, 
judges  awarded  discretionary  premiums  to  the  retail 
firm  of  Marquand  and  Brothers  for  "superior  tea  and 
dinner  silver  ware"  and  to  silverware  manufacturers 
William  Gale  and  Joseph  Moseley  for  "superior  silver 
forks  and  spoons,"  decisions  duly  reported  by  Niles^ 
Weekly  Re^ister.^^  Gale  and  Moseley  produced  a  pre- 
sentation coffee  urn  in  1829  (cat.  no.  285)  and  an 
imposing  handled  tureen  about  1830  (fig.  297).^"^  The 
following  year,  in  the  class  designated  "Silver,  Plated 
and  Tin  Ware,  Clocks,  etc,"  entrepreneur  Baldwin 
Gardiner  won  a  first  premium,  as  did  silver  manu- 
facturer Thomson.  Retailers  Stebbins  and  Howe  won 
a  premium  for  a  case  of  jewelry,  watches,  and  silver- 
ware described  as  "very  tasty  and  elegant." National 
pride  colored  the  occasional  commentary,  as  in  an 
1835  article  published  in  the  Mechanics^  Magazine 


and  Register  of  Inventions  and  Improvements:  "Silver 
Ware.— The  specimens  of  Silver  Ware  exhibited  by 
Mr.  Marquand,  181  Broadway,  and  Mr.  James  Thomp- 
son [sic'\^  129  William-st.,  produced  the  most  agree- 
able astonishment,  especially  to  us,  who  well  remember 
when  to  produce  a  common  Silver  Buckle  in  this 
country,  was  a  thing  viewed  with  utter  astonish- 
ment."^*^ Even  Holden^s  Dollar  Magazine,  a  publica- 
tion that  questioned  the  utility  and  expense  of  the 
expositions,  noted  that  "the  most  showy  exhibiters 
at  the  fairs  are  the  confectioners,  silversmiths,  glass 
cutters,  and  milliners  ."^^ 

Judges  of  the  American  Institute  fairs  often  awarded 
premiums  to  one  or  more  manufacturing  silversmiths 
and  one  firm  of  retail  silversmiths  annually  during  the 
1840s.  In  1 841  the  retailer  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black, 
located  at  181  Broadway,  was  singled  out  for  the  best 
specimens  of  silver  plate  and  chasing,  while  manu- 
facturing silversmith  William  Adams,  whose  business 
was  at  185  Church  Street,  received  recognition  for 
the  second-best  effort  in  those  categories.  Flatware 
specialist  Albert  Coles  (18 15-1885),  then  located  at 
6  Little  Green  Street,  won  a  silver  medal  for  the  best 
silver  knives  and  forks.  The  following  year,  the  judges 
awarded  premiums  to  the  same  entrants. 

Diesinker  Moritz  Fiirst,  who  won  a  silver  medal  for 
"specimens  of  very  superior  die-sinking"  at  the  sixth 
annual  American  Institute  fair  in  1833,  subsequently 
executed  prize  medals  for  both  the  American  Institute 
(cat.  no.  291)  and  the  Mechanics'  Institute,  employing 
similar  designs.  American  Institute  judges  awarded 
large  numbers  of  medals  struck  in  gold  and  silver  as 
well  as  silver  prize  cups.  At  its  eighteenth  fair,  in  1845, 
the  institute  distributed  34  gold  medals,  80  silver 
medals,  and  139  silver  cups.  Two  years  later,  the  ratio 
between  the  types  of  prizes  had  shifted,  with  244  sil- 
ver medals,  28  gold  medals,  and  44  silver  cups 
awarded.  ""-^ 

Although  articles  on  the  entries  in  the  fairs  praise 
the  products  of  New  York  silversmiths  without  com- 
menting on  style,  surviving  pieces  marked  by  the 
city's  craftsmen  show  that  these  artisans  were  called 
on  to  reconcile  an  increasingly  severe  Neoclassicism 
with  a  resurgence  of  the  Rococo.  Between  1830  and 
1861  silversmiths  needed  to  pay  particular  attention  to 
the  personal  preferences  of  their  patrons  when  weigh- 
ing the  merits  of  the  Rococo  against  other  historical 
styles,  including  not  only  Neoclassical  but  also  Gothic 
and  other  modes.  As  a  result,  wares  had  become 
decidedly  eclectic  in  style  by  the  1830s.  A  key  example 
is  a  hot-water  urn  by  Colin  van  Gelder  Forbes  and  his 
son  William  Forbes  (cat.  no.  290).  This  grand  piece 


1852-1853,  p.  74,  typescript,  1950, 
New  York  Genealogical  and  Bio- 
graphical Society;  Gertrude  A. 
Barber,  comp.,  ''Deaths  Taken 
from  the  New  York  Evening 
Post  from  September  8,  1852,  to 
September  24,  1853,""  vol.  29, 
p.  28,  typescript,  1940,  New 
York  Genealogical  and  Bio- 
graphical Society,  New  York; 
Will  of  Joseph  Cox,  proved  Jan- 
uary 17, 1853,  New  York  County 
Will  Liber  105,  p.  224,  micro- 
film, New  York  Genealogical 
and  Biographical  Society;  "Wil- 
son's Business  Directory  of  New 
York  City,"  in  Trow's  New  Tork 
City  Directory,  i8s4-iSss,  com- 
piled by  H.  Wilson  (New  York: 
John  F.  Trow,  1854),  pp.  169,  65, 
147;  H.  Wilson,  comp.,  Trow's 
New -York  City  Directory  for 
i8s6-i8s7  (New  York:  John  R 
Trow,  1856),  p.  184;  Albert 
Ulmann,  Maiden  Lane:  The 
Story  of  A  Single  Street  (New 
York:  Maiden  Lane  Historical 
Society,  1931),  p.  61. 

30.  The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago 
owns  a  pitcher  in  the  "modern 
French"  (Rococo  Revival)  taste 
manufactured  by  Cann  and 
Dunn  and  retailed  by  J.  and  L 
Cox.  See  Judith  A.  Barter,  BCim- 
berly  Rhodes,  and  Seth  A. 
Thayer,  with  contributions  by 
Andrew  Walker,  American 
Arts  at  the  Art  Institute  of 
Chicago,  from  Colonial  Times 
to  World  War  I  (Chicago:  Art 
Institute  of  Chicago,  1998), 
pp.  179-80,  no.  80. 

31.  H.  Wilson,  comp.,  Trow's  New 
Tork  City  Directory  for  the 
Tear  Ending  May  i,  j8s6  (New 
York:  John  F.  Trow,  1855),  adver- 
tisement section;  William  H. 
Smith,  comp.,  Smith's  Brooklyn 
City  Directory,  1855/56  (Brook- 
lyn, 1855),  p.  2;  William  H. 
Smith,  comp.,  Smith's  Brooklyn 
City  Directory,  1856/57  (Brook- 
lyn, 1856). 

32.  Edwin  Forrest  Murdock,  "The 
American  Institute,"  in  A  Cen- 
tury of  Industrial  Progress,  edited 
by  Frederic  W.  Wile  (Garden 
City,  New  York:  Doubleday, 
Doran  and  Company,  1928), 
pp.  v-xvi. 

33.  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  Octo- 
ber 24,  1829,  p.  141. 

34.  The  tureen  is  marked  "g  &  m" 
in  a  serrated  rectangle  and 
has  three  pseudohallmarks: 

a  crowned  leopard's  head,  a 
sovereign's  head,  and  a  lion 
passant.  It  is  inscribed  with  an 
unidentified  crest  of  a  lion  ram- 
pant above  the  initials  "rt." 

35.  Report  of  the  Third  Annual  Fair 
of  the  American  Institute  of  the 


364    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


37. 


38, 


City  of  New  Tork  1830  (New 
York:  J.  Seymour,  1830),  p.  16. 
36.  "First  Annual  Fair  of  the  Me- 
chanics' Institute  . . .  Report" 
Mechanics^  Magazine  and  Regis- 
ter of  Inventions  and  Improve- 
ments 6  (November  1835),  p.  270. 
Holden's  Dollar  Magazine  2 
(November  1848),  p.  700. 
Premiums  Awarded  by  the 
American  Institute  at  the  Four- 
teenth Annual  Fair,  October  1841 
[New  York,  1841],  p.  10;  and 
List  of  Premiums  Awarded  by  the 
Managers  of  the  Fifteenth  Annual 
Fair,  of  the  American  Institute, 
October  1842  [New  York,  1842], 
p.  12,  copies  of  both  in  the  Man- 
uscript Department,  The  New- 
York  Historical  Society.  Medill 
Higgins  Harvey,  Research  Assis- 
tant, Department  of  American 
Decorative  Arts,  Metropolitan 
Museum,  compiled  lists  of  pre- 
mium winners  from  the  Amer- 
ican Institute  files,  New-York 
Historical  Society,  for  which 
the  author  thanks  her. 

39.  Mechanics'  Ma£fazin€  and  Jour- 
nal of  the  Mechanics'  Institute  2 
(October  1833),  p.  180;  Donald 
L.  Fennimore,  Silver  and  Pewter 
(New  York:  Alfred  A.  Knopf, 
1984),  p.  213. 

40.  Niks'  National  Register,  Novem- 
ber 8, 1845,  pp.  150-52;  ibid., 
October  30, 1847,  p.  131- 

41.  New  Mirror,  May  18, 1844, 
p.  106. 

42.  J.  Leander  Bishop,  A  History  of 
American  Manufactures  from 
1608  to  i860, ...  3  vols.  (Philadel- 
phia: Edward  Young  and  Co., 
1868),  vol.  3,  pp.  182-89;  George 

F.  Heydt,  Charles  L.  T^any 
and  the  House  of  T^any  &  Co. 
(New  York:  Tiffany  and  Co., 
1893),  pp-  2.1-22. 

43.  Elizabeth  L.  Kerr  Fish,  "Edward 
C.  Moore  and  Tiffany  Islamic- 
Style  Silver,  c.  1867-1889,"  Stud- 
ies in  the  Decorative  Arts  6 
(spring-summer  1999),  pp.  42, 
61  n.  3. 

44.  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C.  R.  Good- 
rich, eds.,  The  World  Of  Science, 
Art,  and  Industry  Illustrated 
from  Examples  in  the  New-Tork 
Exhibition,  i8s3-S4  (New  York: 

G.  P.  Putnam  and  Company, 
1854),  p.  45.  Since  Tiffany,  Young 
and  EUis  imported  bronzes  as 
early  as  1844,  and  Moore's  mark 
is  struck  only  on  the  silver  dish 
at  the  top  of  the  centerpiece,  the 
possibility  exists  that  Moore 
joined  an  existing  figural  base  to 
his  dish  to  create  the  centerpiece. 

45.  Ibid.,  pp.  80, 81, 126, 144, 157, 194- 

46.  Ibid.,  p.  194- 

47.  John  Culme,  Nineteenth- 
Century  Silver  (London: 


Fig.  298.  Four  Elements  Centeifiece  by  Tiffany,  Toun^  and  Ellis. 
Wood  engraving  by  Robert  Roberts,  from  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and 
C.  R.  Goodrich,  eds..  The  World  of  Science,  Art,  and  Industry 
Illustrated  from  Examples  in  the  New-Tork  Exhibition,  1853-54 
(New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and  Company,  1854),  p.  45  (lower 
right).  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The 
Thomas  J.  Watson  Library 


was  presented  in  1835  to  grocer  and  longtime  New 
York  City  resident  John  Degrauw  on  his  resignation 
from  the  post  of  presiding  officer  of  the  board  of 
trustees  of  the  New  York  Fire  Department,  Neo- 
classical relief  ornament  after  a  design  by  New  York 
artist  Henry  Inman  for  a  discharge  certificate  cannot 
hide  the  inverted  pyriform  (pear-shaped)  body  of  the 
urn,  a  form  that  was  initially  popular  in  the  decades 
preceding  the  American  Revolution. 

In  the  five  years  between  1837  and  1842  a  number  of 
seemingly  unrelated  events  occurred  that  would  con- 
tribute to  the  transformation  of  silver  manufacturing 
and  retailing  in  New  York  by  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War.  These  were  the  establishment  of  the  retailers  Tif- 
fany and  Young  (1837)  and  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black 
(1839)  and  the  passage  of  the  protective  tariff  of  1842. 
During  the  autumn  of  1837,  two  brothers-in-law  from 
Windham  County,  Connecticut,  Charles  L.  Tiffany  and 
John  B.  Young,  launched  a  stationery  and  fancy-goods 


business  at  259  Broadway,  an  address  north  of  the  dis- 
trict where  Marquand  and  Company  and  other  jewel- 
ers and  dealers  in  high-class  fancy  articles  clustered. 
When  J.  L.  Ellis  joined  as  a  partner  in  the  spring  of 
1841,  the  firm  became  Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis.  It  spe- 
cialized in  English  and  Parisian  personal  luxuries, 
such  as  gloves,  canes,  dress  fans,  portfolios,  and  toi- 
lette boxes.  Three  years  later,  a  correspondent  for  the 
New  Mirror  wrote  admiringly  of  "the  brilliant  curi- 
osity SHOP  of  TIFFANY  and  YOUNG.  No  need  to  go 
to  Paris  now  for  any  indulgence  of  taste,  any  vagary  of 
fancy.  It  is  as  well  worth  an  artist's  while  as  a  pur- 
chaser's, however,  to  make  the  roimd  of  this  museum 
of  luxuries.  ...  I  think  that  shop  at  the  corner  of 
Broadway  and  Warren  is  the  most  curious  and  visit- 
worthy  spot  in  New-York— money  in  your  pocket  or 
no  money.'"^^ 

In  1847  Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis  moved  to  more 
commodious  quarters  at  271  Broadway,  at  the  corner 
of  Chambers  Street.  Among  its  clientele  was  Swedish 
singer  Jenny  Lind,  who  made  the  shop  one  of  her  first 
retail  stops  during  her  inaugural  1850  American  con- 
cert tour  organized  by  P.  T.  Bamum.  Although  the 
firm  began  to  manufacture  gold  and  diamond  jewelry 
in  1848,  Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis  continued  to  retail 
the  products  of  many  manufacturing  silversmiths 
until  1851,  when  it  secured  the  exclusive  services  of  the 
firm  headed  by  John  C.  Moore,"^^  which  had  been 
supplying  Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis  with  products 
since  1846."^^ 

At  the  New  York  Crystal  Palace  exhibition  in  1853, 
Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis  displayed  Moore's  Four  Ele- 
ments centerpiece  depicting  Earth,  Air,  Water,  and 
Fire  as  allegorical  figures  clothed  in  classical  draperies 
(fig.  298)."^  There  it  competed  successfully  for  atten- 
tion with  an  array  of  other  eye-catching  figural  cen- 
terpieces, many  with  literary  themes,  from  the  shops 
of  such  eminent  London  silversmiths  as  Joseph 
Angell,  Hunt  and  Roskell,  and  R.  and  S.  Garrard.  Such 
centerpieces  frequendy  incorporated  candle  branches 
or  a  dish,  as  Moore's  piece  does."^^  Having  noted  that 
centerpieces  were  by  far  the  most  cosdy  works  in  pre- 
cious metals  displayed  at  the  Crystal  Palace,  the  Amer- 
ican exhibition  reviewers  Benjamin  Silliman  Jr.  and 
Charles  R.  Goodrich  expressed  doubt  that  such  pieces 
should  have  been  included  at  all:  '^Sculpture  on  a 
large  scale  in  the  precious  metals  is  a  mistake;  and  the 
attempts  at  exact  imitations  of  fhiits,  flowers,  and  foli- 
age, which  so  largely  abound  in  the  exhibited  speci- 
mens, are  absurdities  beneath  criticism.""*^  Neither 
British  nor  American  silversmiths  heeded  Silliman 
and  Goodrich,  however,  and  large  figural  groups 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  RE  CI  O  U  S -M  ETALS  TRADES  365 


X-*  Xjp 


db  00. 


J|Mi»«  i:«Hb 


Fig.  299.  Interior  View  of  Ball, 
Black  and  Company  Premises, 
247  Broadway,  ca.  1855. 
Wood  engraving,  from  David 
Bigelow,  History  of  Prominent 
Mercantile  and  Manufaauring 
Firms  in  the  United  States  .  .  . 
(Boston:  D.  Bigelow  and 
Company,  1857),  vol.  6,  p.  139. 
Courtesy  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts 


Fig.  300.  Advertisement  for 
Ball,  Black  and  Company,  1854. 
Wood  engraving,  from  A.  D. 
Jones,  The  Illustrated  American 
Biography  (New  York:  J.  M. 
Emerson  and  Company,  1854), 
vol.  2,  p.  206.  Courtesy  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts 


continued  to  dominate  exhibition  lists  throughout  the 
nineteenth  century. 

Following  the  death  of  Isaac  Marquand  in  1838, 
the  Marquand  family  withdrew  from  the  old  retail 
firm  of  Marquand  and  Company  (see  cat.  no.  .288).  It 
became  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black  in  1839,  with  three 
former  employees,  Henry  Ball,  Erastus  O.  Tompkins, 
and  William  Black,  at  its  helm.  The  firm  remained  at 
181  Broadway  until  1848,  when  it  moved  into  its  own 
newly  built  premises  at  247  Broadway,  on  the  corner 
of  Murray  Street,  opposite  City  Hall  (see  figs.  299, 300). 
As  an  emblem  of  continuity.  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black 
retained  as  its  logo  the  golden  eagle  adopted  by  the 
Marquands."^^  Skillful  merchandising— local,  national, 
and  international— attracted  American  merchant  and 
professional  families  in  ever-increasing  numbers  to  the 
firm's  elegant  gasHt  showrooms  lined  with  cases  dis- 
playing imported  silver-plated  ware,  watches,  clocks, 
diamonds,  jewelry,  fancy  goods,  cutiery,  Bohemian 
glassware,  and  silverware  "in  every  variety  of  Style  and 
Patterns." In  1851  the  New  York  Evening  Post  not^d: 
'Their  collection  of  solid  silver  and  silver-plated  ware  is 
the  most  splendid  and  extensive  in  the  city,  and 
embraces  many  of  the  richest  looking  sets  that  we  have 
known.  In  adding  a  large  manufacturing  department. 


366    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Country  Life  Books,  1977), 
pp.  203-20;  Charles  L.  Venable, 
Silver  in  America,  1840-1940: 
A  Century  of  Splendor  (exh. 
cat.,  Dallas:  Dallas  Museum  of 
Art,  1995),  pp.  107-21;  Charlotte 
Gere,  "European  Decorative  Arts 
at  the  Wbrid's  Fairs:  1850-1900," 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 
Bulletin  56  (winter  1998-99), 
pp.  3-56. 

48.  "Frederick  Marquand,"  in  The 
National  Cyclopaedia  of  Ameri- 
can Biography,  vol.  19  (New 
York:  James  T.  White  and 
Company,  1926),  p.  399. 

49.  Home  Journal,  January  i,  1850, 
P-  3- 

50.  Evening  Post  (New  York),  Sep- 
tember 16, 1851,  p.  3,  col.  4. 

51.  "Ball,  Black  &  Co's  New  Marble 
Store,"  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated 
Newspaper,  October  6,  i860, 
pp.  313-14. 

52.  D.  Albert  Soeffing,  "Ball,  Black 
&  Co.  Silverware  Merchants," 
Silver  30  (November-December 
1998),  pp.  46-47. 

53.  Deborah  Dependahl  Waters, 
"From  Pure  Coin:  The  Manu- 
facture of  American  Silver  Flat- 
ware, 1800-1860,"  Winterthur 
Portfolio  12  (1977),  p.  27. 

54-  Jewelers'  Circular  Keystone, 
June  22, 1892,  p.  6. 

55 .  Dorothy  T.  Rainwater  and  Judy 
Redfield,  Encyclopedia  of  Ameri- 
can Silver  Manufacturers,  4th  ed. 
(Atglen,  Pennsylvania:  Schiffer 
Publishing,  1998),  pp.  121-22. 


they  have  consulted  the  wishes  of  their  customers  as 
well  as  their  own  interests." 

In  i860  Ball,  Black  and  Company— the  successor  to 
Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black— opened  a  ''superb"  store 
and  manufactory  constructed  of  white  East  Chester 
marble  on  the  southwest  corner  of  Broadway  and 
Prince  Street.  Designed  by  the  architectural  firm  of 
Kellum  and  Son,  and  with  interior  decorations 
designed  and  executed  by  Charles  GreifF,  the  six- 
story  building  had  showrooms  on  the  first  three 
floors  and  manufacturing  workrooms  on  the  upper 
levels.  Richly  stained  wood  and  gold  fittings  provided 
an  elegant  backdrop  for  the  display  of  jewelry  and  sil- 
verware on  the  first  floor.  The  wares  offered  for  sale 
ranged  from  "an  unadorned  eggcup  to  the  most  gor- 
geously chased  and  exquisitely  patterned  epergnes, 
all  designed  and  manufactured  on  the  premises." 
In  i860  Bostonian  Augustus  Rogers,  John  R.  Wendt 
(a  talented  German-born  designer  and  chaser),  and 
George  Wilkinson,  the  English-born  and  English- 
trained  chief  designer  for  the  Gorham  Manufactur- 
ing Company  in  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  formed  a 
short-lived  partnership  to  manufacture  silverware  for 
Bali,  Black  and  Company.  After  his  erstwhile  partners 
abandoned  the  new  firm,  Wendt  moved  his  operation 
to  the  fourth  and  fifth  floors  of  the  new  building  at 
Broadway  and  Prince  and  supplied  unmarked  goods 
to  Ball,  Black  and  Company  for  retail  sale.^^ 

William  Gale  patented  his  roller-die  method  of 
producing  bas-relief  ornament  on  both  surfaces  of  sil- 
ver flatware  at  the  same  time  and  throughout  the 
length  of  the  handle.  While  Gale  held  the  patent  on 
this  improvement  on  the  flatting  (rolling)  mill,  his 
firm  had  "a  great  advantage  over  coexisting  competi- 
tors, and  they  controlled  the  trade  in  sterling  flatware 
to  a  great  extent  in  several  sections  of  the  United 
States." However,  in  December  1840,  fourteen  years 
after  he  had  taken  it  out,  his  patent  expired.  Subse- 
quendy,  spoon  mills  with  roller  dies  were  more  widely 
adapted  within  the  American  industry,  and  more  inno- 
vative designs  appeared.  Beginning  in  the  mid-i84os 
New  York  designers  of  flatware,  including  William 
Gale,  Michael  Gibney,  and  Philo  B.  Gilbert,  took 
advantage  of  the  extension  of  patent  protection  to 
designs,  including  those  for  flatware.  Gibney 
obtained  the  first  flatware  design  patent  in  December 
1844,  for  a  pattern  sold  through  Ball,  Tompkins  and 
Black  and  its  successor.  Ball,  Black  and  Company. 
His  Tuscan  pattern,  patented  in  1846,  was  developed 
at  the  request  of  shipping  magnate  Edward  K. 
Collins  for  the  dining  room  of  a  new  transatlantic 
steamer.  55  The  firm  of  Gale  and  Hayden  obtained 


Fig.  301.  William  Adams,  Mace  of  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives,  1841.  Silver  and  ebony.  United  States  House 
of  Representatives,  Washington,  D.C. 


"SILVER  WARE   IN   GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  R  E  C  I  O  U  S  -  M  E  T  A  L  S  TRADES  367 


design  patent  150  in  1847  for  its  Gothic-pattern  flat- 
ware (cat.  nos.  299, 300). 

In  October  1841  Speaker  John  White  commissioned 
New  York  silversmith  William  Adams  to  manufacture 
a  mace  for  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States. White  authorized  Adams  "to  have 
made  a  Mace^  similar  to  the  one  destroyed  by  fire  in 
the  year  1814"  (no  sketch  or  list  of  specifications  sur- 
vives). On  December  30, 1841,  Adams  signed  a  receipt 
for  $400  for  "Making  a  Silver  Mace  surmounted  with 
a  Globe  and  Spread  Eagle"  (fig.  301).  It  consists  of 
thirteen  cylindrical  ebony  rods  bound  around  a  cen- 
tral shaft  by  four  silver  thongs  wound  spirally  from 
top  to  bottom.  Silver  repousse- chased  bands  edged 
with  die- rolled  floral  guilloche  borders  and  with 
asymmetrical  scrolls,  flowers,  and  raffles  (ragged- 
edged  acanthus  leaves)  hold  the  rods  at  top  and 
bottom.  Surmounting  the  mace  is  a  hollow  silver 
globe  engraved  with  images  of  the  continents  and  the 
meridians  of  longitude.  Grasping  an  attached  band 
engraved  with  the  degrees  of  latitude  is  a  cast-silver 
American  eagle  with  outspread  wings.  On  the  lower 
band,  engraved  within  a  cartouche,  are  the  words 
"Wm.  Adams /Manufacturer /New  York/1841. "^^ 

Adams  was  a  native  of  Troy,  New  York,  where  he 
served  his  apprenticeship  with  one  Pierre  Chicotree 
(possibly  Peter  Chitry),  whose  widow  he  subsequently 
married.  A  nineteenth-century  biographer  of  Adams 
noted  that  "by  close  application  and  hard  industry, 
combined  with  stringent  economy,  he  was  enabled  to 
save  a  large  amount  of  money,  with  which  he  bought 
real  estate,  and  upon  its  certain  rise,"  he  became 
"immensely  rich."^^  A  competent  silversmith,  Adams 
won  awards  on  several  occasions  for  the  best  or  the 
second-best  specimen  of  silverware  displayed  at  the 
annual  fairs  of  the  American  Institute.  In  1852  he  and 
two  others  judged  the  silverware  class.  However, 
Speaker  White  probably  awarded  him  the  mace  com- 
mission not  so  much  for  his  skill  as  for  his  political 
activism  and  his  friendship  with  Kentucky  statesman 
Henry  Clay.  Like  Clay  a  Whig  in  his  politics,  Adams 
was  an  assistant  alderman  and  alderman  for  the  Fifth 
Ward  of  New  York  City  during  the  1840s,  and  he 
subsequently  served  as  commissioner  of  repairs  and 
supplies  in  1850  and  1852.^^ 

As  the  shop  of  William  Adams  was  completing  the 
mace  for  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1841,  more 
than  five  hundred  silversmiths  and  precious-metals 
workers  from  New  York  signed  a  petition  calling  for 
increased  tariff  duties  on  imported  plate.  Fairs  pro- 
moting American  manufactures  had  not  halted  the 
sale  of  foreign  plated  wares,  silver  goods,  and  fancy 


articles  in  New  York,  all  of  which  competed  in  the 
marketplace  with  American-made  goods.  In  1820  New 
York  retailers  such  as  Henry  Cheavens,  whose  shop 
was  at  143  Broadway,  near  Liberty  Street,  advertised 
connections  with  British  suppliers  that  would  be 
to  the  advantage  of  the  American  consumer.  Auction 
consignment  sales  of  London,  Sheffield,  and  Birm- 
ingham plated  ware  and  silver  tablewares  and  flatware 
were  another  source  of  such  goods,  at  prices  often 
below  retail.  Agents  for  the  Sheffield  plated- ware 
manufacturer  Thomas  Bradbury  and  Son  solicited 
orders  directly  from  such  New  York  firms  as  J.  and  I. 
Cox,  Marquand  and  Company,  Baldwin  Gardiner, 
and  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black  beginning  in  the  mid- 
1830s  until  the  late  18408.*^^  When  in  1840  manufac- 
turing silversmiths  and  jewelers  Storr  and  Mortimer 
of  New  Bond  Street,  London,  set  up  shop  at  20  War- 
ren Street,  near  Broadway,  with  a  fashionable  assort- 
ment of  jewelry,  plate,  and  plated  ware  of  "the  very 
best  quality  &  workmanship,"  the  New  York  crafts 
community  became  alarmed,  as  it  was  still  suffering 
from  the  economic  dislocations  of  the  Bank  War, 
begun  in  1833-34.  By  the  spring  of  1841,  when  Storr 
and  Mortimer,  which  had  moved  to  356  Broadway, 
two  doors  north  of  the  Carlton  House,  announced 
that  it  was  "now  enabled  to  manufacture  here  every 
description  of  Plate  &  Jewellery," the  threat  of  for- 
eign competition  had  become  all  too  real. 

Henry  Clay,  the  champion  of  the  American  system 
and  protectionism,  took  up  the  cause  of  the  silver- 
smidis.  In  1842  he  drafted  and  advocated  an  amend- 
ment to  tariff  legislation  pending  before  Congress 
that  would  increase  duties  on  incoming  goods.  Clay's 
proposal  was  adopted,  and  duties  rose  on  imported 
silverware  and  foreign  jewelry.  The  increased  tariffs 
had  the  desired  effect,  making  imported  silver  goods 
no  longer  competitive  in  price  with  domestic  prod- 
ucts of  like  quality.  Storr  and  Mortimer's  New  York 
branch  closed  within  a  year  of  the  implementation  of 
the  new  tariff. 

On  October  14, 1842,  as  part  of  the  Croton  Celebra- 
tion honoring  the  completion  of  the  Croton  Aqueduct, 
the  city's  gold  and  silver  artisans  marched  together  as 
a  craft,  along  with  members  of  the  Mercantile  Library 
Association,  the  Marine  Society,  the  General  Society 
of  Mechanics  and  Tradesmen,  the  Mechanics'  Soci- 
ety school,  a  delegation  of  the  Home  League,  the 
American  and  Mechanics'  institutes,  officers  of  the 
federal  government,  and  pupils  of  the  Deaf  and 
Dumb  Institution.  They  escorted  "a  table  covered 
with  rich  gold  and  silver  ware,  which  was  borne  on 
the  shoulders  of  four  colored  men."^^  This  show  of 


56.  After  the  original  mace  was 
destroyed  when  the  British 
army  burned  the  Capitol  on 
August  24,  1 814,  during  the 
War  of  1812,  a  substitute  of 
painted  pine  was  used  for 
twenty-eight  years, 

57.  The  pertinent  Congressional 
records  are  cited  and  the  mace  is 
illustrated  in  Silvio  A.  Bedini, 
"The  Mace  and  the  Gavel  Sym- 
bols of  Government  in  America'"' 
Transactions  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  87,  part  4 
{1997),  pp.  28-33,  figs.  13-18. 

58.  An  Old  Resident  [William  Arm- 
strong], The  Aristocracy  of  New 
Tork:  Who  They  Are,  and  What 
They  Were,  Bein^  a  Social  and 
Business  History  of  the  City  for 
Many  Tears  (New  York:  New 
York  Publishing  Company,  1848), 
pp.  10, 12;  "Silversmith  William 
Adams,"  Jewelers'  Circular  and 
Horolo^ical  Review^  August  5, 
1896,  p.  34;  Transactions  of  the 
American  Institute  of  the  City 
of  New-Tork,  1852,  p.  500. 

59.  Joan  Sayers  Brown,  "William 
Adams  and  the  Mace  of  the 
United  States  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives," Antiques  loS  (July 
1975),  pp.  76-77,  frontis. 

60.  New-Tork  Daily  Advertiser, 
April  8, 1820;  ibid.,  June  14, 1820; 
ibid.,  March  17,  1826,  p.  i,  col.  4; 
New-Tork  Evenin£i  Post,  June  21, 
1826,  p.  3;  D.  Albert  Soeffing, 
"A  Selection  of  Letters  from  the 
Black,  Starr  &  Frost  Scrapbooks," 
Silver  29  (November-December 
1997),  pp.  48-51. 

61.  The  Albion,  January  25,  1840, 

p.  32;  Spirit  of  the  Times,  May  i, 
1 841,  p.  105.  A  four-piece  service 
with  a  history  of  ownership  in 
the  de  Peyster  family  of  New 
York,  n{>w  in  the  ctillection  of 
the  Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York  (40.108. 4-.8),  may  have 
been  purchased  from  Storr  and 
Mortimer  in  New  York.  The 
components  of  the  service  are 
struck  variously  with  London 
hallmarks  used  between  1838  and 
1840  and  the  maker's  marks  of 
Paul  Storr  and  his  successor 
John  Samuel  Hunt,  as  well  as 
an  incised  "Storr  &  Mortimer" 
on  the  teapot  (40.108.4)  and 
coffeepot  (40.108.5). 

62.  Venable,  Silver  in  America, 
p.  19. 

63.  Niles'  National  Register, 
October  22, 1842,  pp.  124-27; 
New  World,  October  22, 1842, 
pp.  268-69. 


368    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


64.  Joan  Sayers  Brown,  "Henry 
Clay's  Silver  Urn,"  Antiques  112 
(July  1977),  pp.  108, 112,  frontis.; 
Niles^  National  Register,  Octo- 
ber 25, 1845,  p.  113;  The  New- 
York  City  and  Co-Partnership 
Directory  for  1843  &'i844  (New 
York:  John  Doggett  Jr.,  1843), 
pp.  15,  25,  63, 109. 

65.  N.  W.  A.,  "Nationality  of  Taste," 
Home  Journal,  April  14, 1849,  p- 1. 

66.  The  vase  is  marked  "gale  and 
HAYDEN,"  "g&h,"  and  "1846"; 
the  mark  "gowdey  &  peabody" 
appears  on  the  base.  The  vase  is 
inscribed  "Presented  to  Henry 
Clay,  the  gallant  champion  of 
the  Whig  cause  by  the  Whig 
Ladies  of  Tennessee. . . 

67.  New-Tork  Daily  Tribune,  Novem- 
ber 23, 1846,  p.  i;  Warren,  Howe, 
and  Brown,  Marks  of  Achieve- 
ment, p.  114,  no.  139,  ill. 

68.  Paul  von  Khrum,  Silversmiths 
of  New  York  City,  1684-iSso 
(New  York:  Von  Khrum,  1978), 

.  pp.  18-19;  [Armstrong],  Aristoc- 
racy of  New  York,  pp.  15-16. 

69.  "Housekeeper's  Department," 
Home  Journal,  May  10, 1851,  p.  3. 

70.  The  Independent,  May  26, 1859, 
p.  5. 

71.  "The  Decorative  Arts  in  America," 
International  Monthly  Magazine 
of  Literature,  Science,  and  Art  4- 
(September  1851),  p.  171. 

72.  Home  Journal,  Oaober  18, 1851, 
p.  3. 

73.  United  States,  Census  Office, 
7th  Census,  1850,  New  York 
City,  First  Election  Distria, 
Eighth  Ward,  p.  102,  microfilm. 
New  York  Public  Library;  United 
States,  Census  Office,  7th  Cen- 
sus, 1850,  New  York  State,  Prod- 
ucts of  Industry  Schedule,  First 
Election  District,  Eighth  Ward, 
City  and  County  of  New  York, 
p.  443,  manuscript,  New  York 
State  Library,  Albany  (micro- 
film, Eleutherian  Mills-Hagley 
Library,  Greenville,  Delaware); 
New  York  State  Census,  1855, 
First  Election  District,  Eighth 
Ward,  manuscript,  New  York 
County  Clerk's  Office,  Surro- 
gates' Court  Building,  31  Cham- 
bers Street,  New  York.  The  1850 
federal  census  records  Boyce's  age 
as  fifiy-four,  and  five  years  later  the 
New  York  State  census  records 
his  age  as  fifty-nine,  suggesting 
he  was  bom  in  1795  or  1796. 

74-  Evening  Post  (New  York),  Oao- 
ber 13, 1846,  p.  2. 

75.  Gerardus  Boyce  used  a  twelve- 
sided  form  for  a  child's  mug 
(Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  36.17).  E.  Stebbins  and 
Company  (active  i835-ca.  1846) 
provided  an  oaagonal  teapot 
presented  by  merchant  Abraham 


corporate  craft  solidarity  reflected  the  optimism  of  the 
industry  under  tariff  protection. 

In  1845  the  working  gold  and  silver  artisans  in  New 
York  City,  both  employers  and  journeymen,  once 
again  joined  together  as  a  trade  group— this  time  to 
provide  ftinds  for  the  raw  materials  and  manufacture 
of  an  elaborate  vase  to  be  presented  to  Henry  Clay 
in  recognition  of  his  role  in  securing  the  favorable 
tariff  of  1842.  The  shop  of  presentation-committee 
member  Adams  fabricated  the  vase  using  the  classical 
Greek  krater  form  with  an  eagle  finial  similar  to  the 
bird  perched  atop  his  1841  mace  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  (fig.  301),  updated  with  a  Rococo 
scroll  base  and  handles  (cat.  no.  296).^  Four  years 
after  its  presentation  to  Clay,  a  correspondent  of  the 
Home  Journa^l  recalled  the  "beautifiil  silver  vase"  and 
asked  rhetorically  "Could  London,  Paris,  or  Geneva, 
have  produced  anything  more  tasteful  or  artistic,  of 
the  same  value 

Clay  received  a  second  New  York  City-made  silver 
presentation  vase  in  1846  (fig.  302).  From  the  New 
York  City  manufactory  of  William  Gale  and  Nathan- 
iel Hayden,  the  gift  presented  by  the  Whig  Ladies  of 
Tennessee  features  a  bas-relief  portrait  medallion  of 
Clay  and  a  crowning  three-dimensional  figure  of 
Liberty  above  an  architectural  base  composed  of  Gothic 
arches.  A  writer  for  the  New-Tork  Daily  Tribune 
noted  that  the  Gale  and  Hayden  urn  was  "admirably 
adapted  as  a  companion  to  the  beautiful  vase  which 
had  been  previously  presented  to  Mr.  Clay  by  the 
Gold  and  Silver  Smidis  of  New-York.'' ^7 

With  the  successfiil  implementation  of  the  tariff  of 
1842  and  continued  economic  recovery,  the  precious- 
metals  trades  in  New  York  City  embarked  on  a  period 
of  expansion,  during  which  a  silversmith  was  eleaed 
mayor  of  the  city.  A  contemporary  biographer  noted 
that  William  V  Brady  (1801-1870),  listed  in  city  direc- 
tories from  1834  through  1846-47,  had  made  a  large 
amount  of  money  at  his  trade,  which  he  had  success- 
fully invested  in  real  estate.  A  Whig,  Brady  served  as 
alderman  of  the  Fifteenth  Ward  from  1842  to  1846 
before  becoming  mayor  in  May  1847.^^ 

The  widespread  application  of  new  technologies— 
such  as  an  improved  method  of  spinning  up  round 
bodies  from  sheet  metal,  which  was  patented  in  1834 
by  Massachusetts  metalworker  William  W.  Grossman 
(see  fig.  303),  and  electroplating,  a  technique  patented 
by  Elkington  and  Company  of  Birmingham,  Eng- 
land, in  1840 — also  encouraged  the  growth  of  the  pre- 
cious-metals trades.  Electroplated  tablewares  became 
widely  available  in  the  early  1850s  from  establishments 
such  as  Berrains'  House-Furnishing  Warerooms,  at 


601  Broadway,^^  and  later  from  Bray  and  Manvel, 
manufacturers  of  silver-plated  ware  located  at  15 
Maiden  Lane  (the  former  premises  of  J.  and  L 
Cox).^**  One  commentator  noted,  "though  silver  is 
imquestionably  silver,  the  imitation  table  furniture  of 
the  most  classical  shapes,  that  is  sold  now  for  a  fifth  of 
the  cost  of  the  coinable  metal,  looks  quite  as  well 
upon  a  salver."  Even  the  French  manufacturer  C.  S. 
Christofle  and  Company,  which  had  licensed  the 
Elkington  and  Company  patent  for  use  in  France, 
entered  the  New  York  market.  The  agency  distribut- 
ing Christofle  products  advertised  its  line  of  plated 
table-service  articles  warranted  for  four  or  five  years  in 
household  use.^^ 

Among  the  master  craftsmen  still  manufacturing 
silver  in  a  small  shop  in  the  1840s  was  Gerardus  Boyce 
(ca.  1795-1880),  who  had  been  in  business  since  1820. 
In  1835  Boyce  had  moved  to  no  Greene  Street,  in  the 
Eighth  Ward,  where  he  remained  until  1857,  when  he 
apparently  retired.  According  to  the  entry  under  his 
name  in  the  Products  of  Industry  Schedule  of  the  fed- 
eral census  for  1850,  Boyce  employed  eight  men  and 
one  woman  to  produce  silverware  valued  at  $11,200. 
Five  years  later,  his  workforce  had  declined  in  size 
to  four  men  and  one  boy  and  the  shop's  output  was 
valued  at  $6,000.  Two  apprentice  silversmiths,  one 
American  and  one  Irish,  lived  with  Boyce  and  his 
family.  His  entry  in  the  1846  American  Institute  fair 
prompted  a  complimentary  notice  in  the  New  York 
Evening  Post.  The  Post  reporter  described  Boyce's 
exhibit  as  a  "case  of  very  beautiful  silver  ware.  These 
articles  are  [both]  highly  chased  and  plain,  and  give 
evidence  of  superior  workmanship.  All  articles  in  his 
line  [are]  equally  weU  finished,"  and  all  were  available 
at  his  establishment. 

Boyce  and  his  contemporaries  utilized  straight-sided, 
seamed  geometric  forms  for  wares  ranging  from 
mugs  and  footed  cups  (see  fig.  304)  to  complete  tea 
sets,  and  they  frequendy  embellished  the  vertical  pan- 
els with  floral  and  swag  "bright-cut"  engraving,  in 
which  shallow  incisions  created  the  design  and 
refracted  available  light.  The  trophy  supplied  by 
watchmaker  and  retail  jeweler  William  F.  Ladd  for  the 
fledgling  New  York  Yacht  Club's  first  Corinthian  re- 
gatta, held  in  the  fall  of  1846  (cat.  no.  297),  employed 
similar  construction. 

The  1850  federal  census  also  indicates  that  silver 
manufacturer  Zalmon  Bostwick  was  bom  Zalmon 
Stone  Bostwick,  son  of  Heman  and  Belinda  Palmer 
Bostwick,  in  Hinesburg,  Vermont,  on  September  9, 
1811.^^  Unlike  Boyce,  who  had  worked  for  more  than 
twenty-five  years  in  the  trade  by  1845,  Bostwick  was  a 


"SILVER  WARE  IN   GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  RE  CI  O  U  S  -  M  E  TA  L  S  TRADES  369 


Fig.  302.  William  Gale  and  Nathaniel  Hayden,  silver  manufacturer;  Thomas 
Gowdey  and  John  Peabody,  Nashville,  Termessee,  retailer,  Urn  presented 
to  Henry  Clay  by  the  Whig  Ladies  of  Tennessee,  1846.  Silver.  Tennessee 
State  Museum  Collection,  Nashville  83.15 


Fig.  303.  Spinning.  Wood  engraving  by  Cornelius  T. 
Hinckley,  from  Godey's  Lady's  Book  46  (March  1853), 
p.  201.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Thomas  J,  Watson  Library 


newcomer  to  the  business,  first  recorded  as  a  "silver- 
smith," with  premises  at  128  William  Street,  Manhat- 
tan, in  1846-47-  Bostwick  placed  an  advertisement 
in  the  New  York  Evening  Post  for  March  11,  1847, 
describing  himself  as  "successor  to  Thompson  [sic]^ 
128  William  street,"  and  announcing  his  willingness  to 
manufacture  "to  order  a  full  and  complete  assortment 
of  SILVER  WARE  in  all  its  branches,  embracing  plain, 
chased  and  wrought  silver  cups,  urns,  vases,  &c. 
Also  complete  sets  of  plate  of  different  patterns."  The 
annoimcement  suggests  that  Bostwick  was  continu- 
ing the  business  of  William  Thomson,  a  firm  long 
established  at  129  William  Street.  Bostwick  placed  a 
similarly  worded  advertisement  with  illustrations  in 
the  New-Tork  Mercantile  Re^fister  for  1848-49.  By  the 
1851-52  edition  of  the  city  directory,  Bostwick's  manu- 
factory of  silverware  was  listed  at  "r[ear]  19  Beekman" 


and  his  residence  at  "iii  Orchard."  The  manufactory 
remained  listed  at  19  Beekman  Street  in  the  1853-54 
edition,  but  by  that  date  Bostwick  had  moved  his 
home  to  Bedford  Avenue  in  East  Brooklyn,  and  then 
apparentiy  he  withdrew  from  the  trade.  In  addition 
to  English  Gothic  pitchers  and  goblets  (see  cat. 
no.  298),  his  shop  produced  goods  in  the  chased 
"modern  French"  (Rococo  Revival)  style,  including 
an  unusual  pair  of  ritual  Torah  finials,  or  rimmonim 
(fig.  305)/^ 

By  1850  the  neighborhood  that  encompassed  Lib- 
erty Place  and  Maiden  Lane  in  the  Second  Ward 
housed  many  of  the  city's  manufacturing  silversmiths. 
Piatt  and  Brother,  which  operated  a  gold  and  silver 
refinery  and  bullion  office  at  4  Liberty  Place  supplying 
raw  materials  to  the  trade,  also  wholesaled  imported 
watches,  jewelry,  cutlery,  and  fancy  goods  to  its  clients 


Van  Nest  to  his  daughter  and 
her  husband  about  1838-45 
(Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  34.73.1).  Manufacturing 
silversmiths  Charters,  Cann  and 
Dunn  produced  a  five-piece 
octagonal  beverage  service  for 
Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black  with 
tapered  straight-sided  pots, 
which  became  part  of  the  silver 
of  a  woman  who  married  in  1850 
(Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  70.68.ia-d-.5). 

76.  United  States,  Census  Office, 
7th  Census,  1850,  New  York 
City,  Tenth  Ward,  National 
Archives  Microform  publication 
M-432,  roll  545,  p.  216. 

77.  Von  Khrum,  Silversmiths  of  New 
York  City,  p.  17;  The  New  York 
City  Directory  for  iSsi-sz  (New 
York:  Doggett  and  Rode,  1851), 
p.  66;  H.  Wilson,  comp.,  Trow's 


370    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


New'Tork  City  Directory  for 
i8s3-iSs4  (New  York:  John  F. 
Trow,  1853),  p.  76. 

78.  A  service  at  the  Museum  of  the 
dry  of  New  York  {33.58.24.a-c) 
is  engraved  **AMB/Jany  ist 
1849,"  probably  for  Adeline 
Matilda  Creamer  Brooks,  who 
married  Edward  Sands  Brooks, 
of  the  clothier  Brooks  Brothers, 
in  1844.  The  rimmonim  are 
marked  "zb"  in  a  diamond  with 
an  anchor  in  an  oval  and  a 
profile  head  in  an  oval.  They 
were  sold  at  Christie'Sj  Amster- 
dam, June  1, 1999,  lot  539;  see 
Christie's  Ma^azirte  16  (June 
1999),  p.  26,  fig.  2. 

79.  United  States,  Census  Office, 
7th  Census,  1850,  New  York 
State,  Products  of  Industry 
Schedule,  Second  Ward,  City 
and  County  of  New  York, 
pp.  330, 334,  361. 

80.  See  Jennifer  M.  Swope,  "Fran- 
cis W.  Cooper,  Silversmith," 
Antiques  155  (February  1999), 
pp.  290-97.  The  location  of  the 
alms  basin  is  unknown;  one 
paten  and  one  chalice  are  part  of 
the  collection  of  the  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts,  Boston;  see  ibid., 
pi.  I,  figs.  I,  2. 

81.  The  set  is  marked  "stebbins  & 
C0./264  B.way  NY."  Another 
octagonal  teapot,  which  recalled 
medieval  Italian  baptistries  in  its 
architectural  ornament,  was  sold 
by  J.  and  I.  Cox,  about  1835-53. 
See  Katherine  S.  Howe  and  David 
B.  Warren,  The  Gothic  Revival 
Style  in  America,  1830-1870  (cxh. 
cat.,  Houston:  Museum  of  Fine 
Arts,  1976),  p.  71,  no.  145. 

82.  Gleason's  Pictorial  Drawing- 
Room  Companion,  September 
20, 1851,  p.  336,  described  and 
illustrated  the  service;  The  Inde- 
pendent, August  21, 1851,  p.  139, 
carried  the  commentary. 

83.  United  States,  Census  Office, 
7th  Census,  1850,  New  York 
State,  Products  of  Industry 
Schedule,  Fifth  Ward,  City  and 
County  of  New  York,  p.  380. 

84.  Charles  H.  Carpenter  Jr.  and 
Janet  Zapata,  The  Silver  of 
T^any  &  Co.,  18S0-1987  (exh. 
cat.,  Boston:  Museum  of  Fine 
Arts,  1987),  pp.  25,  61-62, 
no.  68a-c,  e-i. 

85.  Gertrude  A.  Barber,  comp., 
"Marriages  Taken  fi-om  the  New 
York  Evening  Post  from  July  8, 
1852,  to  September  26, 1854," 
vol.  14,  typescript,  1937,  New 
York  Genealogical  and  Bio- 
graphical Society;  The  Diary  of 
George  Templeton  Strong,  edited 
by  AUan  Nevins  and  Milton 
Halsey  Thomas,  4  vols.  (New 
York:  Macmillan  Company, 
1952),  vol.  2,  p.  126. 


Fig.  304.  Gerardus  Boyce,  Footed  cup  presented  by  Mrs.  L. 
Brooks  to  Mary  Lavinia  Brooks,  ca.  1845-  Silver.  Museum  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  the  Reverend  William  H. 
Owen  33.58.25 

from  a  wareroom  at  20  Maiden  Lane.  At  6  Liberty 
Place  were  the  shops  of  silver-flatware  manufacturers 
Philo  B.  Gilbert,  Albert  Coles,  and  George  C.  [O.] 
Smith.  Smith  specialized  in  thimbles,  combs,  and  fruit 
knives,  while  Gilbert  and  Coles  produced  forks  and 
spoons  by  the  dozens.  At  8  Liberty  Place,  Henry  David 
also  made  silver  knives  and  forks.  Of  these  four  firms, 
both  the  Gilbert  and  Coles  enterprises  used  steam 
power.  With  five  men  producing  $9,000  worth  of 
flatware  annually,  Henry  David's  was  the  smallest  and 
least  productive  shop.  At  the  other  end  of  the  scale 
was  Gilbert's,  where  forty-four  men  and  six  women 
produced  flatware  valued  at  $65,000  in  the  year  pre- 
ceding the  1850  census. 

Founded  in  1848,  the  New-York  Ecclesiological 
Society  promoted  the  use  of  correct  (Gothic)  style  in 
the  architecture  and  decoration  of  Protestant  Episcopal 
churches.  As  its  official  silversmith,  Francis  W.  Cooper 
had  access  to  designs  and  communion  silver  produced 
by  the  society's  English  counterpart,  the  Anglican 
Cambridge  Camden  Society  (later  the  Ecclesiological 
Society).  In  1855  Cooper  and  his  partner,  Richard 
Fisher,  began  production  of  an  unusually  elaborate  sil- 
ver service  for  Trinity  Chapel,  Parish  of  Trinity  Church 


in  the  City  of  New  York  (cat.  no.  304).  Composed 
originally  of  an  alms  basin,  two  chalices  for  commun- 
ion wine,  a  footed  paten  for  consecration  of  the 
bread,  and  two  patens  for  distribution  of  the  bread  to 
commimicants,  the  service  was  closely  modeled  on 
designs  drawn  by  English  architect  William  But- 
terfield  (1814-1900).^*^  Although  patronage  generated 
by  the  New-York  Ecclesiological  Society  ended  with 
the  demise  of  the  society  in  1855,  Cooper  continued  to 
make  Gothic  Revival  communion  silver  as  well  as  a 
wide  range  of  secular  silver  forms  during  the  course  of 
his  career.  Other  New  York  silver  manufacturers  cre- 
ated octagonal  domestic  silver  forms  ornamented 
with  a  touch  of  romantic  Gothic  fantasy.  A  tea  set  of 
this  type  was  marketed  about  1850  (fig.  306)  by  Steb- 
bins  and  Company,  the  partnership  of  William  Stebbins 
and  Alexander  Rumrill  Jr.  that  succeeded  Edwin 
Stebbins  and  Company,  at  264  Broadway. 

Precious-metal  wares  made  in  New  York  first 
attracted  international  attention  in  1851,  when  Ball, 
Tompkins  and  Black  sent  to  the  London  Crystal  Pal- 
ace exhibition  a  23i-karat  California  gold  beverage 
service.  This  impressive  set  had  been  commissioned 
by  a  group  of  Manhattan  merchants  for  presentation  to 
shipping  magnate  Edward  K.  Collins,  who  had 
recentiy  established  an  American  flag  line  of  trans- 
atlantic steamers  (fig.  307).  The  four-piece  tea  service, 
"finished  with  the  same  care  that  fine  jewelry  is," 
stood  on  a  massive  silver  salver  "of  exquisitely  chaste 
and  simple  design."  As  one  commentator  reported, 
"the  impression  produced  is  rather  that  of  elegance  of 
form  than  richness  of  material,  as  should  be  the  case 
with  every  work  of  art.  Grapes  and  vine-leaves  in  high 
relief  are  all  the  ornamental  work  even  to  the  feet 
upon  which  the  pieces  stand,  except  that  the  lids  are 
surmoimted  by  eagles  ."^^  Its  naturalistic  "modern 
French"  style  won  international  praise  both  for  Ball, 
Tompkins  and  Black  and  for  manufacturing  silver- 
smith John  C.  Moore,  who  had  aheady  employed  the 
rusticated  grapevine  handles  and  bodies  chased  with 
repousse  grape  clusters  in  the  decoration  of  the  Mar- 
shall Lefferts  beverage  service  of  1850  (cat.  no.  301). 

According  to  the  federal  census  of  1850,  Moore's 
firm,  John  C.  Moore  and  Son,  located  at  85  Leonard 
Street,  operated  with  steam  power  and  employed  a 
workforce  numbering  twenty  men  and  two  women. 
It  produced  goods  valued  at  $30,000  in  the  year  cov- 
ered by  the  census. The  firm  continued  to  produce 
beverage  services  in  the  naturalistic  style  for  Tiffany, 
Young  and  Ellis  and  later  for  Tiffany  and  Company, 
afi:er  it  entered  into  an  exclusive  production  agreement 
with  that  retail  house  the  following  year.  A  notable 


"SILVER  WARE   IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  RE  C  I  O  U  S  -  M  ETAL  S  TRADES  IJl 


372    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  307.  Serpice  of  Plate  Presented  by  the  Citizens  of  New  Tork  to  Edward  K.  Collins.  Wood  engraving 
by  Nathaniel  Orr,  from  B.  Silliman  Jr.  and  C.  R.  Goodrich,  eds.,  JT^e  World  of  Science,  Art,  and 
Industry  lUustrated  from  Examples  in  the  New-Tork  Exhibition,  i8s3-S4  (New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam  and 
Company,  1854),  p.  107.  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Thomas  J.  Watson  library 


86.  On  the  \^^am  Astors,  see 

John  D.  Gates,  Hie  Astor  Family 
(Garden  City,  New  York:  Dou- 
bleday  and  Co.,  1981),  pp.  78-79, 
83-84;  Derek  Wilson,  TTie  Astors, 
1763-1992:  Landscape  with  Mil- 
lionaires (New  York;  St.  Martin's 
Press,  1993),  PP- 104-5, 193-200; 
and  Edwin  G.  Burrows  and  Mike 
Wallace,  Gotham:  A  History  of 
New  Tork  City  to  1898  (New  York: 
Oxford  University  Press,  1999), 
pp.  716,  962-63.  Their  daughter 
Charlotte  Augusta's  first  husband 
was  James  Coleman  Drayton;  fol- 
lowing a  scandalous  affair  and 
divorce  that  roiled  New  York 
and  Newport  society,  she  mar- 
ried Haig  and  setded  in  London. 


exampie  is  the  beverage  service  given  to  Caroline 
Webster  Schermerhorn,  daughter  of  the  noted  New 
York  attorney  Abraham  Schermerhorn,  and  William 
Backhouse  Astor  Jr.,  a  grandson  of  fur  trader  and  real- 
estate  investor  John  Jacob  Astor,  on  the  occasion  of 
their  marriage,  in  September  1853. (After  learning  of 
the  Astor-Schermerhorn  engagement,  diarist  George 
Templeton  Strong  noted,  tongue-in-cheek,  "Trust  the 
young  couple  will  be  able  to  live  on  their  litde  incomes 
together''')  The  scroll  spout  and  handles  of  the 
Astor  ketde  on  stand  are  cast  as  rusticated  grapevines. 
The  bodies  of  all  the  items  in  the  service  are  chased 
with  repousse  grape  clusters,  and  the  finials  are  cast 


openwork  grapevines  with  a  pendant  cluster  of 
grapes.  Since  the  Astor  service  was  intended  for 
domestic  use,  the  Moore  shop  incorporated  no  refer- 
ences to  contemporary  technology  in  its  ornament, 
as  it  had  in  the  Lefferts  hot-water  ketde  on  stand,  with 
its  forest  of  telegraph  poles  and  lines  and  Zeus- 
with-thimderbolts  finial  (cat.  no.  301). 

During  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the 
pieces  in  a  service  for  dispensing  hot  beverages  with 
style  increased  in  number  and  in  size,  so  in  those 
respects  the  eight-piece  Astor  service  should  be  con- 
sidered representative  of  its  era.  Additional  silver 
items,  including  spoons,  sugar  tongs,  and  a  tray  to 
accommodate  the  entire  ensemble,  probably  accom- 
panied the  surviving  pieces  when  Mrs.  Astor  served 
tea  at  home  in  her  mansion  on  fashionable  Fifth  Avenue 
between  Thirty-third  and  Thirty-fourth  streets.  The 
second  set  of  initials  engraved  on  the  bases  of  the 
pieces  may  be  those  of  the  third  Astor  daughter, 
Charlotte  Augusta,  who  married  her  second  husband, 
George  Ogilvy  Haig,  in  London  in  1896.^^  The  serv- 
ice is  exceptional  in  including  both  a  covered  sugar 
bowl  and  a  sugar  basket.  Perhaps  it  was  assembled 
from  gifts  to  the  couple  from  various  well-wishers.^^ 

J.  L.  Ellis  withdrew  from  Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis 
in  February  1850.  When  John  B.  Yoimg  retired  in  1853, 
the  firm  was  renamed  Tiffany  and  Company,  and  its 
retail  premises  moved  farther  uptown,  to  550  Broad- 
way, between  Spring  and  Prince  streets,  on  or  before 
May  I,  1854  (fig.  308).^^  The  change  of  name  coin- 
cided with  the  opening  of  the  New-York  Exhibition 
of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations  at  the  Crystal  Palace. 
Scheduled  to  begin  in  May  1853,  the  exhibition  did 
not  officially  open  until  July  14,  when  President  Frank- 
lin Pierce  attended  the  inaugural  ceremonies.  Among 
the  Crystal  Palace's  many  attractions  was 

a  showy  service  of  solid  California  gold.  It  is  a  tea 
service,  and  consists  of  twenty-nine  pieces,  arranged 
upon  a  chaste  and  beautiful  plateau  of  silver.  This 
work  is  the  contribution  of  Ball,  Black  ^  Co.  It  is 
valued  at  $15,000 — a  very  large  sum  to  he  invested 
in  gold  cups  and  saucers;  which,  although  exhibit- 
ing a  neat  design — an  embossed  vine  wreath — are 
all  exact  duplicates  of  each  other.  The  great  defect 
of  many  of  the  costly  works  of  the  gold  and  silver- 
smiths represented  in  the  Exhibition,  is  an  almost 
total  lack    artistic  beauty?''^ 

Ball,  Black  and  Company  also  displayed  the  Edward  K. 
Collins  service  of  fine  gold  made  by  John  C.  Moore 
for  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black  (fig,  307).  Tiffany  and 
Company  exhibited  a  rich  silver  toiletry  service,  a 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  R  E  C  I  O  U  S  -  M  E  T  A  L  S  TRADES  373 


variety  of  silver  articles,  including  the  Four  Elements 
centerpiece  (fig.  298),  and  a  dazzling  display  of  gem- 
set  jewelry.  Other  American  firms,  including  Bailey 
and  Company  of  Philadelphia,  also  exhibited.  Jones, 
Ball  and  Company  of  Boston  once  again  brought  out 
the  vase  presented  by  the  citizens  of  Boston  to  states- 
man Daniel  Webster  in  1835  that  had  been  fashioned 
by  silversmiths  Obadiah  Rich  and  Samuel  Ward  after 
the  Warwick  Vase  for  the  firm's  predecessor,  Jones, 
Low  and  Ball.^o 

To  acknowledge  the  services  of  Admiral  Samuel 
Francis  Du  Pont  as  one  of  two  superintendents  of  the 
Crystal  Palace,  the  directors  of  the  exhibition  voted 
to  allot  $2,000  for  a  testimonial  in  plate.  Offered  a 
choice  of  something  exhibited  at  the  Crystal  Palace, 
Du  Pont  chose  instead  an  eleven-piece  table  service 
(fig.  309)  consisting  of  a  tureen,  two  sauceboats,  two 
vegetable  dishes,  two  vegetable  dishes  with  warmers 
and  stands,  and  four  salts  fabricated  by  Tiffany  and 
Company,  for  Du  Pont  thought  a  presentation  service 
should  be  "ordered  and  made  by  Americans  .  .  .  sim- 
plicity of  good  taste  in  design  and  usefulness  of  pur- 
pose is  the  main  thing.  The  idea  of  selecting 
anything  ready  made  ...  is  quite  repugnant  to  me  . . . 
and  takes  away  all  sentiment  and  much  of  the  value  of 
the  tribute."  91 

The  statistics  recorded  in  the  New  York  State  cen- 
sus of  1855  indicate  continued  expansion  within  por- 
tions of  the  precious-metals  trades.  William  Gale  and 
Son,  located  at  447  Broome  Street,  one  door  west  of 
Broadway,  employed  sixty-five  men  and  ten  boys 
to  produce  goods  valued  at  $175,000  in  that  year.  In 
1855  the  firm  initiated  newspaper  advertising  aimed 
at  both  the  retail  and  the  wholesale  markets,  which 
stressed  that  "every  article  [is]  made  on  our  own 
premises,  under  our  personal  inspection,  and  [we]  are 
constandy  manufacturing  to  order  everything  in  the 
line,  of  any  design,  either  antique  or  modern,  and 
however  rich  or  elaborate ."^^ 

In  1855  William  Gale  and  Son's  competitors  Charles 
Wood  and  Jasper  W.  Hughes— partners  in  the  firm  of 
Wood  and  Hughes— produced  $225,000  worth  of  sil- 
ver; their  employees  numbered  sixty  men,  twenty 
women,  ten  boys,  and  fifteen  girls  (see  cat.  no.  305). 
The  firm  of  silverware  manufacturers  traced  its  history 
back  to  silversmith  William  Gale,  with  whom  the 
original  partners,  Jacob  Wood  and  Jasper  W  Hughes, 
had  apprenticed.  The  three  men  then  formed  the  firm 
of  Gale,  Wood  and  Hughes,  which  was  active  from 
1833  to  1844  or  1845.  In  1845  Wood  and  Hughes  estab- 
lished a  partnership  of  their  own.  They  were  joined 
by  Stephen  T  Fraprie  and  Charles  Hughes  in  1850. 


Fig.  308.  Exterior  of  Tiffany  and  Company  Premises^  550  Broadway.  Wood  engraving,  from 
John  R.  Chapin,  The  Historical  Picture  Gallery;  or.  Scenes  and  Incidents  in  American  History 
(Boston:  D.  Bigelow  and  Company,  1856),  vol.  5,  p.  413.  The  New  York  PubHc  Library, 
Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations,  The  Irma  and  Paul  Milstein  Division  of  United 
States  History,  Local  History  and  Genealogy 


Charles  Wood,  brother  of  Jacob,  had  joined  the  firm  by 
1855.  By  i860  Wood  and  Hughes  had  greatly  expanded 
its  male  workforce— to  ninety  men— and  reduced  the 
number  of  women  and  children  employed;  however, 
women  and  girls  worked  as  silver  burnishers  here,  as 
at  most  of  the  major  firms,  since  it  was  widely 
thought  that  female  hands  were  especially  suited  to 
burnishing  and  polishing  chores.  The  firm  had  also 
increased  its  capital  investment,  using  silver  valued  at 
$187,000  to  make  silverware  worth  $300,000.  Steam 
power,  eighteen  lathes  for  spinning  up  hollowware, 
and  six  rolling  mills  to  produce  sheet  silver  and  bor- 
ders all  facilitated  production. 


87.  Multiple  donors  might  account 
for  the  variation  in  model  num- 
bers on  the  various  pieces.  The 
two  retailers  identified  by  the 
marks  struck  on  the  underside  of 
the  various  components  of  the 
ensemble  document  a  shift  one 
block  uptown  in  the  location  of 
the  shop  of  Tiffany,  Young  and 
Ellis,  from  259  and  260  Broad- 
way to  271  Broadway.  See  Spirit 
of  the  Times,  December  19,  1846, 
p.  514.  The  firm  opened  its  new 
store  in  1847  with  some  two  hun- 
dred cases  of  new  stock  com- 
prised of  "elegantly  useful  and 
FANCY  ARTICLES  of  a  higher  order 
of  taste,  beauty,  and  richness 


374    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Fig.  309.  Tiffany  and  Company,  manufacturing  and  retail  silversmith  and  jeweler,  Partial  presentation  table  service  made  for  Samuel  Francis  du  Pont,  1853-54.  Silver. 
Hagley  Museum  and  Library,  Wilmington,  Delaware  G91.30 


than  has  ever  been  exhibited  in 
New  York."  New -York  Mercan- 
tile Register,  1848-49,  p.  356. 

88.  Therefore,  the  items  in  the  Aster 
service  marked  "tiffany  &  Co./ 
271  Broadway /j.c.M.  785"  can  be 
dated  to  the  months  between 
Young's  retirement  and  May  i, 
1854.  On  the  changes  between 
1850  and  1854  at  Tiffany,  see 
Home  Journal,  November  17, 
1849,  p.  3;  Heydt,  Charles  L, 
T^any,  pp.  11-23;  and  Venable, 
Silver  in  America,  pp.  28-30. 

89.  William  C.  Richards,  A  Day  in 
the  New  York  Crystal  Palace, 
and  How  to  Make  the  Most  of  It; 
Bein^  a  Popular  Companion  to 
the  Official  Catalo^fue  and  a 
Guide  to  All  the  Objects  of  Spe- 
cial Interest  in  the  New  York 
Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All 
Nations  (New  York:  G.  P.  Put- 
nam and  Co.,  1853),  pp.  152-53. 

90.  Ibid.,  p.  127;  Wendy  A.  Cooper, 
Classical  Taste  in  America, 


By  1855  EofF  and  Shepard  (see  fig.  295)  ranked 
among  the  midsized  silverware  manufacturing  opera- 
tions in  Manhattan,  with  $6,000  invested  in  tools 
and  machinery.  The  enterprise  used  steam  power  and 
employed  twenty  men  and  five  boys.  In  the  year  covered 
by  the  census,  this  workforce  converted  20,800  ounces 
of  silver,  worth  more  than  $26,000,  into  silverware 
valued  at  nearly  $37,000.  Sometime  before  1861,  the 
parmers  moved  from  their  original  quarters  at  83  Duane 
Street  to  135  Mercer,  where  Shepard  continued  alone 
in  1861-62.  EofF  may  have  retired  or  withdrawn  from 
the  trade  before  i860,  a  federal  census  year.  The  oper- 
ation continued,  with  staffing  levels  and  raw-materials 
consumption  constant  but  with  an  increase  in  the 
value  of  the  flatware  and  hollowware  to  $50,000. 

Smaller  still  was  the  partnership  of  William 
Adams  and  Edmund  Kidney,  at  38  White  Street, 
near  Church  Street.  Adams  lived  on  Church  Street, 


between  White  and  Franklin  streets.  He  had  $30,000 
invested  in  real  estate  and  $1,000  worth  of  capital  in 
tools  and  machinery.  His  shop  used  silver  valued  at 
$10,000  to  produce  goods  of  an  imspecified  value. 
The  shop  had  steam  power  and  employed  five  men 
and  three  boys.^^ 

It  was  New  York's  carriage-trade  retailer  firms.  Ball, 
Black  and  Company  and  Tiffany  and  Company,  that 
captured  public  attention  through  production  of  both 
civic  presentation  pieces  and  popularly  priced  keep- 
sakes. One  opportunity  for  such  unified  marketing 
came  with  the  completion  of  the  first  submarine  tele- 
graph cable  linking  Europe  and  the  United  States  on 
August  5,  1858.  When  the  Common  Council  of  the 
City  of  New  York  and  the  New  York  Chamber  of 
Commerce  chose  to  honor  Cyrus  W.  Field,  the  pro- 
moter of  the  venture,  and  several  of  his  colleagues  by 
commissioning  gold  boxes  and  medals,  Tiffany 


"SILVER  WARE  IN  GREAT  PERFECTION":   P  R  E  C  I  O  U  S  -  M  E  TA  L  S  TRADES  375 


Fig.  310.  Tiffany  and  Company,  manufacturing  and  retail  silversmith  and  jeweler,  Plate  Presented  by  the  Merchants  of  New  Tork  to 
Colonel  Duryee,  jth  Regiment  National  Guards  1859.  Wood  engraving,  from  Frank  Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper^  January  7,  i860, 
pp.  88-89.  Courtesy  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society 


obtained  the  orders.  The  boxes  and  the  medals 
(cat.  nos.  307, 308),  each  enclosed  in  a  rich  purple  vel- 
vet jewel  case  lined  with  white  satin,  bearing  the 
stamp  "Tiffany  &  Co."  on  the  inside  of  the  case,  were 
exhibited  at  the  firm's  premises  at  550  Broadway.  At 
the  same  time,  capitalizing  on  the  public  interest  in 
Field  and  the  transatlantic  telegraph  cable,  several 
New  York  City  silver  and  jewelry  firms,  including 
Tiffany,  Ball,  Black  and  Company,  and  Dempsey  and 
Fargis,  acquired  pieces  of  the  cable  and  offered  them 
to  the  public  as  souvenirs.  For  50  cents  retail.  Tiffany 
sold  four-inch  lengths  mounted  "neady  with  brass 
ferrules"  and  accompanied  by  copyrighted  facsimile 
certificates  signed  by  Field  authenticating  the  gen- 
uineness of  the  cable  (cat.  no.  309).^^ 

Like  1842,  the  year  1859  proved  to  be  a  watershed 
for  the  precious-metals  trades  in  New  York.  Although 
the  consequences  of  the  great  discoveries  of  silver  in 


Nevada  and  other  Western  territories  were  initially 
obscured  by  the  economic  turmoil  of  the  Civil  War,  a 
flood  of  silver  from  the  rich  Western  lodes  eventually 
led  to  a  decline  in  the  price  of  the  raw  metal.  As  the 
1850s  came  to  an  end,  the  Moore  shop  produced 
for  Tiffany  a  service  valued  at  $5,000  for  presentation 
to  citizen-soldier  Colonel  Abram  Duryee  upon  his 
retirement  from  the  Seventh  Regiment  of  the  New 
York  National  Guard  (cat.  no.  310;  fig.  310).  The 
martial  theme  of  the  set  (which  Tiffany  later  publi- 
cized as  one  of  its  "notable  productions")^^  pre- 
saged the  ensuing  national  conflict.  In  the  same  year, 
the  Gorham  Manufacturing  Company  of  Provi- 
dence, Rhode  Island,  opened  a  wholesale  show- 
room in  Manhattan,  initiating  competition  with 
New  York  silver  manufacturers  for  access  to  what 
had  become  a  national  market  for  "Silver  Ware  in 
great  perfection." 


1800-1840  (exh.  cat.,  Baltimore: 
Baltimore  Museum  of  Art;  New 
York:  Abbeville  Press,  1993), 
pp.  248-50,  no.  201. 

91.  Quoted  in  Maureen  O'Brien 
Quimby  and  Jean  Woollens  Fer- 
nald,  "A  Matter  of  Taste  and  Ele- 
gance: Admiral  Samuel  Francis 
Du  Pont  and  the  Decorative 
Arts,"  Winterthur  Portfolio  21 
(summer/autumn  1986),  p.  108. 

92.  Home  Journal,  September  22, 
1855,  p.  3- 

93.  United  States,  Census  Office, 
7th  Census,  1850,  New  York 
State,  Products  of  Industry 
Schedule,  Second  Ward,  New 
York  County,  p.  354;  New  York 
State  Census,  1855,  Products  of 
Industry  Schedule,  First  Election 
District,  Second  Ward,  New 
York  County,  manuscript.  New 
York  County  Clerk's  Office, 

31  Chambers  Street,  New  York, 
n.p.,  original.  New  York  State 
Library;  United  States,  Census 
Office,  8th  Census,  i860,  New 
York  State,  Products  of  Industry 
Schedule,  Second  Ward,  New 
York  County,  p.  24,  original, 
New  York  State  Library. 

94.  New  York  State  Census,  1855, 
New  York  City,  First  Election 
District,  Sixth  Ward,  manu- 
script, New  York  County  Clerk's 
Office;  United  States,  Census 
Office,  8th  Census,  i860.  New 
York  State,  Products  of  Industry 
Schedule,  Third  District,  Eighth 
Ward,  manuscript,  New  York 
State  Library. 

95.  New  York  State  Census,  1855, 
New  York  City,  Products  of 
Industry  Schedule,  Third  Elec-  , 
tion  District,  Fifth  Ward,  New 
York  County  Clerk's  Office. 

96.  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  News- 
paper 8  (July  1859),  p.  84.  The 
lithographic  firm  of  Sarony, 
Major  and  Knapp,  at  449 
Broadway,  published  a  litho- 
graph showing  the  steamships 
Niagara,  Valorous,  Gordon,  and 
Agamemnon  laying  the  cable, 
and  it  is  similar  to  the  scene 
engraved  on  the  lid  of  the  box. 
For  a  copy,  see  Print  Archives, 
Communications-Telegraphy, 
Folder  3/5,  Museum  of  the  City 
of  New  York. 

97.  The  Albion,  August  28, 1858, 
p.  419- 

98.  Heydt,  Charles  L.  Tiffany,  p.  37. 


Works  in  the  Exhibition 


378    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE 


John  Trumbull 
I.  Alexander  Hamilton,  1792 
Oil  on  canvas 
Donaldson,  Lufkin  & 
Jenrette  Collection  of 
Americana,  New  York  81. 11 


PORTRAITS  379 


Samuel  F.  B.  Morse 
2.  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  1825-26 
Oil  on  canvas 

Collection  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  courtesy  of  the  Art 
Commission  of  the  City  of 
New  York 


380    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 

John  Wesley  Jarvis 

3.  Wmhin£fton  Irpin^,  1809 
Oil  on  panel 
Historic  Hudson  Valley, 
Tarrytown,  New  York 
ss.62.2 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse 

4.  De  Win  Clinton^  1826 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Rogers 
Fund,  1909  09.18 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse 

5.  Fitz-Greme  Halleck,  1828 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and 
Tilden  Foundations 


PORTRAITS  381 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse 

6.  William  Cullen  Bryant, 
1828-29 

Oil  on  canvas 
National  Academy  of 
Design,  New  York  892-p 

Charles  Cromwell 
Ingham 

7.  Gulian  Crommelin  Verplanck, 
ca.  1830 

Oil  on  canvas 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Gift  of  Members  of 
the  Society  1878.2 

ASHER  B.  DURAND 

8.  Self-Portraity  ca.  1835 
Oil  on  canvas 
National  Academy  of 
Design,  New  York  384-P 


382    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


ASHER  B.  DURAND 

9.  Luman  Bxedj  1835-36 
Oil  on  canvas 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Bequest  of  Mary 
Fuller  Wilson,  1962  63.36 


ASHER  B.  DURAND 

10.  Thomas  Cole,  1837 
Oil  on  canvas 
The  Berkshire  Museum, 
Pittsfield,  Massachusetts 
1917.13 


Henry  Inman 

11.  Geor^ianna  Buckham  and 
Her  Mother,  1839 

Oil  on  canvas 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Boston,  Bequest  of 
Georgianna  Buckham 
Wright  19.1370 

Henry  Inman 

12.  Dr.  George  Buckham,  1839 
Oil  on  canvas 
Worcester  Art  Museum, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts, 
Bequest  of  Georgianna 
Buckham  Wright  1921.84 

Frederick  R. 
Spencer 

13.  Family  Group,  1840 
Oil  on  canvas 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art, 
Dick  S.  Ramsay  Ftmd 
57.68 


384    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Nathaniel  Rogers 
14.  Mrs.  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer  III 
(Cornelia  Fatersm),  1820s 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Morris  K. 
Jesup  Fund,  1932  32.68 


Nathaniel  Rogers 
16.  John  Ludlow  Morton^  ca.  1829 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
Lent  by  Gloria  Manney 


Henry  Inman  andTuoMAS 
Seir  Cummings 
15.  Portrait  of  a  Lady^  ca.  1825 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Dale  T. 
Johnson  Fund,  1996  1996.562 


Thomas  Seir  Cummings 
17.  Gustavus Adolphus  Rollins, 
ca.  1835 

Watercolor  on  ivory 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 

New  York,  Gift  of  E.  A.  Rollins, 

through  his  son,  A.  C.  Rollins,  1933 

27.216 


PORTRAIT  MINIATURES  385 


Edward  S.  Dodge 
18.  John  Wood  Dod^e,  ca.  1836-37 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
Lent  by  Gloria  Manney 


John  Wood  Dodge 
20.  Kate  RjDselie  Dod0ey  1854 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Morris  K. 
Jesup  Fund,  1988  1988.280 


James  Whitehorne 
19.  Ndncy  Kellogg  J  1838 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
Lent  by  Gloria  Manney 


Attributed  to  Samv^i.  Lovett 
Waldo 
21.  Portrait  of  a  Girl,,  after  1854 
Oil  on  panel 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Fletcher  Fund,  1938 
38.146.5 


386    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Thomas  Seir  Cummings 
22.  A  Mother's  Pearls  (Portraits  of  the 
Artisfs  Children),  1841 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Richard  B. 
Hartshome  and  Miss  Fanny  S. 
Cummings  (through  Miss  Estelle 
Hartshome),  1928  28.148.1 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  387 


Thomas  Cole 
23.  View  of  the  Round-Top  in 
the  Catskill  Mountains, 
ca,  1827 
Oil  on  panel 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Boston,  Gift  of  Martha 
C.  Karolik  for  the  M.  and 
M.  Karolik  Collection  of 
American  Paintings, 
1815-1865  47.1200 


388    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Thomas  Cole 

24.  Scene  from       Last  of  the 
Mohicans":  Cam  Kneeling  at 
the  Feet  of  Tamenund,  1827 
Based  on  James  Fenimore 
Cooper's  novel  (1826) 

Oil  on  canvas 
Wadsworth  Atheneum, 
Hartford,  Connecticut, 
Bequest  of  Alfred  Smith 
1868.3 

ASHER  B.  DURAND 

25.  Dance  on  the  Battery  in  the 
Presence  of  Peter  Stuyvesanty  1838 
Scene  from^  History  ofNew- 
Tork  by  Washington  Irving 
(under  the  pseudonym 
Diedrich  Knickerbocker;  1809) 
Oil  on  canvas 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Jane  Rutherford 
Faile  through  Kenneth  C. 
Faile,  1955  55.248 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  389 


John  Quidor 

26.  The  Money  Di£i0erSy 
Scene  from  Washington 
living's  Tales  of  a  Traveller 
(1824) 

Oil  on  canvas 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art, 
Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Alastair  B.  Martin  48.171 

Robert  Walter 
Weir 

27.  A  Visit  from  Saint 
Nicholas^  ca.  1837 
Scene  from  Clement 
Clarke  Moore's  poem 
(1823) 

Oil  on  panel 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Gift  of  George  A. 
Zabriskie,  1951  1951.76 


390    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


William  Sidney 
Mount 
28.  Eel  Spearing  at  Setauket 
(Recollections  of  Early  Days— 
^Fishin£[  alon^  Shore^),  1845 
Oil  on  canvas 
New  York  State  Historical 
Association,  Gx>perstown, 
Gift  of  Stephen  C.  Clark 


AMERICAN  PAINTINGS  391 


George  Caleb 
Bingham 
29.  Fur  Traders  Descending  the 
Missouri,  1845 
Oil  on  canvas 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Morris  K.  Jesup 
Fund,  1933  33.61 


392    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  393 


ASHER  B.  DURAND 

31.  In  the  WoodSj  1855 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  in  memory  of 
Jonathan  Sturges  by  his  children, 
1895  95.I3-I 

ASHER  B.  DURAND 

$0.  Kindred  spirits,  184.9 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  New  York  Public  Library, 
Gift  of  Julia  Bryant 


394    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  395 


Emanuel  Leutze 
34.  Mrs.  Schuyler  Burning  Her 
Wheat  Fields  on  the  Approach 
of  the  British,  1852 
Oil  on  canvas 
The  Los  Angeles  County 
Museum  of  Art,  Bicentennial 
Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  M. 
Schaaf,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  William 
D.  Witherspoon,  Mr  and 
Mrs.  Charles  M.  Shoemaker, 
and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Julian 
Ganz,  Jr.  M.76.91 


396    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FiTZ  Hugh  Lane 
35.  New  Tork  Harbor,  1850 
Oil  on  canvas 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Boston,  Gift  of  Maxim 
Karolik  for  the  M.  and 
M.  Karolik  Collection  of 
American  Paintings, 
1815-1865  48.446 

Sanford  Robinson 

GiFFORD 

36.  LakeNemiy  1856-57 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  Toledo  Museum  of  Art, 
Toledo,  Ohio;  Purchased 
with  funds  from  the  Florence 
Scott  Libbey  Bequest  in 
Memory  of  her  Father, 
Maurice  A.  Scott  1957.46 

John  F.  Kensett 

37.  Beacon  Rockj  Newport 
Harbor,  1857 

Oil  on  canvas 
National  Gallery  of  Art, 
Washington,  D.C.,  Gift 
of  Frederick  Sturges,  Jr. 
1953.1.1 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  397 


James  H.  Cafferty  and 
Charles  G.  Rosenberg 
38.  WaUSmetyHalfFast  2  O'clock, 
Oaoberi3y  iSs?,  1858 
Oil  on  canvas 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  the  Honorable 
Irwin  Untermyer  40.54 


Francis  William 
Edmonds 
39.  The  New  Bonnet,  i^s^ 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Purchase, 
Endng  Wolf  Foundation  Gift 
and  Gift  of  Hanson  K.  Coming, 
by  exchange,  1975  1975 .27.1 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  399 


Eastman  Johnson 
40.  Ne£[ro  Life  at  the  South, 
1859 

Oil  on  canvas 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  The  Robert  L. 
Stuart  Collection,  on 
permanent  loan  from 
The  New  York  Public 
Library  s-225 


400    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Frederic  E.  Church 
41.  The  Heart  of  the  Andes,  iSs9 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Margaret  E.  Dows,  1909  09.95 


AMERICAN   PAINTINGS  4OI 


402    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Giovanni  di  Ser 
Giovanni  di  Simone 
{called  ScHEGGiA) 
42.  The  Triumph  of  Fame,  birth 
tray  of  Lorenzo  de'Medici 
(reao) ;  Arms  of  the  Medici 
and  Tomahumi  Families 
(verso),  1449 

Tempera,  silver,  and  gold  on 
wood 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Purchase  in 
memory  of  Sir  John  Pope- 
Hennessy:  Rogers  Fund,  The 
Annenberg  Foundation,  Drue 
Heinz  Foundation,  Annette 
de  la  Renta,  Mr,  and  Mrs. 
Frank  E.  Richardson,  and  The 
Vincent  Astor  Foundation 
Gifts,  Wrightsman  and  Gwynne 
Andrews  Funds,  special  fluids, 
and  Gift  of  the  children  of 
Mrs.  Harry  Payne  Whitney, 
Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Joshua 
Logan,  and  other  gifts  and 
bequests,  by  exchange,  1995 
1995.7 


FOREIGN   PAINTINGS  4O3 


David  Teniers  the 
Younger 

43.  Judith  with  the  Head  of 
HolofemeSf  1650s 

Oil  on  copper 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Gouverneur 
Kemble,  1872  72.2 

Bartolome 
esteban  murillo 

44.  Four  Figures  on  a  Step 

(A  Spanish  Peasant  Family) ^ 
ca.  1655-60 
Oil  on  canvas 
Kimbell  Art  Museum, 
Fort  Worth,  Texas 
AP1984.18 


404    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Jan  Abrahamsz. 
Beerstraten 

45.  Winter  Scene,  ca.  1660 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Gift  of  Thomas  J. 
Bryan,  1867  1867.84 

Artist  unknown, 

/r^^WlLLEM  KALF 

46.  Still  Life  with  Chinese 
Su0arbowly  Nautilus 
Cup,  Glasses,  and  Fruit, 
ca.  1675-1700 

Oil  on  canvas 

The  New-York  Historical 

Society,  Luman  Reed 

Collection —New-York 

Gallery  of  Fine  Arts 

1858.15 


FOREIGN  PAINTINGS  4O5 


Jacob  van  Ruisdael 
47.  A  Landscape  with  a  Ruined 
Castle  and  a  Church  (A  Grand 
Landscape),  1665-70 
Oil  on  canvas 

The  National  Gallery,  London 
NG990 


406    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Giovanni  Paolo 
Panini  (ctPannini) 
48.  Modem  Bjomey  1757 
Oil  on  canvas 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gwynne  Andrews 
Fund,  1952  52.63.2 


FOREIGN  PAINTINGS  4O7 


408    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FOREIGN  PAINTINGS  4O9 


Rosa  Bonheur 
51.  The  Horse  Fair,  1853; 
retouched  1855 
Oil  on  canvas 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Cornelius 
Vanderbilt,  1887  87.25 


4IO    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Giuseppe  Ceracchi 

52.  George  Washin£ftmj  1795 
Marble 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of 
John  L.  Cadwalader,  1914 
14.58.235 

Jean-Antoine  Houdon 

53.  Robert  Fulton^  1803-4 
Painted  plaster 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Wrightsman 
Fund,  1989  1989.329 


FOREIGN  SCULPTURE  4II 


Bertel  Thorvaldsen 
54.  Ganymede  and  the  Ea^le, 
1817-29 
Marble 

The  Minneapolis  Institute  of 
Arts,  Gift  of  the  Morse 
Foundation  66.9 


412    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE 


Hiram  Powers 

55.  Andrew  Jacksofiy  modeled 
1834-35;  carved  1839 
Marble 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Frances  V  Nash,  1894 
94.14 

John  Frazee 

56.  Nathaniel  Prime,  1832-34 
Marble 

National  Portrait  Gallery, 
Smithsonian  Institution, 
Washington,  D.C.,  Gift 
of  Sylvester  G.  Prime 
NPG.84.72 


AMERICAN  SCULPTURE  4I3 


414    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Robert  Ball  Hughes 
57.  John  TrumbuUy  modeled  ca.  1833; 
carved  1834-after  1840 
Marble 

Yale  University  Art  Gallery,  New 
Haven,  Connecticut,  University 
Purchase  1851.2 


AMERICAN   SCULPTURE  4I5 


Shobal  Vail 
Clevenger 
58.  Philip  Hone^  modeled 
1839;  carved  1844-46 
Marble 

Mercantile  Library 
Association,  New  York 


4l6    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Thomas  Crawford 

59.  Genius  of  Mirthy  modeled 
1842;  carved  1843 
Marble 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Bequest  of  Annette 
W.  W.  Hicks-Lord,  1896 
97.13. 1 

Hiram  Powers 

60.  Greek  Slave,  modeled 
1841-43;  carved  1847 
Marble 

The  Newark  Museum,  Gift 
of  Franklin  Murphy,  Jr., 
1926  26.2755 


4l8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Henry  Kirke  Brown 

61.  William  Cullen  Bryant^ 
1846-47 

Marble 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Bequest  of  Mr. 
Charles  M.  Leupp  1860.6 

Henry  Kirke  Brown 

62.  Thomas  Cole,  1850  or  earlier 
Marble 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  in 
memory  of  Jonathan  Sturges, 
by  his  children,  1895  95.8.1 


AMERICAN  SCULPTURE  4I9 


Thomas  Crawford 
63.  Louisa  Ward  Crawford,  modeled 
1845;  carved  1846 
Marble 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
Gift  of  James  L.  Terry,  Peter  T. 
Terry,  Lawrence  Terry,  and  Arthur 
Terry  III  86.173 


64 


Chauncey  Bradley  Ives 

64.  Bjith,  modeled  ca.  1849;  carved  1851 
or  later 

Marble 

Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  Gift  of  James  H.  Ricau 
and  Museum  Purchase  86.479 

Joseph  Mozier 

65.  Dianaj  ca.  1850 
Marble 

Huguenot  Historical  Society, 
New  Paltz,  New  York 

Henry  Kirke  Brown 

66.  Filatrice,  1850 
Bronze 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Purchase,  Gifts  in  memory 
of  James  R.  Graham,  and  Morris  K. 
Jesup  Fund,  1993  I993-I3 


66 


422    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


t 


John  Rogers 


67.  The  Slave  Auction,  1859 
Painted  plaster 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Gift  of  Samuel  V 
Hoffrnan  1928.28 

John  Quincy  Adams 
Ward 

68.  The  Indian  Hunter,  modeled 
1857-60;  cast  before  1910 
Bronze 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Morris  K. 
Jesup  Fund,  1973  1973.257 


AMERICAN  SCULPTURE  423 


Erastus  Dow 
Palmer 
69.  The  White  Captive, 
modeled  1857-58; 
carved  1858-59 
Marble 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Bequest  of 
Hamilton  Fish,  1894 
94.9.3 


424    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  atttst 
Anthony  Imbert, 
lithqgfrapher 

Des^n  attributed  ft?  J  o  H  N 
Vanderlyn 

70.  The  Rotunda,  Comer  of 
Chambers  and  Cross  Streets,  fron- 
tispiece to  Views  of  the  Public 
Buildin£is  in  the  City 
ofNew-Torky  1827 
Lithograph 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  A.  J.  Davis  Collection  25 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Anthony  Imbert, 
lithographer 
Martin  Euclid 
Thompson,  architect 

71.  Branch  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
1S-17  Wall  Street,  from  Views 

of  the  Public  Buildings  in  the  City 
ofNew-Tork,  1827 
Lithograph 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold, 
1954  54.90.672 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Anthony  Imbert, 
litho£frapher 

JosiAH  R.  Brady,  architea 

72.  Second  Con£fre^ational  (Unitarian) 
Church,  Comer  of  Prince  and 
Mercer  Streets,  from  Views  of  the 
Public  Buildin0s  in  the  City  of 
New-Tork,  1827 

Lithograph 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist  and  architect 
Anthony  Imbert, 
lithographer 

73.  Design  for  Itnproving  the  Old 
Almshouse,  North  Side  of  City 
Hall  Park,  Facing  Chambers 
Street,  1828 

Lithograph 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Elisha 
Whittelsey  Collection,  The 
Elisha  Whittelsey  Fund,  1954 
54.546.9 


70 


1 


71 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND   RELATED  WORKS  42$ 


426    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Martin  Euclid 
Thompson  and  Josiah 
R.  Brady,  architeas 

74.  First  Menhants^  Exchiifi£fe, 
35-37  Wall  Street;,  Ekvatim, 
probably  1826 

Ink  and  wash 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of 
New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and 
Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.137 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Martin  Euclid 
Thompson  and  Josiah 
R.  Brady,  architects 

75.  First  Merchants^  Exchange, 
35-37  Wall  Street,  First  Floor 
PUm,  probably  1829 

Ink  and  wash 

The  Metropolitan  Musetim 
of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.622  (reao) 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND  RELATED  WORKS  427 


77 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis 

76.  First  Merchants' Exchan0e, 
3S-37  Wall  Street^  Alternate, 
Unexecuted  Elevation  and 
Plan,  1829 
Ink  and  wash 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.621 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Ithiel  Town  and 
Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  architects 
77.  Park  Hotel  (Later  Called 
Astor  House),  Broadway 
between  Vesey  and  Barclay 
Streets,  Proposed,  Unexecuted 
Design,  1830 
Watercolor 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.30 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Ithiel  Town  and 
Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  architects 
78.  Park  Hotel  (Later  Called 
Astor  House),  Broadway 
between  Vesey  and  Barclay 
Streets,  Proposed,  Unexecuted 
Perspective  and  Plan,  ca.  1830 
Watercolor 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  A.  J.  Davis 
Collection  18 


"  4  \ 
F  '-HI- 


-- 4- — pi 


IS:  f  LLJ  : 


■I 


78 


428    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Ithiel  Town  and 
Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  architects 

79.  United  States  Custom  Home, 
Wall  and  Nassau  Streets , 
Jjmpfitudinal  Section,  1833 
Watercolor  and  ink 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine 
Arts  Library,  Columbia 
University,  New  York 
1940.001.00132 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Ithiel  Town  and 
Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  architects 

80.  United  States  Custom  House, 
Wall  and  Nassau  Streets,  Plan, 
1833 

Watercolor 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.1403  (45) 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  artist 
Ithiel  Town  and 
Alexander  Jackson 
Davis,  architects 

81.  United  States  Cttstom  Home, 
Wall  and  Nassau  Streets, 
Perspective,  1834 
Watercolor 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W  C.  Arnold  Collection  of 
New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and 
Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.176 

John  Haviland 

82.  Halls  of  Justice  and  House  of 
Detention,  Centre  Street,  between 
Leonard  and  Franklin  Streets, 
First  Floor  Plan,  1835 

Ink 

Royal  Institute  of  British 
Architects  Library,  London, 
Drawings  Collection  wi4/6(2) 

John  Haviland 

83.  Halls  of  Justice  and  House  of 
Detention,  Centre  Street,  between 
Leonard  and  Franklin  Streets, 
Bird's-Eye  View,  1835 

Ink  and  wash 

Royal  Institute  of  British 

Architects  Library,  London, 

Drawings  Collection 

wi4/6(9) 


80 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND   RELATED  WORKS  429 


430    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Alexander 
Jackson  Davis 
84.  ""Syllabus  Row/' 
Proposed^  Unexecuted 
Design  for  Terrace 
Houses^  ca.  1830 
Watercolor 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The 
Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold  GDllection 
of  New  York  Prints, 
Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954 
54.90.140 


Li 

If. 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis 
85.  "terrace  Houses/' Proposed^ 
Unexecuted  Design  for  Cross- 
Block  Terrace  Development, 
ca.  1831 
Watercolor 

The  MetropoKtan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.1291 


John  Stirewalt,  artist 
Alexander  Jackson 
Davis  andS^Tn  Geer, 
architects 
86.  Colonnade  Bjjw,  428-434 
Lafayette  Street,  nearAstor 
Place,  Elevation  and  Plans, 
1833-34 
Watercolor 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine 
Arts  Library,  Columbia 
University,  New  York 
1940.001.00739 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND  RELATED  WORKS  43I 


432    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


•  f  f  £ 


II 

II 


llii 
r 


EiEElIlilll 


'7' 


Atirihuud  to  MAKTiti  Euclid 
Thompson 
87.  iW  of  Houses  on  Chapel  Street^ 

between  Murray  and  Robinson  Streets, 
1830 

Watercolor  and  ink  on  paper, 
mounted  on  board 
Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library,  Columbia  University, 
New  York  Gideon  Tucker  DR165 


Attribuud  to  Makt IN  Euclid 
Thompson 
88.  House  on  Chapel  Street,  between 
Murray  and  Robinson  Streets,  1830 
Watercolor 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library,  Columbia  University,  New 
York  1000.010.00013 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND  RELATED  WORKS  433 


1., 


Architect  unknown 
Clarkson  Lawn  (Matthew 
Clarkson  Jr.  House),  Flatbush 
and  Church  Avenues,  Brooklyn, 
New  Tork,  built  ca.  1835 
(demolished  1940);  photo- 
graph, 1940 

Courtesy  of  the  Brooklyn 
Museum  of  Art 

89A.  Door  and  doorframe  from 
the  entry  hall  of  Clarkson 
Lawn,  ca.  1835 
Mahogany;  painted  pine; 
metal 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art, 
Gift  of  the  Young  Men's 
Christian  Association,  1940 
40.931.2A-B 

89B.  Pair  of  pilasters  from  the 
double  parlor  of  Clarkson 
Lawn  (capital  illustrated), 
ca.  1835 
Painted  pine 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art, 
Gift  of  the  Young  Men's 
Christian  Association,  1940 
40.931-3,  4 


434    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


John  B.  Jervis,  chief 
engineer 
90.  Distributing  Reservoir  cf 
the  Croton  Aquedtut, 
Fifth  Avenue  between 
Fortieth  and  Forty-second 
Streets,  1837-39 
Ink  and  watercolor 
Jervis  Public  Library, 
Rome,  New  York 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND   RELATED  WORKS  435 


m  A 


John  B.  Jervis,  chief 
engineer 

91.  Hi£fh  Bridge  of  the  Croton 
Aqueduct,  aver  the  Harlem 
River,  Elevation  and  Flan, 
ca.  1839-40 

Ink  and  watercolor 

Jervis  Public  Library,  Rome, 

New  York  Drawing  249 

John  B.  Jervis,  chirf 
engineer 

92.  Manhattan  Valley  Pipe 
Chamber  of  the  Croton 
Aqueduct,  ca.  1839-40 
Ink  and  watercolor 
Library  of  Congress, 
Washington,  D.C.,  Prints 
and  Photographs 
Division  1997.86. i 


436    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Artist  unknown 
Richard  Upjohn, 
architect 

93.  Trinity  Church,  Broadway,  oppo- 
site Wall  Street,  Presentation 
Drawing  Depicting  View  from 
the  Southwest,  probably  1841 
Watercolor 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine 
Arts  Library,  Columbia 
University,  New  York 
1000.011.01098 


94 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND  RELATED  WORKS  437 


43^    ART  AND  THE   EMPIRE  CITY 


Joseph  Trench  and 
John  Butler  Snook 

96.  A,  T.  Stewart  Store,  Broadway 
between  Reade  and  Chambers 
Streets,  Chambers  Street  Elevation, 
1849 

Watercolor 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society 

James  Bogardus,  inventor 
William  L.  Miller, 
architectural-iron  manufacturer 

97.  Spandrel  panel  from  Edgar  H. 
Laing  Stores,  Washington  and 
Murray  Streets,  1849 

Cast  iron 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
Margaret  H.  Tuft,  1979 
1979.134 


I,  I;  I 


I  11 


II  I  I 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND  RELATED  WORKS  439 


John  P.  Gaynor,  architect 
Daniel  D.  Badger, 
architectural-iron  manufacturer 
Sarony,  Major  and  Knapp, 
printer 

98.  Hau^hwout  Building  J  Broadway  and 
Broome  Street,  1865 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors 
Smithsonian  Institution  Libraries, 
Washington,  D.C.  fna  3503.7832 

1865  XCHRMB 


440    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Detlef  Lienau 
99-  Hart M.  ShiffHouse^  Fifth  Avenue 
and  Tenth  Street^  Front  Elevation^  1850 
Pen  and  ink 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library,  Columbia  University,  New 
York  1936.002.00013 

Detlef  Lienau 
100.  HartM.  ShiffHouse^  Fifth  Avenue 
and  Tenth  Street,  Side  Elepation,  1850 
Pen  and  ink 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts 
Library,  Columbia  University,  New 
York  1936.002.00014 


I  i^^fi^  JtrChA  *J^*  I 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND   RELATED  WORKS  44I 


Richard  Morris  Hunt 

101.  Thomas  P.  Rossiter  House, 
u  West  Thirty-eighth  Street^ 
Facade  Study,  1855 

Ink  and  wash 

Octagon  Museum,  Washington, 
D.C.,  American  Architectural 
Foundation,  Prints  and 
Drawings  Collection  81.6617 

Alexander  Jackson 
Davis 

102.  Ericstan  (John  /.  Hernck  House), 
Tarrytown,  New  Tork,  Rear 
Elevation,  ca.  1855 
Watercolor,  ink,  and  graphite 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 

of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24.66.10 


442    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


SET 


Richard  Upjohn 

103.  Henry  Evelyn  Pierrepont 
House,  I  Pierrepont  Place, 
Brooklyn,  New  Tork,  Front 
Elevation  and  Section,  1856 
Ink  on  cloth 

Avery  Architectural  and 
Fine  Arts  Library,  Columbia 
University,  New  York 
1985.003.00001 

Charles  Mettam  and 
Edmund  A.  Burke 

104.  The  New-Tork  Historical 
Society,  Second  Avenue  and 
Eleventh  Street,  1855 
Watercolor  on  paper, 
mounted  on  cloth 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society  x.370 

Peter  Bonnett 
Wight 

105.  National  Academy  of  Design, 
Fourth  Avenue  and  Twenty- 
third  Street,  1861 
Watercolor 

The  Art  Institute  of 
Chicago,  Gift  of  Peter 
Bonnett  Wight  1992.81. 4 


103 


104 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND  RELATED  WORKS  443 


444   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


John  William 
Hill 

io6.  View  on  the  Erie  Camdy 
1829 

Watercolor 
The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations, 
Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach 
Division  of  Art,  Prints 
and  Photographs,  The 
Phelps  Stokes  Collection, 
Print  Collection 
1850-32E-29 


John  William 
Hill 

107.  View  on  the  Erie  Canal, 

Watercolor 
The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations, 
Miriam  and  Ira  D,  Wallach 
Division  of  Art,  Prints 
and  Photographs,  The 
Phelps  Stokes  Collection, 
Print  Collection 
1830-32E-24 


WATERCOLORS  445 


John  William 
Hill 

io8.  City  Hall  and  Park  Row, 
1830 

Watercolor 
The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tildcn  Foundations, 
Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach 
Division  of  Art,  Prints 
and  Photographs,  The 
Phelps  Stokes  Collection, 
Print  Collection  1830  E-81 


John  William 
Hill 

109.  Broadway  and  Trinity 

Church  from  Liberty  Street, 
1830 

Watercolor 
The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations, 
Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach 
Division  of  Art,  Prints 
and  Photographs,  The 
Phelps  Stokes  Collection, 
Print  Collection  1830  E-73 


Alexander  Jackson 
Davis 

1 12.  Greek  Revival  Double  Parlor, 
ca.  1830 
Watercolor 

The  New-York  Historical  Society, 
Gift  of  Daniel  Parish,  Jr. 
1908.28 


NicoLiNo  Calyo 
110.  View  of  the  Great  Fire  of  New 
York,  December  16  and  17, 183s, 
as  Seen  from  the  Top  of  the  New 
Building  of  the  Bank  of  America, 
Comer  Wall  and  William  Streets, 
1836 

Gouache  on  paper,  mounted 
on  canvas 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Bryan  Fund  1980.53 


John  William  Hill 
113 .  Chancel  of  Trinity  Chapel, 
ca.  1856 

Watercolor,  gouache,  black  ink, 
graphite,  and  gum  arabic 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of 
New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and 
Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.157 


Nicolino  Calyo 
III.  View  of  the  Ruins  after  the  Great 
Fire  in  New  York,  December  16 
and  17, 183s,  as  Seen  from  Exchange 
Place,  1836 

Gouache  on  paper,  mounted 
on  canvas 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Bryan  Fund  1980.54 


448    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


John  Hill,  mgmver 

William  Guy  Wall, 

artist 

Henry  J.  Megarey, 
publisher 

114,  New  T(yrkfr<m  Governors  Island) 
1823-24,  from  The  Hudson  River 
Portfolio  (1821-25) 
Aquatint  with  hand  coloring 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W 
C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold,  1954  54.90.1274.18 


Tm  mmmnrm  mu  m 


ASHER  B.  DURAND, 

engraver 

DuRAND,  Perkins  and 
Company,  printer  and  publisher 
115.  $1,000  bill  for  the  Greenwich 
Bank,  City  of  New  York,  ca.  1828 
Engraving,  cancelled  proof 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane 
Dick  Fund,  1917  17.3.3585  (14) 


AsHER  B.  DuRAND,  engraver 
Durand,  Perkins  and 
Company,  printer  and  publisher 
116.  Specimen  sheet  of  bank  note  engraving, 
ca.  1828 
Engraving 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1917 
17.3.3585  (47) 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND   ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  449 


450    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Cadwallader  Golden, 
author 

Archibald  Robertson, 
artist 

Anthony  Imbert,  printer 
Wilson  and  Nicholls, 
bookbinder 
117.  Memoity  Prepared  at  the 
Request  of  a  Committee  of  the 
Common  Council  of  the  City 
of  New  Tork,  and  Presented  to 
the  Mayor  of  the  City^  at  the 
Celebration  of  the  Completion 
of  the  New  Tork  Canals,  1825 
Bound  in  red  leather  widi 
gold  stamping 
American  Antiquarian 
Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts 


Archibald  Robertson, 
artist 

Anthony  Imbert, 
printer 

118.  Grand  Canal  Celebration:  View 
of  the  Fleet  Preparing  to  Form 
in  Line,  1825,  from  Cadwallader 
Coidcn,  Memoir  (1825) 
Lithograph 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Harris 
Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1923 
23.69.23 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  45I 


William  James  Bennett, 
/^rtiyf  ^w^/  en0raver 
Henry  J.  Megarey, 
publisher 

119 .  Sf?/*?/;  Street  from  Maiden  Lane, 
ca.  1828,  fromAf^^^r^yj 
Views  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork 
(1834) 

Aquatint 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold  CoUection  of 
New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and 
Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1177 

William  James  Bennett, 
artist  and  engraver 
Henry  J.  Megarey, 
publisher 

120.  Fulton  Street  and  Market, 
1828-30,  from ^^^1^^7*5  Street 
Views  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork 
(1834) 

Aquatint 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of 
Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 
24.90.1276 


452   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Thomas  Thompson,  artist^ 
lithographer^  and  publisher 
121.  New  Tork  Harbor  from  the  Battery^ 
1829 

Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold  Collection  of  New  York 
Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest 
of  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954 
54.90.1182  (1-3) 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  453 


454   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


James  Barton  Longacre 
fmd  James  Herring, 
publishers 

National  Portrait  Gallery  of 
Distinguished  Americans 
(1833-59),  vol.  3  (1836) 
Bound  in  red  ieadier  with  gold 
stamping 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Bequest  of 
Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 
24.90.1911 


ASHER  B.  DURAND, 

m^roper 

After  Charles  Cromwell 
Ingham,  artist 
I22B.  De  Witt  Clinton^  1834,  from 
National  Portrait  Gallery  of 
Distinguished  AmericanSj  vol.  2 
(1835) 
Engraving 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  John  K. 
Howat,i998  1998.520.2 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  455 


John  Hill,  engraver 

Thomas  Hornor,  mist 
W.  Neale,  printer 
Joseph  Stanley  and 
Company,  publisher 
123.  hroadway,  New  Tork,  Showing  Each 
Building  from  the  Hygeian  Depot 
Comer  of  Canal  Street  to  beyond  Niblo's 
Garden^  1836 

Aquatint  and  etching  with  hand 
coloring 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold 
Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps, 
and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.703 


456    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


David  H.  Burr,  cartographer 
J.  H.  Colt  ON,  publisher 
S.  Stiles  and  Company,  printer 
124.  Topographical  Map  of  the  City  and  County  of  New  Tork 
and  the  Adjacent  Country:  with  Views  in  the  Border  of  the 
Principal  Buildin£fS)  and  Interesting  Scenery  of  the  Island^ 
1836 

Engraving,  first  state 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C.,  Geography 
and  Map  Division 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND   ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  457 


458    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


ASHER  B.  DURAND, 

engraver  and  publisher 
After  John  Vanderlyn, 
artist 

A.  King,  printer 
125.  Ariadne,  1835 

Engraving,  third  state,  proof 
before  letters;  printed  on 
chine  colli 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Boston,  Harvey  D.  Parker 
Collection,  1897  P12793 


Henry  Heidemans, 
lithographer 

After  Henry  Inman, 
artist 

Endicott  and  Company, 
printer  and  publisher 
126.  Fanny  Elsskr,  1Z4-1 
Lithograph 
Library  of  Congress, 
Washington,  D.C.,  Prints 
and  Pho'tographs  Division 


^  »    « r.  *  '.7 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS 


459 


Thomas  Doney,  mgmvev 
After  George  Caleb 
Bingham,  artist 
American  Art-Union, 
publisher 

Powell  and  Company, 
pinter 

127.  The  Jolly  Flat  Boat  Men,  1847 
Mezzotint 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gertrude  and 
Thomas  Jefferson  Mumford 
Collection,  Gift  of  Dorothy 
Quick  Mayer,  1942  42.119.68 


460    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


PRINTS,   BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  46I 


Robert  Havell  Jr., 
artist  and  engraver 
W.  Neale,  printer 
Robert  Havell  Jr., 
William  A.  Colman, 
^iwf^ Ackermann  and 
Company,  publishers 
129.  Panoramic  View  of  New  Tork 
(Taken  from  the  North  River), 
1844 

Aquatint  with  hand  coloring, 
fifth  state 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  The  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of 
New  York  Prints,  Maps,  and 
Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.623 


William  James 
Bennett,  engraver 
After  John  William 
Hill,  artist 
Lewis  P.  Clover, 
publisher 
128.  NewTorky  from  Brooklyn 
Heights,  ca.  1836 
Aquatint  printed  in  colors 
with  hand  coloring,  first  state 
Collection  of  Leonard  L. 
Milberg 


462    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


131 


132 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  4^3 


James  Smillie,  engraver 
After  Tyiomas  Cole,  artist 

130.  The  Voyage  of  Life:  Touth,  1849 
Engraving,  proof  before  letters 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston, 
Harvey  D.  Parker  Collection 
P12796 

George  Loring  Brov^n 

131.  Cascades  at  Tivoli,  1854 
Etching 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston, 
Harvey  D.  Parker  Collection 
P12262 


AsHER  B.  Durand,  artist 
John  Gadsby  Chapman, 
author 

W.  J.  Widdleton,  publisher 
132.  A  Study  and  a  Sketch,  from 
The  American  Drawing-Book 
(ist  ed.,  1847) 

Reproduction  of  wood  engrav- 
ing from  3d  edition,  1864 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Harris  Brisbane 
Dick  Fund,  1954  54-524-2 


1 

1  ■ 

■"V  ' 

1" 

1 

1 

,1 

1  1 

"       V  i 

Washington  Irving, 

Felix  Octavius  Carr 
D  a  R  l  E  Y ,  artist  and  lithographer 
Sarony  and  Major, 
printer 

133.  Plate  5 ,  Illustrations  of  ^^Rip  van 
Winklef  1848 
Lithograph 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Frederic  F.  Durand,  1933 
33.39.123 


133 


Washington  Irving, 


Felix  Octavius  Carr 
D  A  r  L  E  Y ,  artist  and  lithographer 
Sarony  and  Major, 
printer 

1 34.  Plate  6,  Illustrations  of  '^The 
Legend  of  Sleepy  Holbw/'  1849 
Lithograph 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Rogers  Fund, 
transferred  from  the  Library, 
1944  44.40.2 


134 


464   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Henry  Papprill, 
engraver 

After  John  William 
Hill,  artist 
Henry  J.  Megarey, 
publisher 
135.  NewTork  from  the  Steeple  of 
Saint  PauPs  Church,  Looking 
East)  South,  and  West,  ca.  1848 
Aquatint  printed  in  colors 
with  hand  coloring,  second 
state 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  The 
Edward W.  C.Arnold 
Collection  of  New  York 
Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures, 
Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C. 
Arnold,  1954  54.90.587 

John  F.  Harrison,  cartographer 
KoLLNER,  Camp  and 
Company,  Philadelphiay printer 
Matthew  Dkivps,  publisher 
136.  Map  of  the  City  cfNew  Tork, 
Extending  Northward  to  Fiftieth 
Street,  1851 

Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 
Collection  of  Mark  D.  Tomasko 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  465 


466    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  467 


Washington  Irving,  under 
the  pseudonym  Diedrich 
Knickerbocker,  author 
George  P.  Putnam,  publisher 


137.  A  History  ofNew-Torkfrom  the 
Beginning  of  the  World  to  the  End  of 
the  Dutch  Dynasty  (ist  ed.,  1809),  1850 
edition 

Bound  in  blue  morocco  leather  with 
gold  stamping  and  rose-and-gold  inset 
American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  Papantonio 
Collection 

Alfred  Ashley,  artist  and 
designer 

W.  H,  Swepstone,  author 
Stringer  and  Townsend, 
publisher 

138.  Christmas  Shadows^  a  Tale  of  the  Poor 
Needle  Woman  with  Numerous 
Illustrations  on  Steel,  New  York  and 
London,  1850 

Bound  in  blue  cloth  with  gold  stamping 
Collection  of  Jock  Elliott 


If  X  ff  i  ii  ii  1  c  a  r  a   4 1  ft 

Edward  Walker  and  Sons, 
bookbinder  141 

139.  The  Odd-Fellows  Offering,  1851 
Bound  in  red  cloth  with  gold  stamping 
American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  Kenneth  G. 
Leach  Collection 

Samuel  Hueston,  publisher 

140.  The  Knickerbocker  Gallery,  1855 
Bound  in  red  leather  with  gold 


stamped  inset 

American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  Papantonio 
Collection  B,  Copy  3 

John  Bachmann,  artist, printer, 
andpublisher 

141.  Bird^s-Eye  View  of  the  New  Tork  Crystal 
Palace  and  Environs,  1853 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with 
hand  coloring 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
The  J.  Clarence  Davies  Collection 
29.100.2387 

Charles  Parsons,  artistand 
lithographer 

Endicott  and  Company, 
printer 

George  S.  Aw  let  on,  publisher 

142.  An  Interior  View  of  the  Crystal  Palace,  1853 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W  C.  Arnold 
Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps, 
and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward  W.  C, 
Arnold,  1954  54.90.1047 


468    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


William  Wellstood,  engraver 
4/^^^  Benjamin  F.  Smith  Jr.,  artist 
Smith,  Fern  and  Company, 
publisher 

143.  New  Torkj  i8s$,from  the  Lotting  Obserpatory, 
1855 

Engraving  with  hand  coloring 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Aster,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira 
D.  Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and 
Photographs,  The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection, 
Print  Collection  1855-E-138 


Thomas  Benecke,  artist 
Nag  EL  and  Lewis,  printer 
Emil  Seitz,  publisher 
144.  Sleighing  in  New  Tork,  1855 

Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand 
coloring 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold 
Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps, 
and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1061 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  469 


John  Bachmann,  artist 
Adam  Weingartner,  printer 
L.  W.  Schmidt,  publisher 
145.  The  Empire  City^  i8ss 

Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with 
hand  coloring 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold 
Collection  of  New  York  Prints,  Maps, 
and  Pictures,  Bequest  of  Edward 
W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1198 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Walt  Whitman,  author 
146.  Leaves  cfGrasSy  Brooklyn,  New 
York,  1855 

Bound  in  dark  green  clodi 
widi  tide  stamped  in  gold 

Samuel  Hollyer, 
engraver 

After  a  daguerreotype  by 
Gabriel  Harrison 
W(dt  Whitman^  1855,  from 
Leaves  of  Grass  (1855) 
Engraving 

G^lumbia  University  New 
York,  Rare  Book  and 
Manuscript  Library,  Solton 
and  Julia  Engel  Collection 


John  Gadsby  Chapman 
147.  Italian  Goatherd^  1857 
Etching 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston, 
Gift  of  Sylvester  Rosa  Koehler 
K858 


Jean-Baptiste- 
Adolphe  Lafosse, 
lithographer 

4/^  William  Sidney 
Mount,  artist 
Francois  Delarue, 
printer 

William  Schaus, 
publisher 
148.  The  Bone  Flayer,  i^s7 

Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Purchase, 
Leonard  L.  Miiberg  Gift,  1998 
1998.416 


472   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  473 


John  Bachmann,  artist, 
lithographer,  and  publisher 
C.  Fatzer,  printer 
150.  New  York  City  and  Environs,  1859 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  James  Duane 
Taylor,  1931  31.24 


Julius  Bien,  lithographer 
After  John  James  Audubon, 
artist,  and  Robert  Havell 
Jr.,  engraver 
149.  Wild  Turkey,  1858 

Lithograph  printed  in  colors 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art  X633.3 


474   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


DeWitt  Clinton 
Hitchcock,  artist 
Hy.  J.  Ckate,  printer 

151.  Central  Park,  Lookin£[  South 
from  the  Observatory,  1859 
Lithograph  printed  in 
colors  with  hand  coloring 
Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  The  J.  Clarence 
Davies  Collection 
29.100.2299 

Arthur  Lumley, 
artist 

W.  R.C.  Clark  and 
Meeker,  publisher 

152.  The  Empire  Ciiy,  New  Torky 
Presented  to  the  Subscribers 
to  Hje  History  of  the  City 
ofNewrork/'iSs9 
Wood  engraving  and 
lithograph  printed  in 
colors 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society 


rii:9Exmi  Tt  fit  itiiexr«»3  t»  ti«  Itmir  er  Tin  mt  qf  stev  t^ie. 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS  475 


Charles  Parsons, 
artist 

Currier  and  Ives, 
printer  md  publisher 
153.  Central  Park,  Winter:  The 
Skating  Pond,  ca.  1861 
Lithograph  with  hand 
coloring 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Bequest 
of  Adele  S.  Colgate,  1962 
63.550.266 


476    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Rembrandt  van 
RijN,  artist 

154.  Saint  Jerome  Blading  in  a 
Landscape^  ca.  1654 
Etching,  drypoint,  and 
engraving,  second  state 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts, 
Boston,  Harvey  D. 
Parker  Collection  P496 

Carlo  Lossi,  cngimer 
After  TiziANO 
Vecelli  (Titian), 
artist 

155.  Bacchus  and  Ariadne,  1774 
Etching  and  engraving 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society  1858.92.043 

William  Sharp, 
eri0rav£r 

After  Benjamin  West, 
artist 

John  and  Josiah 
BoYDELL,  London^ 
publisher 

156.  Acts,  Scene 4y  from 
William  Shakespeare's 
^ngLeatf  179^ 
Engraving 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Georgiana 
W  Sargent,  in  memory 
of  John  Osborne  Sargent, 
1924  24.63.1869 

John  Burnet, 
en£fraver 

After  David  Wilkie, 
artist 

Josiah  Boydell, 
London,  publisher 

157.  The  Blind  Fiddler,  1811 
Engraving 

The  New  York  Public 
Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations, 
Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wallach  Division  of  Art, 
Prints  and  Photographs, 
Print  Collection 


155 


FOREIGN  PRINTS  477 


ND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FOREIGN   PRINTS  479 


Charles  Mottram, 
engraver 

After  ]oYm  Martin,  artist 
Williams,  Stevens 
AND  Williams,  publisher 
159 .  The  Plains  of  Heaven^  1855 

Mezzotint,  proof  before  letters 
The  New  York  Public  Library, 
Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden 
Foundations,  Miriam  and 
Ira  D.  Wallach  Division  of 
Art,  Prints  and  Photographs, 
Print  Collection 

Alphonse  Francois, 
engraver 

After  Paul  Delaroche, 
artist 

158.  Napoleon  Crossing  the  Alps, 
1852 

Engraving,  proof 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  The 
Elisha  Whittelsey  Collection, 
The  Elisha  Whittelsey 
Fund,  1949  49.40.177 


480    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Samuel  F.  B.  Morse 
i6o.  ToungMan,  1840 
Daguerreotype 

Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection, 
New  York 


PHOTOGRAPHY  48I 


Mathew  B.  Brady 
161.  Thomas  Coky  1844-48 
Daguerreotype 

National  Portrait  Gallery,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.C.,  Gift  of 
Edith  Cole  Silberstein  npg. 76.11 


Artist  unknown 
162.  Asher  B.  Durmd,  ca.  1854 
Daguerreotype 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 
PR-o  1 2-2-80 


Attributed  to  Gabriel 
Harrison 
163.  Walt  Whitman^  ca.  1854 
Daguerreotype 

The  New  York  Public  Library, 
Astor,  Lenox  and  Tilden 
Foundations,  Rare  Books  Division 


i 


I65A 


Mathew  B.  Brady 
164.  John  James  Audubon^  1847-48 
Daguerreotype 

Cincinnati  Art  Museum,  Centennial  Gift  of 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Frank  Shaifer,  Jr.  1981.144, 
1982.268 


Francis  D 'Avignon,  lithographer 
After  a  daguerreotype    M  at  h  E  w  B . 
Brady 

165A.  John  James  Audubon,  1850,  from  The  Gallery  of 
Illustrious  Americans  (1850) 
Lithograph 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924  24.90.576 


165B 


165B. 


C.  Edwards  Lester,  editor 
Francis  D 'Avion on,  lithographer 
Mathew  B.  Brady,  da^uerreolypist 
Brady,  D'Avignon  and  Company, 
publisher 

The  Gallery  of  Illustrious  Americans,  1850 
Bound  in  blue  cloth  with  gold  stamping 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 
24.90.1966 


PHOTOGRAPHY  483 


Mathew  B.  Brady 

166.  Jenny  Lind^  1852 
Daguerreotype 

Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  Museum  Purchase  and  gift  of 
Kathryn  K.  Porter  and  Charles  and 
Judy  Hudson  89.75 

Jeremiah  Gurney 

167.  Mrs.  Edward  Cooper  and  Son  Peter 
(Pierre)  Who  Died,  1858-60 
Daguerreotype 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 
PR-012-2-811 


Attributed  to  Samuel  Root  or 
Marcus  Aurelius  Root 
168.  PT.  Bamum  and  Charles  Stratton 
C^Tom  Thumb''),  1843-50 
Daguerreotype 

National  Portrait  Gallery,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.C. 
NPG.93.254 


168 


484   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Gabriel  Harrison 
169.  California  NewSy  1850-51 
Daguerreotype 
Gilman  Paper  Company 
Collection,  New  York 


GRAPHY  485 


Mathew  B.  Brady 
170.  The  Hurlbutt  Boys,  q2l.  i%so 
Daguerreotype 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 


Mathew  B.  Brady 
171.  Toun0  Boy,  i?,so-sA- 
Daguerreotype 

Hallmark  Photographic  Collection, 
Hallmark  Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City, 
Missouri  P5. 428. 013. 98 


486    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Artist  unknown 
173,  Brooklyn  Grocery  Boy  with  Parcel, 
.  1850S 
Daguerreotype 
Hallmark  Photographic 
Collection,  Hallmark  Cards, 
Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
p5.400.053.96 


Artist  unknown 
175 .  Blind  Mun  and  His  Reader  Holding  the 
'"New  Tork  Herald,''  1840s 
Daguerreotype 

Oilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New  York 


Jeremiah  Gurney 
174.  Toun£  Girl,  1858-60 
Daguerreotype 
Hallmark  Photographic 
Collection,  Hallmark  Cards, 
Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
p5.424.005.97 


Jeremiah  Gurney 
176.  A  Fireman  with  His  Horn,  ca.  1857 
Daguerreotype 

Collection  of  Matthew  R.  Isenburg 


PHOTOGRAPHY  487 


488    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Artist  unknown 
179.  Interior  View  of  the  Crystal  Palace 
ExhihitioHj  1853-54 
Daguerreotype 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society 


Artist  unknown 
180.  The  New  Paving  on  Broadway,  between 
Franklin  and  Leonard  Streets,  1850-52 
Stereo  daguerreotype  (left  panel 
illustrated) 

Collection  of  Matthew  R.  Isenburg 


William  and  Frederick 
Langenheim 
181.  New  Tork  City  and  Vicinity,  View  from 
Peter  Cooper's  Institute  toward  Astor 
Place,  ca,  1856 
Stereograph  glass  positive 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor, 
Lenox  and  Tilden  Foundations, 
Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach  Division 
of  Art,  Prints  and  Photographs, 
Robert  N.  Dennis  Collection  of 
Stereoscopic  Views 


PHOTOGRAPHY  489 


490    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Victor  Prevost 
182.  BaUety  Pkcej,  Looking  NoTthy 
1854 

Waxed  paper  negative 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society 


Victor  Prevost 
183 .  Looking  North  toward  Madison 
Square  jrom  Rear  Window  of 
Prevosfs  Apartment  at  28  East 
Twenty-ei£fhth  Street,  Summer,  1854 
Waxed  paper  negative 
The  New-York  Historical  Society 


Victor  Prevost 
184.  Looking  North  toward  Madison 
Square  from  Rear  Window  of 
Prepost^s  Apartment  at  28  East 
Twenty-eighth  Street,  Winter,  1854 
Waxed  paper  negative 
The  New-York  Historical  Society 


Attrihutedto  Silas  A.  Holmes 
or  Charles  DeForest 
Fredricks 
185.  View  down  Fifth  Avenue,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass 
negative 

The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum, 
Los  Angeles  84.XM.351.10 


PHOTOGRAPHY  491 


Attributed  to  Silas  A. 
Holmes  or  Charles 
Deforest  Fredricks 
187.  Washinpfton  Square  Park  Fountain 
with  Pedestrians^  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass 
negative 

The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum, 
Los  Angeles  84.XM.351.16 


PHOTOGRAPHY  493 


Attributed  to  Silas  A. 
Holmes  or  Charles 
Deforest  Fredricks 
1 88 .  Washington  Monument ^  at 
Fourteenth  Street  and  Union 
Square,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from 
glass  negative 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum, 
Los  Angeles  84.XM.351.12 


494   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 

r 


AtPributedto  Silas  A.  Holmes  or 
Charles  Deforest  Fredricks 
189.  PalisadeSjHiuison  River,  Tonkers  Docks, 
ca.  1855 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351.1 


Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes  or 
Charles  Deforest  Fredricks 
190.  Fort  Hamilton  and  Lon£f  Island,  C2i.  iSss 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351.7 


Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes  or 
Charles  Deforest  Fredricks 
191 .  Fort  Hamilton  and  Long  Island,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351.14 


PHOTOGRAPHY  495 


Frederick  Law  Olmsted  and 
Calvert  Vaux,  designers 
Mathew  B.  Brady,  photographer 
Calvert  Vaux,  artist 
192.  ''Greensward^^  Plan  for  Central  Park,  No.  4'  From 
Point  D,  Looking  Northeast  across  a  Landscape 
Depicting  Belvedere  Castle,  Lake,  Gondola,  and 
Gazebo,  1857 

Lithograph,  albumen  silver  print  from  glass 
negative,  and  oil  on  paper,  mounted  on  board 
Municipal  Archives,  Department  of  Records 
and  Information  Services,  City  of  New  York 
DPR3084 


Frederick  Law  Olmsted  and 
Calvert  Vaux,  designers 
Mathew  B.  Brady,  photographer 
Calvert  Vaux,  artist 
^^Greensfvard^' Plan  for  Central  Park,  No.  s:  From 
Point  E,  Looking  Southwest,  1857 
Lithograph,  albumen  silver  print  from  glass 
negative,  and  oil  on  paper,  mounted  on  board 
Municipal  Archives,  Department  of  Records 
and  Information  Services,  City  of  New  York 
DPR5085 


496    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Attributed  to  Chaklbs  DeForest 
Fredricks 
194.  Fredricks^s  Photographic  Temple  of  Art, 
New  Torkj  1857-60 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
Hallmark  Photographic  Collection, 
Hallmark  Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City, 
Missouri  P5. 390.001.95 


PHOTOGRAPHY  497 


Mathew  B.  Brady 
195.  Martin  VanBuren,  ca.  i860 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass 
negative 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  David 
Hunter  McAlpin  Fund,  1956 
56.517.4 


Mathev^^  B.  Brady 
196.  Cornelia  Van  Ness  Bjoosevelt,  ca.  i860 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection, 
New  York 


498    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE 


197.  Man's  tailored  ensemble, 
English,  ca.  1833.  The 
Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York 

Tail  coat,  blue  silk 
Purchase,  Catherine 
Brayer  Van  Bomel 
Foimdation  Fund,  1981 
1981.210.4 

Vest,  yellow  silk 
Purchase,  Irene  Lewisohn 
Bequest,  1976  1976.235. 3d 

Trousers,  natural  linen 
Purchase,  Irene  Lewisohn 
and  Alice  L.  Crowley 
Bequests,  1982  1982.316.11 

Stock,  black  silk  and  wool 
Purchase,  Gifts  from 
various  donors,  1983 
1983.27.2 

Hat,  beige  beaver 
Purchase,  Irene  Lewisohn 
Bequest,  1972  1972.139.1 

198.  Woman's  walking  ensem- 
ble, American,  1832-33. 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York 

Dress  and  pelerine, 
brown  silk 

Gift  of  Randolph  Gimter, 
1950  50.i5a,b 

Hat,  brown  straw 
Gift  of  Mr.  Lee  Simpson, 
1939  39.13.118 
Belt,  brown  woven  ribbon 
with  gilt  metal  buckle 
Purchase,  Gifts  from  vari- 
ous donors,  1984 
1984.144 

Boots,  brown  leather 
and  linen 

Gift  of  Mr.  Lee  Simpson, 
1938  38.23.i5oa,b 

Collar,  embroidered 
muslin 

Gift  of  The  New-York 
Historical  Society,  1979 
1979.346.223 

Mitts,  cotton  mesh 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Margaret 
Putnam,  1946  46.i04a,b 

Cuffs,  embroidered 
muslin 

Gift  of  Mrs.  Albert  S. 
Morrow,  1937  37.45.ioia,b 


COSTUMES  499 


Woman's  afternoon 
walking  ensemble, 
American 

Arnold 
Constable  and 
Company,  retailer 
Two-piece  day  dress, 
worn  as  a  wedding  gown 
in  1855  by  Mrs.  Peter 
Herrman,  1855 
Green-striped  taffeta 
Museum  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Florien  P.  Gass 
44.247.  iab-2ab 

Attributed    G  E  o  R  G  e 
Brodie 

Mantilla  wrap,  worn  to 
the  Prince  of  Wales  Ball, 
ca.  1853 

Embroidered  red-brown 
velvet 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Henry 
A.  Lozier,  1948  48.65 

Bonnet,  ca.  1856 
Straw,  lace,  and  brown 
velvet 

Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
CuylerT.  Rawlins 
59.124.1 

S.  Redmond, 
manufacturer 
Parasol,  ca.  1824-31 
Brown  silk  woven  with 
leaf-and-flower  border; 
turned  and  carved  wood 
stick 

Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  from  the 
Estate  of  Miss  Jessie 
Smith,  Gift  of  Clifton 
H.  Smith  70.127 


500    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


COSTUMES  501 


200.  Woman's  afternoon  walking 
ensemble 

Two-piece  day  dress, 

American,  ca.  1855 

Plaid  taffeta  and  silk  braid 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 

of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 

Mrs.  Edwin  R.  Metcalf,  1969 

69.32.2a,b 

Paisley  shawl,  European, 
mid- 1 9th  century 
Silk  and  wool 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mr.  E.  L.  Waid,  1955  Ci.55.41 

Bonnet,  American,  ca.  1850 
Silk 

Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  Gift  of  Grant 
Keehn  62.235.2 


A.  T.  Stewart,  mailer 
201.  Wedding  veil  (detail),  Irish, 
1850 

Net  with  Carrickmacross 
applique 

Valentine  Museum,  Richmond, 
Virginia,  Gift  of  Elizabeth 
Valentine  Gray  05.21.10 


Tiffany  and  Company, 
retmler 
202.  Fan,  European,  1850s 

Printed  vellum,  carved  and  gilded 

mother-of-pearl 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 

Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Caroline 

Ferriday,  1981  1981.40 


Middleton  and 
Ryckman,  manufacturer 
203.  Pair  of  slippers,  1848-50 

Bronze  kid  with  robin's-egg  blue 
embroidery 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Miss  Florence  A. 
Williams  58.2i2.ia,b 


502   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


204.  Woman's  evening  toilette,  worn 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales  Bali,  i860 


Attributed  wWoKTU  et 
BoBERGH,  Pans 
Ball  gown,  worn  by  Mrs.  David 
Lyon  Gardiner,  i860 
Cut  velvet,  woven  in  Lyon 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Miss  Sarah  Diodati 
Gardiner  59.26a,b 

Bouquet  holder,  carried  by 
Mrs.  Antonio  Yznaga,  i860 
Gold  filigree 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Lady  Lister-Kaye 
33.27.1 

George  IV-style  riviere,  mid- 
19th  century 
Paste,  silver,  and  gold 
James  II  Galleries,  Ltd. 

Headdress,  ca.  i860 
Teal  chenille  with  satin  glass  beads 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  John  Penn 
Brock  42.445.9 

205.  Woman's  evening  toilette,  worn 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales  Ball,  i860 

Ball  gown,  worn  by  the  great-aunt 
of  the  Misses  Braman,  i860 
Cut  velvet  en  disposition  woven 
in  Lyon,  point-de-gazc  lace 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  the  Misses  Braman 
53.40.i6a-d 

Fan,  carried  by  Mrs.  William  H. 
Sackett,  i860 

Black  Chantilly  lace  and  mother- 
of-pearl 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  the  Misses  Emma 
C.  and  Isabel  T.  Sackett,  1937 
37.326.4 

Mantilla  wrap,  worn  by  Mrs. 
Jonas  C.  Dudley,  i860 
Black  embroidered  net 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Russell  deC. 
Greene  49.101 

Necklace,  American,  mid-i9th 
century 

Strung  pearlwork 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Alfred  Schermerhom,  in  memory 
of  Mrs.  Ellen  Schermerhom 
Auchmuty,  1946  46.101. 8 

Headdress,  ca.  i860 

Black  Chantilly  lace,  silk-and- 

wool  flowers 

Museum  of  the  City  of 

New  York,  Gift  of  Miss  Martia 

Leonard  33.143.4 


COSTUMES  503 


504   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


JEWELRY  505 


209 


Tiffany  and  Company, 
retailer 

209.  Hair  bracelet,  ca.  1850 
Hair,  yellow  gold,  glass, 
diamonds,  silver,  and  textile 
The  New-York  Historical 
Society  INV.774 

Edward  Burr 

210.  Parure  (brooch  and  earrings), 
1858-60 

Yellow  gold,  pearls,  diamonds, 
enamel,  and  blue  enamel 
Private  collection 


Tiffany  and  Company 
Seed-pearl  necklace  and  pair 
of  bracelets,  purchased  by 
President  Abraham  Lincoln 
for  Mary  Todd  Lincoln, 
ca.  i860 

Seed  pearls  and  yellow  gold 
Library  of  Congress, 
Washington,  D.C.,  Rare  Book 
and  Special  Collections 
Division  2.87.276,1-3 


211 


506    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Manufacturer 
UNKNOWN,  British 
212.  Ingrain  carpet,  ca.  1835-40 
Wool 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Stuart  Feld,  1980 
1980.511.8 


DECORATIONS  FOR  THE  HOME  5O7 


Manufacturer 
UNKNOWN,  probably 
American 
213.  Ingrain  carpet,  ca.  1850-60 
Wool 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Frances  W. 
Geyer,  1972  1972.203 


508    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


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O  O  4i  4i  $  #  0  til  4i  O  O 


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a  lOih  jwii  iirTi  r  fi^  n™m  f' 


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Elizabeth  Van  Horne 
Clarkson 
214.  Honeycomb  quilt,  ca.  1830 
Cotton 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  William  A.  Moore,  1923 
23.80.75 


DECORATIONS  FOR  THE  HOME  5O9 


Maria  Theresa  Baldwin 
Hollander 
215.  Abolition  quilt,  ca.  1855 

Silk  embroidered  with  silk  and 
silk-chenille  thread 
Society  for  the  Preservation  of 
New  England  Antiquities,  Boston, 
Loaned  by  the  Estate  of  Mrs. 
Benjamin  F.  Pitman  2.1923 


5IO    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Manufacturer 
u N  KN  OWN ,  New  Tork  City 
216.  Wallpaper  depicting  the  west  side 
of  Wall  Street;  the  Battery  and 
Casde  Garden;  Wall  Street  with 
Trinity  Church;  Grace  Church; 
and  City  Hall,  ca.  1850 
Roller-printed  paper 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  The  Edward  W  C. 
Arnold  Collection  of  New  York 
Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest 
of  Edward  W  C.  Arnold,  1954 
54.90.734 


Manufacturer  unknown, 
probably  New  York  City 

217,  Entrance-hall  wallpaper  from 
the  George  Collins  house, 
Unionvale,  New  York,  ca.  1850 
Roller-printed  paper 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Adrienne  A.  Sheridan,  1956 
56.599.10 

Manufacturer  unknown, 
probably  New  York  City 

218.  Window  shade  depicting  the 
Crystal  Palace,  1853 
Hand-painted  and  roller-printed 
paper 

Cooper-Hewitt,  National  Design 
Museum,  Smithsonian  Institution, 
New  York,  Museum  purchase  in 
memory  of  Eleanor  and  Sarah 
Hewitt  1944. 66. 1 


DECORATIONS  FOR  THE  HOME  5II 


512   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


DECORATIONS   FOR  THE   HOME  5I3 


Fisher  and  Bird 
220.  Mantel  depicting  scenes 
from  Jacques-Henri 
Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre's 
Paulet  Virginie  (1788),  1851 
Marble 

Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Edward  W.  Freeman,  1932 

Manufacturer  32-269a-h,j 
UNKNOWN,  French 
219.  Brocatelle,  ca.  1850-55 
Silk  and  linen 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Rogers 
Fund,  1948  48.55.4 


514   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  NewTork 
City 

221.  Armchair,  ca.  1825 
Ebonized  maple  and 
cherry;  walnut;  gilding; 
replacement  underuphol- 
stery  and  showcover 
Winterthur  Museum, 
Winterthur,  Delaware, 
Bequest  of  Henry  F.  du 
Pont  57-0739 

Deming  and 

BULKLEY 

222.  Center  table,  1829 
Rosewood  and  mahogany 
veneers;  pine,  chestnut, 
mahogany;  gilding,  rose- 
wood graining,  bronzing; 
"Egyptian"  marble;  casters 
Mulberry  Plantation, 
Camden,  South  Carolina 

Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  NewTork 
City 

223.  Secretary- bookcase. 


ca.  1850 


Ebonized  mahogany, 
mahogany,  mahogany 
veneer;  pine,  poplar, 
cherry;  gilding,  bronzing; 
stamped  brass  orna- 
ments; glass  drawer  pulls; 
replacement  fabric;  glass 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Francis 
Hartman  Markoe,  i960 
60.29. ia,b 


222 


FURNITURE  5I5 


$16    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  Nm Tork  City 
224.  Sofa,  ca.  1830 

Mahogany,  mahogany 
veneer;  marble;  gilt-bronze 
mounts;  original  under- 
upholstery  on  back  and  sides, 
replacement  showcover; 
casters 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art, 
Maria  L.  Emmons  Fund 
41.1181 


Endicott  and  Swett, 
printer  and  publisher 
225,  Broadside  for  Joseph  Meeks  and 
Sons,  1833 

Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mrs. 
Reed  W.  Hyde,  1943  43.15-8 


FURNITURE  $IJ 


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5l8    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  New  Tork  City 

226.  French  chair,  ca.  1830 
Mahogany,  mahogany  veneer; 
chestnut;  original  undenipholstery 
and  showcover  fragments,  replace- 
ment showcover 

Private  collection 

Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons 

227.  Pier  table,  ca.  1835 
Mahogany  veneer,  mahogany; 
"Egyptian"  marble;  mirror  glass 
Collection  of  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Emil 
F.  Pascarelli 


John  H.  Williams  and 
Son 

228.  Pier  mirror,  ca.  1845 
Gilded  pine;  pine;  plate-glass 
mirror 

Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peter 
G.  Terian 

Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  New  Tork  City 

229.  Fall-front  secretary,  1833-ca,  1841 
Mahogany  veneer,  mahogany, 
ebonized  wood;  pine,  poplar, 
cherry,  white  oak;  brass;  leather; 
mirror  glass 

Collection  of  Frederick  W. 
Hughes 


520  art  and  the  empire  city 

Duncan  Phyfe  and  Son 

230.  Six  nested  tables,  1841 

Rosewood,  rosewood  veneer;  mahogany; 
gilding  not  original 

Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peter  G.  Tcrian 

Duncan  Phyfe  and  Son 

231.  Armchair,  1841 

Mahogany,  mahogany  veneer;  chesmut; 
replacement  imderupholstery  and  showcover 
Collection  of  Richard  Hampton  Jenrette 


FURNITURE  521 


Duncan  Phyfe  and  Son 
232.  Couch,  1841 

Rosewood  veneer,  rosewood, 
mahogany;  sugar  pine,  ash,  poplar; 
rosewood  graining;  replacement 
underupholstery  and  showcover 
Collection  of  Richard  Hampton 
Jenrette 


522    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FURNITURE  523 


Alexander  Jackson  Davis, 
designer 

Richard  Byrne,  White  Plains, 
New  Tork,  cabinetmaker 
234.  Hall  chair,  ca.  1845 

Oak;  original  cane  seat,  replacement 
cushion 

Lyndhurst,  A  National  Trust 
Historic  Site,  Tarrytown,  New  York 


J.  and  J.  W.  Meeks 
233.  Portfolio  cabinet-on-stand,  with  a 
scene  from  Shakespeare's  Romeo  and 
Juliet,  ca.  1845 

Rosewood;  rosewood  and  maple 
veneers;  cross-stitched  needlepoint 
panel;  replacement  fabric;  glass 
Collection  of  Mrs.  Sammie  Chandler 


Alexander  Jackson  Davis, 
desi£iner 

Possibly  ^VK-i^s  and  Brother, 
cabinetmaker 
235.  Side  chair,  ca.  1857 

Black  walnut;  replacement  underuphol- 
stery  and  showcover 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  Jane  B.  Davies,  in 
memory  of  Lyn  Davies,  1995  1995. iii 


524   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FURNITURE  525 


Cabinetmaker  unknown, 
probably  French  (probably  Paris) 
Retailed  by  Charles  A. 
Baudouine,  cabinetmaker 

237.  Lady's  writing  desk,  1849-54 
Ebonized  poplar  (aspen  or  Cot- 
tonwood) ;  painted  and  gilded 
decoration;  velvet 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Gift 
of  the  William  N.  Banks  Foundation 
in  memory  of  Laurie  Crichton 
1979.612 

Thomas  Brooks,  Brooklyn^ 
New  York 

238.  Table-top  bookcase  made  for  Jenny 
Lind,  1 851 

Rosewood;  ivory;  silver 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
Gift  of  Arthur  S.  Vernay  52.24.  la 

John  T.  Bowen,  Philadelphia, 
lithographer 

4/^^rJoHN  James  Audubon, 
artist,  and  Ko'^'e.Ki:  Havell 
Jr.,  engraver 

J.  J.  Audubon  and  J.  B. 
Chevalier,  NewTork  and 
Philadelphia^  publisher 
Matthews  and  Rider, 
bookbinders 

239.  The  Birds  of  America^  from  Drawings 
Made  in  the  United  States  and  Their 
Territories,  1840-44 

Bound  in  ivory,  red,  green,  and 
blue  leather  with  gold  stamping 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Arthur  S.  Vernay 
52.24.2a-g 


239 


526    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FURNITURE  527 


528    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FURNITURE  529 


GUSTAVE  HeRTER, 

designer 

Bulkley  and  Herter, 
cabinetmaker 
241.  Bookcase,  1853 

White  oak;  eastern  white 
pine,  eastern  hemlock,  yellow 
poplar;  leaded  glass  not 
original 

The  Nelson-Atkins  Museum 
of  Art,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
(Purchase:  Nelson  Trust 
through  the  exchange  of  gifts 
and  bequests  of  numerous 
donors  and  other  Trust  prop- 
erties) 97-35 


Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  NewTorkCity 
NuNNs  AND  Clark, 
piano  manufacturer 
242.  Square  piano,  1853 

Rosewood,  rosewood  veneer; 
mother-of-pearl,  tortoiseshell, 
abalone  shell 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
George  Lowther,  1906 
06.1312 


530    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


FURNITURE  53I 


Alexander  Roux 

243.  Etagere-sideboard,  ca.  1853-54 
Black  walnut;  pine,  poplar 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Purchase,  Friends  of  the 
American  Wing  Fund  and  David 
Schwartz  Foundation  Inc.  Gift,  199; 
1993.168 

Cabinetmaker  unknown, 
French  (probably  Paris) 

244.  Center  table,  1855-57 

Gilded  poplar  (possibly  aspen  or  co 
tonwood);  beech;  marble  top;  caste 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of 
Marion  Litchfield  51.112.9 

Attributed  to  J.  H.  Belter  and 
Company 

245.  Sofa,  ca.  1855 

Rosewood;  probably  replacement 
underupholstery,  replacement 
showcover;  casters 
Milwaukee  Art  Museum,  Purchase, 
Bequest  of  Mary  Jane  Rayniak  in 
Memory  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Joseph  G. 
K^yniak  M1987.16 


244 


532    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Alexander  Roux 

246.  Etagere,  ca.  1855 
Rosewood,  rosewood 
veneer;  chestnut,  poplar, 
bird's-eye  maple  veneer; 
replacement  mirror  glass 
The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Sansbury- 
Mills  Fund,  1971  1971.219 

Cabinetmaker 
UNKNOWN,  probably  New 
Tork  City 

247.  Fire  screen,  ca.  1855 
Rosewood;  white  pine; 
tent-stitched  needlepoint 
panel;  glass;  replacement 
silk  backing;  casters 
The  Art  Institute  of 
Chicago,  Mary  Waller 
Langhorne  Endowment 
1989.155 


534   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Ringuet-Leprince 

AND  L.  MaRCOTTE 

248.  Armchair,  ca.  1856 
Ebonized  maple;  pine;  gilt- 
bronze  mounts;  replacement 
underupholstery  and 
showcover;  casters 

The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art,  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  D.  Chester  Noyes,  1968 
68.69.2 

GUSTAVE  HeRTER 

249.  Reception-room  cabinet, 
ca.  i860 

Bird's-eye  maple,  rosewood, 
ebony,  marquetry  of  various 
woods;  white  pine,  cherry, 
poplar,  oak;  oil  on  canvas; 
gilt-bronze  mounts;  brass 
inlay;  gilding;  mirror  glass 
Victoria  Mansion,  The 
Morse-Libby  House, 
Pordand,  Maine  1984.65 


FURNITURE  535 


536    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


250 


CERAMICS  537 


Maker  unknown,  French 
(Paris) 

250.  Vase  depicting  New  York  City  from 
Governors  Island,  ca.  1828-30 
Porcelain,  overglaze  enamel 
decoration,  and  gilding 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stuart 
P.  Feld 

Maker  unknown,  French 
(Paris) 

251.  Pair  of  vases  depicting  a  scene  on 
Lower  Broadway  with  Saint  Paul's 
Chapel  and  an  interior  view  of 
the  First  Merchants'  Exchange, 
ca.  1831-35 

Porcelain,  overglaze  enamel 
decoration,  and  gilding 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick 
Fund,  1938  38.165.35, 38.165.36 

Maker  unknown,  French 
(probably  Limoges) 

252.  Pair  of  vases  with  scenes  from 
Harriet  Beecher  Stowe's  Uncle  Tom^s 
Cabin  (1852),  ca.  1852-65 
Porcelain  with  gilding 

The  Newark  Museum,  Purchase, 
1968,  Mrs.  Parker  O.  Griffith  Fund 
68.io6a,b 


251 


252 


538    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


] AMES  and  Kalvu  Clews, 
English  (Staffordshire) 

253.  Platter  depicting  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette's  arrival  at  Casde  Garden, 
August  16, 1824,  ca.  1825-34 
White  earthenware  with  blue 
transfer-printed  decoration 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Harry  Horton 
Benkard  34.508.2 

Joseph  Stubbs,  Er^lish 
(Lofi0port;,  Burskm,  Suiffbrdshire) 

254.  Pitcher  depicting  City  Hall,  New 
York,  ca.  1826-36 

White  earthenware  with  blue 
transfer-printed  decoration 
Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur, 
Delaware,  Bequest  of  Henry  F. 
duPont  58.1819 


CERAMICS  539 


Decasse  and  Chanou 
255.  Tea  service,  1824-27 
Porcelain  with  gilding 
Kaufman  Americana  Foundation 


540    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


D.  AND  J.  Henderson 
Flint  Stoneware 
Manufactory,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 
256.  End  of  the  Rabbit  Hunt  pitcher, 
ca.  1828-30 

Stoneware,  wheel-thrown  with 
applied  decoration 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay 
Lewis 


D.  AND  J.  Henderson 
Flint  Stoneware 
Manufactory,  Jersey  City^ 
New  Jersey 
257.  Acorn  and  Berry  pitcher, 
ca.  1830-35 

Stoneware,  press-molded  with 

applied  decoration 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 

New  York,  Purchase,  Dr.  and  Mrs. 

Burton  P.  Fabricand  Gift,  2000 

2000.87 


D.  and  J.  Henderson 
Flint  Stoneware 
Manufactory,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 
258.  Herculaneum  pitcher,  ca.  1830-33 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with 
applied  decoration 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay 
Lewis 


CERAMICS  541 


542    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


American  Pottery 
Manufacturing 
Com  p an  y,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 

Daniel  Greatbach, 
probable  modeler 

259.  Thistle  pitcher,  1838-52 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with 
brown  Rockingham  glaze 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Maude  B. 
Feld  and  Samuel  B.  Feid,  1992 
1992.230 

American  Pottery 
Manufacturing 
Company,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 

260.  Vegetable  dish,  ca.  1833-45 
White  earthenware,  press-molded 
with  feather-edged  and  blue 
sponged  decoration 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Purchase,  Herbert 
and  Jeanine  Coyne  Foundation 
and  Cranshaw  Corporation  Gifts, 
1997  1997.105 

American  Pottery 
Manufacturing 
Company,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 

261.  Covered  hot-milk  pot  or  teapot 
and  underplate,  ca.  1835-45 
White  earthenware,  press-molded 
with  blue  sponged  decoration 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay 
Lewis 


319 


CERAMICS  543 


American  Pottery 
Manufacturing 
Company,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 

262.  Canova  plate,  1835-45 
White  earthenware,  press- 
molded  with  blue  underglaze 
transfer-printed  decoration 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art 
50.144 

American  Pottery 
Manufacturing 
Company,  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey 

Daniel  Greatbach, 
modeler 

263.  Pitcher  made  for  William  Henry 
Harrison's  presidential  campaign, 
1840 

Cream-colored  earthenware, 
press-molded  with  black 
underglaze  transfer-printed 
decoration 

New  Jersey  State  Museum, 
Trenton  CH1986.11 


CERAMICS  545 


Salamander  Works,  New 
York  City  or  Woodbrid0e,  New  Jersey 
265.  Punch  bowl,  ca.  1836-42 

Stoneware,  press-molded  with 
brown  Rockingham  glaze,  porcelain 
letters 

Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur, 
Delaware,  Bequest  of  Henry  F. 
du  Pont  59.1937 


Salamander  Works,  New 
Tork  City  or  Woodbric^e,  New  Jersey 
264.  Water  cooler,  1836-45 

Stoneware,  press-molded  with 
brown  Rockingham  glaze 
New  Jersey  State  Museum, 
Trenton  1971.70 


546   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


CERAMICS  547 


Salamander  Works,  New 
York  City  or  WoodbridpfCy  New  Jersey 
266.  "Spanish"  pitcher,  ca.  1837-42 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with 
brown  Rockingham  glaze 
Collection  of  Arthur  F.  and  Esther 
Goldberg 


Charles  Cartlidge  and 
C o M p AN  Y,  Greenpoint  (Brooklyn)^ 
NewTork 

267.  Presentation  pitcher  for  the  governor 
of  the  state  of  New  York  from  the 
Manufacturing  and  Mercantile 
Union,  1854-56 

Porcelain,  with  overglaze  decoration 
in  polychrome  enamels  and  gilding 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay 
Lewis 


S4-S    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


United  States  Pottery 
Company,  Bennington^ 
Vermont 

270.  Central  monument  from  the 
United  States  Pottery  Company 
display  at  the  New-York  Exhibition 
of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations 
(1853-54),  1851-53 
Earthenware,  including 
Rockingham  and  Flint  enamel- 
glazed  earthenware,  scroddled 
ware;  parian  porcelain 
Bennington  Museum,  Bennington, 
Vermont  1989.63 


Charles  Cartlidge  and 
Company,  Greenpoint 
(Brooklyn))  New  Tork 
268.  Pitcher  made  for  the  Claremont, 
1853-56 

Porcelain,  with  overglaze 
decoration  in  polychrome 
enamels  and  gilding 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Gift  of  Miss  Dorothy 
Rogers  and  Mrs.  Edward  H. 
Anson  49.44.4 


William  Boch  and 
Brothers,  Greenpoint 
(Brooklyn),  New  Tork 
269.  Pitcher,  1844-57 
Porcelain 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Purchase, 
Anonymous  Gift,  1968  68.112 


269 


270 


550    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Probably  ^LOOMinGT> ALE  Flint 
Glass  Works  of  Richard  and  John 
Fisher^  New Tork  City,  or  Brooklyn 
Flint  Glass  Works  of  John 
Gillilandf  Brooklyn,  New  Tork 

271.  Decanter  (one  of  a  pair),  1825-45 
Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut 
decoration 

Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur, 
Delaware,  Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robert 
Trump  77.oi8i.ooia,b 

Jersey  Glass  Company  of 
Geor£fe  Dummer,  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey 

272.  Salt,  1830-40 
Pressed  green  glass 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Purchase,  Butzi  Moffitt 
Gift,  1985  1985.129 


Jersey  Glass  Company  of 
George  Dumme%  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey 
273.  Compote,  ca.  1830-40 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
The  Corning  Museum  of  Glass, 
Corning,  New  York  71.4.108 


552    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


276. 


Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass 
Wo  RKS  of  Richard  and  John  Fisher, 
New  York  City,  or  ^koo klyn  Glass 
Wo  RKS  of  John  L.  GiUiland,  Brooklyn, 
NewTorkj  or  Jersey  Glass 
Company  of  George  Dumnter,  Jersey 
City,  New  Jersey 

Possibly  cut  by  Jackson  and 
Baggott 

Decanter  and  wine  glasses,  ca.  1825-35 
Blown  green  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  Berry  B.  Tracy,  1972 
1972.266.1-7 


Jersey  Glass  Company  of 
George  Dummer,  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey 
274.  Covered  box,  ca.  1830-40 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut 
decoration;  silver  cover 
The  Coming  Museum  of  Glass, 
Coming,  New  York  71.4.110 

Jersey  Glass  Company  of 
George  Dummer,  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey 
275.  Oval  dish,  ca.  1830-40 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
The  Coming  Museum  of  Glass, 
Coming,  New  York  71.4.113 


GLASS  553 


554   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Maker  unknown,  NmTork 
City  area 

277.  A  selection  from  a  service  of  table  glass 
made  for  a  member  of  the  Weld  family, 
Albany,  1840-59 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  and 

engraved  decoration 

Albany  Institute  of  History  and  Art 

1984.24.3.1-14 

Long  Island  Flint  Glass 
Works  of  Christian  D(nflin0er, 
Brooklyn,  New  Tork 

278.  Presentation  vase  for  Mrs.  Christian 
Dorflinger  from  the  Dorflinger 
Guards,  1859 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  and 
engraved  decoration 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  Isabel  Lambert 
Dorflinger,  1988  1988.391.1 


GLASS  555 


Long  Island  Flint 
Glass  Works  of 
CJmstian.DorfUn0er, 
Brooklyn^  New  Tark 

279.  Compote  made  for  the 
White  House,  1861 
Blown  colorless  glass, 
with  cut  and  engraved 
decoration 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Katheryn 
Hait  Dorflinger  Manchee, 
1972  1972.232.1 

William  Jay 
BpLTON,  assisted  by 
John  Bolton 

280.  Christ  StiUs  the  Tempest  J 
one  of  sixty  figural  win- 
dows made  for  Holy 
Trinity  Church  (now  St. 
Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity 
Church),  Brooklyn, 
1844-47 

Opaque  glass  paint, 
enamels,  and  silver  stain 
on  pot-metal  glass 
St.  Ann  and  the  Holy 
Trinity  Church,  Brooklyn, 
New  York.  The  window 
has  been  restored  with 
the  support  of  Catherine 
S.  Boericke  and  Francis 
T.  Chambers,  III, 
descendants  of  William 
Jay  Bolton,  and  public 
funds  from  The  Hew 
York  City  Department  of 
Cultural  Affairs  Cultural 
Challenge  Program. 


558    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


28IA 


Archibald  Robertson,  designer 

Charles  Gushing  Wright, 

engraver  and  die  sinker 

Lettering  by  Richard  Trested,  upon 

die  made  by  Willi  AM  Williams 

Struck  by  Malt  BY  Pelletreau, 

silversmith 

282A,  B.   Grand  Canal  Celebration  medal  and 
original  box,  1826 

Medal:  silver;  box:  bird's-eye  maple  and 
paper 

New  York  State  Historical  Association, 
Cooperstown,  gift  of  James  Fenimore 
Cooper  (1858-1938,  grandson  of  author) 
N036i.63(i) 

Archibald  Robertson,  des^ner 
Charles  Cushing  Wright, 
en£fmver 

28 3 A,  B.  Grand  Canal  Celebration  medal  and 
presentation  case,  1826 
Medal:  gold;  case:  wood  and  red  leather 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 
Miss  G.  Wilbour  I932.68a,b 

Baldwin  Gardiner,  silverware 
manufacturer  and  fancy-hardware 
retailer 

284.  Four-piece  tea  service,  ca.  1830 
Silver 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Arthur  Percy  Clapp  34.292.1-4 


Fletcher  and  Gardiner, 
Philadelphia,  manufaaurin^  silversmith 
Thomas  Fletcher,  desi£fner 
281A.  Presentation  vase,  1824 
Silver 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Purchase,  Louis  V  Bell 
and  Rogers  Funds;  Anonymous  and 
Robert  G.  Goelet  Gifts;  and  Gifts 
of  Fenton  L.  B.  Brown  and  of  the 
grandchildren  of  Mrs.  Ranson 
Spaford  Hooker,  in  her  memory,  by 
exchange,  1982  1982.4 

Fletcher  and  Gardiner, 
Fhiladelphia,  manufacturing  silversmith 
Thomas  Fletcher,  designer 
281B.  Presentation  vase,  1825 
Silver 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 
New  York,  Gift  of  the  Erving  and 
Joyce  Wolf  Foundation,  1988 
1988.199 


281B 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK  559 


S60    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK 


Baldwin  Gardiner,  silverware 
manufaaurer  and  fancy-hardware  retailer 
286.  Tureen  with  cover  on  stand,  ca.  1830 
Silver 

Private  collection  92.24.usa-c 

Gale  and  Moseley,  silverware 
manufaaurer 
285.  Coffee  urn,  1829 
Silver 

The  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts,  Founders 
Society  Purchase,  Edward  E.  Rothman 
Fund,  Mrs.  Charles  Theron  Van  Dusen 
Fund  and  the  Gibbs-Williams  Fund 
I999.3.a,b 


562    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK  563 


Maker  unknown,  probably  English 
J.  and  I.  Cox  {or].  AND  J.  Cox), 
retailer 

289.  Pair  of  argand  lamps,  ca.  1835 
Brass  and  glass 

Dallas  Museum  of  Art  1992.8.152.1,2 


564   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


290 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK 


Colin  V.  G.  Forbes  and 
Son,  manufacturing  silversmith 

290.  Presentation  hot-water  urn,  1835 
Silver;  iron  heating  core 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Gerard  L.  Eastman,  Jr. 

MoRiTz  FuRST,  engraver  and 
die  sinker 

291.  Medal  (obverse  and  reverse), 
ca. 1838 

Silver 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  William 
Forbes  II,  1952  52. 113. 2 


Charles-  Gushing 
Wright,  engraver 
Peter  Paul  Duggan, 
designer 

American  Art-Union  medal 
depicting  Washington  Allston, 
1847 
Bronze 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Janis 
Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz, 
1997  1997.484.1 


292. 


293. 


294- 


295- 


Charles  Gushing 
Wright,  engraver 
Salathiel  Ellis,  modeler 
American  Art-Union  medal 
depicting  Gilbert  Stuart,  1848 
Bronze 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Janis 
Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz, 
1997  1997.484.2 

Charles  Gushing 
Wright,  engraver 
Peter  Paul  Duggan, 
designer 

Seal  of  the  American  Art-Union 
(reverse  of  medal  depicting 
Gilbert  Stuart),  1848 
Bronze 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  F.  S.  Wait,  1907  1907.07.34 

Charles  Gushing 
Wright,  engraver 
Robert  Ball  Hughes, 
modeler 

Peter  Paul  Duggan, 
designer  of  reverse 
American  Art-Union  medal 
depicting  John  Trumbull,  1849 
Bronze 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Janis 
Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz, 
1997  1997.484.3 


566    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK  567 


297 


William  Adams, 
manufacturing  silversmith 

296.  Presentation  vase  with  cover, 

1845 
Silver 

The  Henry  Clay  Memorial 
Foundation,  located  at  Ashland, 
The  Henry  Clay  Estate  in 
Lexington,  Kentucky.  Gift  of 
Colonel  Robert  Pepper  Clay 
88.039a,b 

William  F.  Ladd, 
watchmaker  and  retail  jeweler 

297.  Trophy  pitcher,  1846 
Silver 

The  New-York  Historical 
Society,  Purchase,  Lyndhurst 
Corporation  Abbott- Lenox  Fund 
1981.19 

ZaLMON  BoSTVi^ICK, 

silverware  manufacturer 

298.  Pitcher  and  goblet,  1845 
Silver 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  gift  of 
the  Estate  of  May  S.  Kelley,  by 
exchange  81.179.1,2 


Gale  and  Hayden, 
patentee  of  design 
William  Gale  and 
Son,  manufacturing 
silversmith 

299.  Gothic-pattern  crumber, 
design  patented  1847 
Silver 

Collection  of  Robert 
Mehlman 

Gale  and  Hayden, 
patentee  ofd€si£fn 
William  Gale  and 
Son,  m^mufacturing 
silversmith 

300.  Gothic-pattern  dessert  knife, 
sugar  sifter,  fork,  and  spoon, 
design  patented  1847,  knife 
dated  1852,  fork  1853, 
spoon  1848 

Silver 

Dallas  Museum  of  Art 
1991.12  (knife),  1991.101.14.1-3 
(sifter,  fork,  and  spoon) 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK  569 


John  C.  Moore, 
mcmufacturing  silversmith 
James  Dixon  and 
Sons,  English  (Sheffield)y 
manufacturer  of  tray 
Ball,  Tompkins  and 
Black,  retail  silversmith 
and  jeweler 
301.  Presentation  tea  and  coffee 
service  with  tray 
Silver 

Pitcher,  1850 
Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  gift  of  Charles 
Stedman,  Jr.  62.161 


Hot-milk  pot,  1850 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  R  R. 
Lefferts,  1969  69. 141. 5 


Hot-water  kettle  on  stand, 
1850 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  ER. 
Lefferts,  1969  69.141.1a-d 


Sugar  bowl  with  cover, 
1850 

The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  ofMrs.RR. 
Lefferts,  1969  69.i4i.2a,b 


Tray,  ca.  1850 
Silver-plated  base  metal 
The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  F.  R. 
Lefferts,  1969  69. 141. 4 


Starr,  Fellows  and 
Company  wFellows, 
Hoffman  and 
Company 

302.  Four-branch  gasolier  with 
central  figure  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  ca.  1857 
Patinated  spelter,  gilt  brass, 
lacquered  brass,  iron,  and  glass 
Louisiana  State  University 
Museum  of  Art,  Baton 
Rouge,  Louisiana,  Gift  of  the 
Baton  Rouge  Coca-Cola 
Bottling  Company  82.13 

DiETz,  Brother  and 
Company 

303.  Three-piece  girandole  set 
depicting  Louis  Kossuth, 
leader  of  the  Hungarian 
Revolution  (1848),  1851 
Bronze,  lacquer,  and  brass 
The  Newark  Museum, 
Anonymous  Gift  of  Two 
Friends  of  the  Decorative 
Arts,  1992  92.6a-c 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK  57I 


572   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


308 


309 


SILVER  AND  OTHER  METALWORK 


William  Forbes, 
manufacturing  silversmith 
Ball,  Tompkins  and 
Black,  retail  silversmith  and 
jeweler 

306.  Pitcher  and  goblet  (one  of  two), 
1851 
Silver 

Museum  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  Gift  of  Frank  D. 
Morgans  54.97-ia,b 

Tiffany  and  Company, 
manufacturing  and  retail 
silversmith  and  jeweler 
507.  Medal  (obverse  and  reverse), 
1859 
Gold 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Cyrus 
W.  Field,  1892  92.10.3 

Tiffany  and  Company, 
manufacturing  and  retail 
silversmith  and  jeweler 

308.  Presentation  box,  1859 
Gold 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York,  Gift  of  Cyrus 
W.  Field,  1892  92.10.7 

Tiffany  and  Company, 
manufacturing  and  retail 
silversmith  and  jeweler 

309.  Mounted  section  of 
transadantic  telegraph 
cable,  1858 

Steel  and  brass 
Collection  of  D.  Albert 
Soeffing 

Tiffany  and  Company, 
manufacturing  and  retail 
silversmith  and  jeweler 

310.  Pitcher  from  a  service  presented 
to  Colonel  Abram  Duryee  of 
the  Seventh  Regiment,  New 
York  National  Guard,  by  his 
fellow  citizens,  1859 
Sterling  silver 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Bequest  of  Emily 
Frances  Whitney  Briggs 
55.257.5 


31Q 


Checklist  of  the  Exhibition 


PORTRAITS 

John  Trumbull,  1756-1843 

1.  Alexander  Hamilton,  1792 
Oil  on  canvas 

86^  X  57^  in.  (219. i  x  146. i  cm) 
Donaldson,  Lufkin  &  Jenrette  Collection  of 
Americana,  New  York  81. 11 
Commissioned  by  die  New  York  Chamber 
of  Commerce 

Samuel  R  B.  Morse,  1791-1872 

2.  Marquis  de  Lafayette  (Marie-Joseph-Paul-Tves- 
Roch-Gilbert  du  Motier  de  Lafayette),  1825-26 
Oil  on  canvas 

96  X  64  in.  (243.8  X  162.6  cm) 

Signed  at  bottom  right:  Morse 

Colleaion  of  the  City  of  New  York,  courtesy  of 

the  Art  Commission  of  the  City  of  New  York 

Commissioned  by  the  City  of  New  York 

John  Wesley  Jarvis,  1780-1840 

3.  Washin£fton  Irpin^,  1809 
Oil  on  panel 

33  X  26  in.  (83.8  X  66  cm) 

Historic  Hudson  Valley,  Tarrytown,  New 

York  ss.62.2 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  1791-1872 

4.  De  Witt  Clinton,  1826 
Oil  on  canvas 

30  X  25^  in.  (76.2  X  63.8  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Rogers  Fund,  1909  09.18 

Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 

in  1826,  the  year  Morse  became  its  president 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  1791-1872 

5.  Fitz-Greene  Halleck,  1828 
Oil  on  canvas 

29i  X  24I  in.  (75.9  X  63.2  cm) 

The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 

and  Tilden  Foundations 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  1791-1872 

6.  William  Cullen  Bryant,  1828-29 
Oil  on  canvas 

30  X  24I  in.  (76.2  X  63.2  cm) 

National  Academy  of  Design,  New  York  892-p 

Charles  Cromwell  Ingham,  born  Ireland, 
1796-1863 

7.  Gulian  Crommelin  Verplanck,  ca.  1830 
Oil  on  canvas 

30  X  25^  in.  (76.2  X  64.1  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  right:  C.C.  Ingham  pinx*^; 
on  verso:  C.C.  Ingham  pinx*  New  York 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 
Members  of  the  Society  1878.2 


Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886 

8.  Self  Portrait,  ca.  1835 
Oil  on  canvas 

30§  X  2sk  in.  (76.5  X  64.1  cm) 

National  Academy  of  Design,  New  York  384-p 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886 

9.  Luman  Reed,  [835-36 
Oil  on  canvas 

30^  X  25I  in.  (76.5  X  64.5  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Bequest  of  Mary  Fuller  Wilson,  1962  63.36 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886 

10.  Thomas  Cole,  1837 
Oil  on  canvas 

30^  X  25  in.  (76.5  X  63.5  cm) 

The  Berkshire  Museum,  Pittsfield, 

Massachusetts  1917.13 

Henry  Inman,  1801-1846 

11.  Geor^ianna  Buckham  and  Her  Mother,  1839 
Oil  on  canvas 

34^  X  27I  in.  (86.7  X  68.9  cm) 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Bequest  of 

Georgianna  Buckham  Wright  19.1370 

Henry  Inman,  1801-1846 

12.  Dr  George  Buckham,  1839 
Oil  on  canvas 

34  X  27  in.  (86.4  X  68.6  cm) 
Worcester  Art  Museum,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts,  Bequest  of  Georgianna 
Buckham  Wright  1921.84 

Frederick  R.  Spencer,  1806-1875 

13.  Family  Group,  1840 
Oil  on  canvas 

29?  X  36  in.  (74.3  X  91.4  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Painted  by 

F.R.  Spencer/ 1840 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Dick  S.  Ramsay 
Fund  57.68 

Exhibited  at  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association 
in  1856 


PORTRAIT  MINIATURES 

Nathaniel  Rogers,  1787-1844 
14.  Mrs.  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer  III  (Cornelia 
Paterson),  1820s 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
3^  x  2i  in.  (8.3  x  6.2  cm  ) 
Signed  along  center  right  edge:  N  Rogers.  N.Y. 
Inscribed  on  backing  paper:  Mrs  Stephen 
Van  Rensselaer/ (Cornelia  Paterson)/Manor 
House/Albany/by  N.  Rogers 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Morris  K.  Jesup  Fund,  1932  32.68 


Henry  Inman,  1801-1846,  and  Thomas  Seir 
Cummings,  1804-1894 

15.  Portrait  of  a  Lady,  ca.  1825 
Watercolor  on  ivory 

3I  X  2I  in.  (8.6  X  6  cm) 

Signed  along  right  edge:  Inman  & 

Cummings 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Dale  T.  Johnson  Fund,  1996  1996.562 

Nathaniel  Rogers,  1787-1844 

16.  John  Ludlow  Morton,  ca.  1829 
Watercolor  on  ivory 

3x2^  in.  (7.6  X  5.7  cm) 
Inscribed  on  label  on  verso:  John  Ludlow 
Morton/ (1792-1 871)/ by  Nathaniel  Rogers 
Lent  by  Gloria  Manney 

Thomas  Seir  Cummings,  1804-1894 

17.  Gustavus  Adolphus  Rollins,  ca.  1835 
Watercolor  on  ivory 

2|  X  2|  in.  (7.3  X  6  cm)  sight 

Signed  along  left  edge:  Cummings 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  E.  A.  Rollins,  through  his  son,  A.  C. 

Rollins,  1933  27.216 

Edward  S.  Dodge,  1816-1857 
i^.  John  WoodDod0e,  ca.  1836-37 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
3  X  2^  in.  (7.6  X  6.4  cm) 
Stamped  on  mat  at  lower  right:  E.  S.  Dodge/ 
Artist 

Lent  by  Gloria  Manney 

James  Whitehorne,  1803-1888 

19.  Nancy  Kelhgg,  1838 
Watercolor  on  ivory 

3i  X  2|  in.  (7.9  X  6.7  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  on  backing  paper:  J. 

Whitehorne  Pxt/1838 

Lent  by  Gloria  Manney 

John  Wood  Dodge,  1807-1893 

20.  Kate  Roselie  Dodge,  1854 

Watercolor  on  ivory;  original  mat  in  new  frame 
3  x  2i  in.  (7.6  x  6.4  cm)  sight 
Signed,  dated,  and  inscribed  on  verso: 
Likeness  of  (aged  8  years)/ Kate  Roselie 
Dodge,/ Painted  from  Life,  by/ her  Father/ 
John  W,  Dodge. /St.  Louis,  Mo/ Finished 
July  i8th/i854 

Printed  on  trade  card  (cut  in  pieces  as  spacers)  in 
frame:  J.  W  Dodge /Artist /No.  362  broadway 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Morris  K.  Jesup  Fund,  1988  1988.280 

Attributed  to  Samuel  Lovett  Waldo,  1783-1861 

21.  Portrait  of  a  Girl,  after  1854 
Oil  on  panel 

4|  x  3J  in.  (11.7  X  9.5  cm) 


V. 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Signed  at  lower  right:  samuel  l.  waldo. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Fletcher  Fund,  1938  38.146.5 

Thomas  Seir  Cummings,  1804-1894 
A  Mother's  Pearls  (Portraits  of  the  Artist's 
Children))  1841 
Watercolor  on  ivory 
L.  I7i  in.  (44.5  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Richard  B.  Hartshome  and  Miss 
Fanny  S.  Cummings  (through  Miss  Estelle 
Hartshome),  1928  28. 148. i 
Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1841 


AMERICAN  PAINTINGS 

Thomas  Cole,  bom  England,  1801-1848 
View  of  the  Round-Top  in  the  CatskiUMountainSy 
ca.  1827 
Oil  on  panel 

i8|  X  25I  in.  (47.3  X  64.5  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  center:  Cole 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Gift  of 
Martha  C.  Karolik  for  the  M.  and  M.  Karolik 
Collection  of  American  Paintings,  1815-1865 
47.1200 

Originally  owned  by  Henry  Ward;  exhibited 
at  the  National  Academy  of  Design  in  1828 

Thomas  Cole,  bom  England,  1801-1848 

Scene  from  ^Hlse  Last  of  the  Mohicans'^:  Cora 

Kneeling  at  the  Feet  of  Tamenund^  1827 

Oil  on  canvas 

25  X  35  in.  (63.5  X  88.9  cm) 

Signed  on  rock  at  lower  center:  T  Cole.  1827 

Wadsworth  Atheneum,  Hartford,  Connecticut, 

Bequest  of  Alfted  Smith  1868.3 

Based  on  James  Fenimore  Cooper's  novel 

(1826);  exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of 

Design  in  1828 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886 

Dance  on  the  Battery  in  the  Presence  of  Peter 

Stuyvesant,  1838 

Oil  on  canvas 

32  X  46^  in.  (81.3  X  118.1  cm) 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Jane  Rutherford  Faile  through  Kenneth  C. 
Faile,  1955  55.248 

Scene  from^  History  ofNew-Tork  by 
Washington  Irving  (under  the  pseudonym 
Diedrich  Knickerbocker;  1809);  exhibited 
at  the  National  Academy  of  Design  in  1838 
and  at  the  New  York  Gallery  of  the  Fine 
Arts  in  1844 

John  Quidor,  1801-1881 
The  Money  Diggers,  1832 
Oil  on  canvas 

i6|  X  2i\  in.  (42.5  X  54.6  cm) 
Signed,  dated,  and  inscribed  at  center  right: 
J.  Quidor  Pinxt/N.  York  Jime,  1832 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Alastair  B.  Martin  48.171 


Scene  from  Washington  Irving's  Tales  of  a 
Traveller  (1824);  exhibited  at  the  National 
Academy  of  Design  in  1833 

Robert  Walter  Weir,  1803 -1889 

27.  A  Visit  from  Saint  Nicholas^  ca.  1837 
Oil  on  panel 

30  X  24I  in.  (76.2  X  61.9  cm) 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 
George  A.  Zabriskie,  1951  1951.76 
Related  to  a  scene  from  Clement  Clarke 
Moore's  poem  (1823)  and  to  the  description 
of  Saint  Nicholas  in  A  History  ofNew-Tork  by 
Washington  Irving  (under  the  pseudonym 
Diedrich  Knickerbocker;  1809) 

William  Sidney  Moimt,  1807-1868 

28.  Eel  Spearing  at  Setauket  (Recollections  of  Early 
Days—"Eishin0  aUmg  Shore^)y  1845 

Oil  on  canvas 

28i  X  36  in.  (72.4  X  91.4  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Wm.  S. 

Mount/ 1845 

New  York  State  Historical  Association, 
Cooperstown,  Gift  of  Stephen  C.  Clark 
Commissioned  by  George  Washington 
Strong;  exhibited  at  the  National  Academy 
of  Design  in  1846 

George  Caleb  Bingham,  1811-1879 

29.  Eur  Traders  Descending  the  Missouri)  1845 
Oil  on  canvas 

29  x  36i  in.  (73.7  X  92.7  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Morris  K.  Jesup  Fund,  1933  33.61 
Exhibited  at  the  American  Art-Union  in 
1845;  awarded  to  Robert  S.  Bunker  of  Mobile, 
Alabama,  at  the  Art-Union's  annual  distribution 
of  prizes  in  1845 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886 

30.  Kindred  Spirits,  1849 
Oil  on  canvas 

46  x  36  in.  (116.8  X  91.4  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  A.  B.  Durand  / 

1849 

Inscribed  on  a  tree  at  left:  Bryant /Cole 
The  New  York  Public  library,  Gift  of  Julia  Bryant 
Commissioned  by  Jonathan  Sturges  as  a  gift 
to  William  CuUen  Bryant;  exhibited  at  the 
National  Academy  of  Design  in  1849 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886 

31.  In  the  Woods,  1855 
Oil  on  canvas 

6o|  x  48  in.  (154.3  X  121.9  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  A.B.  Durand  / 

1855 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  in  memory  of  Jonathan  Sturges  by  his 
children,  1895  95.13.1 
Commissioned  by  Jonathan  Sturges 

Charles  Cromwell  Ingham,  born  Ireland, 
1796-1863 

32.  The  Elower  Girl,  1846 
Oil  on  canvas 

36  X  28|  in.  (91.4  X  73.3  cm) 


Signed  and  dated  on  basket  handle:  C.C. 
Ingham/ 1846 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  William  Church  Osborn,  1902  02.7.1 
Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1847;  owned  thereafter  by  Jonathan  Sturges 

Lilly  Martin  Spencer,  1822-1902 

33.  Kiss  Me  and  TouHl  Kiss  the  ^Lasses,  1856 
Oil  on  canvas 

304  X  25^  in.  (76.5  X  63.8  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Lilly  M. 

Spencer/ 1856 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  A.  Augustus  Healy 
Fund  70.26 

Exhibited  at  the  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association 
in  1856;  awarded  to  E.  A.  Carmen  of  Newark, 
New  Jersey,  at  the  Association's  annual 
distribution  of  prizes  in  the  same  year 

Emanuel  Leutze,  bom  Germany,  1816-1868 

34.  Mrs.  Schuyler  Bumin£f  Her  Wheat  Eields  on  the 
Approach  of  the  British,  1852 

Oil  on  canvas 

32  X  40  in.  (81.3  X  101.6  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  E.  Leutze.  1852 

The  Los  Angeles  County  Museimi  of  Art, 

Bicentennial  Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  M.  Schaaf, 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  D.  Witherspoon,  Mr. 

and  Mrs.  Charles  M.  Shoemaker,  and  Mr.  and 

Mrs.  Julian  Ganz,  Jr.  M,76.9i 

Scene  from  Elizabeth  F.  Filet's  Eminent  and 

Heroic  Women  of  America  (New  York,  1846); 

owned  by  Charles  M.  Leupp  and  sold  at  the 

noted  public  auction  of  his  estate  in  i860 

Fitz  Hugh  Lane,  1804-1865 

35.  New  Tork  Harbor,  1850 
Oil  on  canvas 

36  X  605  in.  (91.4  X  153  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Fitz  H. 

Lane./i850. 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Gift  of  Maxim 
Karolik  for  the  M.  and  M.  Karolik  Collection 
of  American  Paintings,  1815-1865  48.446 
A  smaller  version  of  this  painting  was  exhib- 
ited at  the  American  Art-Union  in  1850. 

Sanford  Robinson  Gifford,  1823-1880 

36.  LakeNemi,  1856-57 
Oil  on  canvas 

39f  X  6o|  in.  (100.6  x  153.4  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  on  reverse  (covered  by 
lining  canvas) :  Nemi/S.  R.  Gifford/Rome 
1856-57 

The  Toledo  Museum  of  Art,  Toledo,  Ohio; 
Purchased  with  fimds  from  the  Florence  Scott 
Libbey  Bequest  in  Memory  of  her  Father, 
Maurice  A.  Scott  1957.46 
Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1858 

John  F.  Kensett,  1816-1872 

37.  Beacon  Rock,  Newport  Harbor,  1857 
Oil  on  canvas 

22^  x  36  in.  (57.2  x  91.4  cm) 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  577 


National  Gallery  of  Art,  Washington,  D.C., 
Gift  of  Frederick  Sturges,  Jr.  i953  i-i 
Owned  by  Jonathan  Sturges 

James  H.  CafFerty,  1819-1869,  and  Charles  G. 
Rosenberg,  1818-1879 

38.  Wall  Street,  Half  Past  2  O'clock,  October  13, 
iSs7,  1858 

Oil  on  canvas 

50  X  59i  in.  (127  X  100.3  crn) 

Signed  and  dated  on  risers  of  steps  at  lower 

left;  Cafferty  58/ Rosenberg 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  the 

Honorable  Irwin  Untermyer  40.54 

Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 

in  1858 

Francis  William  Edmonds,  1806-186 3 

39.  The  New  Bonnet,  1858 
Oil  on  canvas 

25  X  3oi  in.  (63.5  X  76.5  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  FW  Edmonds  / 

1858 

Inscribed:  on  label  on  frame,  schaus/fine 
ART/REPOSiTORY,/749  Broadway,/NEW 
YORK;  on  paper  fragment  on  frame.  The 
[New]  Bonnet/F.  W.  Edm[ond]s. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Erving  Wolf  Foundation  Gift  and 
Gift  of  Hanson  K.  Corning,  by  exchange, 
1975  1975-27.1 

Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1859 

Eastman  Johnson,  1824-1906 

40.  Ne^ro  Life  at  the  South,  1859 
Oil  on  canvas 

36  X  45^  in.  (91.4  X  114.9  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  E.  Johnson/1859 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  The  Robert  L. 
Stuart  Collection,  on  permanent  loan  from 
The  New  York  Public  Library  s-225 
Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1859;  owned  by  William  P.  Wright  of 
Weehawken,  New  Jersey,  and  subsequently 
by  Robert  L.  Stuart  of  New  York  City 

Frederic  E.  Church,  1826-1900 

41.  The  Heart  of  the  Andes,  1859 
Oil  on  canvas 

66|  X  119^  in.  (168  X  302.9  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  on  tree  at  lower  left:  1859/ 

F.E.  CHURCH 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Margaret  E.  Dows,  1909  09.95 
Exhibited  in  New  York  at  the  Tenth  Street 
Studio  Building  in  1859;  subsequently  toured 
Europe  for  two  years,  including  a  much- 
heralded  show  in  London;  purchased  by 
William  T.  Blodgett  for  $10,000 


FOREIGN  PAINTINGS 

Giovanni  di  Ser  Giovanni  di  Simone  (called 
Scheggia),  Italian  (Florence),  1407-1487 
42.  The  Triumph  of  Fame,  birth  tray  of  Lorenzo 
de'Medici  (recto) ;  Arms  of  the  Medici  and 


Tomabuoni  Families  (verso),  1449 
Tempera,  silver,  and  gold  on  wood 
Diam.  36^  in.  (92.7  cm)  overall  with  engaged 
frame 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Purchase  in  memory  of  Sir  John  Pope- 
Hennessy:  Rogers  Fund,  The  Annenberg 
Foundation,  Drue  Heinz  Foundation, 
Annette  de  la  Renta,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Frank  E. 
Richardson,  and  The  Vincent  Astor  Founda- 
tion Gifts,  Wrightsman  and  Gwynne  Andrews 
Funds,  special  funds,  and  Gift  of  the  children 
of  Mrs.  Harry  Payne  Whitney,  Gift  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Joshua  Ix)gan,  and  other  gifts  and 
bequests,  by  exchange,  1995  1995.7 
Owned  by  Thomas  Jefferson  Bryan,  who 
established  the  Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian 
Art  in  1852 

David  Teniers  the  Younger,  Flemish,  1610-1690 

43.  Judith  with  the  Head  of  Hokfemes,  1650s 
Oil  on  copper 

i4i  X  io|  in.  (36.8  x  26.4  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  right:  O -Teniers -F 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Gouverneur  Kemblc,  1872  72.2 

Owned  and  exhibited  in  New  York  City  by 

John  Trumbull,  president  of  the  American 

Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts 

Bartolome  Esteban  Murillo,  Spanish,  1617-1682 

44.  Four  Fi^jures  on  a  Step  (A  Spanish  Feasant 
Family),  ca.  1655-60 

Oil  on  canvas 

43i  X  $6\  in.  (109.9  x  143.5  cm) 
Kimbell  Art  Museum,  Fort  Worth,  Texas 
AP1984.18 

Exhibited  by  the  London  dealer  Richard 
Abraham  at  the  American  Academy  of  the 
Fine  Arts  in  1830 

Jan  Abrahamsz.  Beerstraten,  Dutch,  1622-1666 

45.  Winter  Scene,  ca.  1660 
Oil  on  canvas 

352  x  52  in.  (90.2  X  132. 1  cm) 

Signed  at  lower  left:  j.  beerstraten 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 

Thomas  J.  Bryan,  1867  1867.84 

Owned  by  Thomas  Jefferson  Bryan,  who 

established  die  Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian 

Art  in  1852 

Artist  unknown,  after  Willem  Kalf,  Dutch, 
1619-1693 

46.  Still  Life  with  Chinese  Sugarbowl,  Nautilus  Cup, 
Glasses,  and  Fruit,  ca.  1 675-1 700 

Oil  on  canvas 

32  X  27  in.  (81.3  X  68.6  cm) 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Luman 

Reed  Collection— New-York  Gallery  of  Fine 

Arts  1858.15 

Owned  by  Luman  Reed 

Jacob  van  Ruisdael,  Dutch,  1628/29-1682 

47.  A  Landscape  with  a  Ruined  Castle  and  a 
Church  (A  Grand  Landscape),  1665-70 
Oil  on  canvas 


43  X  S7\  in.  (109.2  x  146. i  cm) 
Signed  in  water  at  bottom  right: 
JvRuisdael 

The  National  Gallery,  London  NG990 
Exhibited  by  the  London  dealer  Richard 
Abraham  at  the  American  Academy  of  the 
Fine  Arts  in  1830 

Giovanni  Paolo  Panini  (or  Pannini),  Italian 
(Rome),  1691-1765 

48.  Modem  Rnme,  1757 
Oil  on  canvas 

67J  X  91J  in.  (172. 1  X  233  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  on  base  of  statue  of  Moses 

at  lower  center:  i.p.  panini. 1757 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gwynne  Andrews  Fund,  1952  52.63.2 

Replica  of  a  painting  of  the  same  tide 

exhibited  at  the  American  Academy  of  the 

Fine  Arts  in  1834 

J.  M.  W.  Turner,  British,  1775-1851 

49.  Staffa,  Fin^aPs  Cave,  exhibited  1832 
Oil  on  canvas 

35I  X  47l  in.  (90.8  X  121.3  cm) 
Signed  lower  right:  JMW  Turner  RA 
Yale  Center  for  British  Art,  New  Haven, 
Connecticut,  Paul  Mellon  Collection 
BI978.43-I4 

Purchased  by  James  Lenox  in  1845 

Andreas  Achenbach,  German,  1815-1910 

50.  Clearing  Up— Coast  of  Sicily,  1847 
Oil  on  canvas 

32^  X  45I  in.  (82.6  X  116.2  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  A.  Achenbach.  / 

1847 

The  Walters  Art  Gallery,  Baltimore  WAG37.116 
Exhibited  at  the  Dusseldorf  Gallery  between 
1849  and  1857 

Rosa  Bonheur,  French,  1 822-1 899 

51.  The  Horse  Fair,  1853;  retouched  1855 
Oil  on  canvas 

96^  X  199^  in.  (244.5  X  506.7  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Rosa 
Bonheur  1853.5. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  1887  87.25 
Exhibited  by  the  London  dealer  Ernest 
Gambart  at  Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams 
in  1857-58;  purchased  at  the  exhibition  by 
WiUiam  P.  Wright  of  Weehawken,  New  Jersey 


FOREIGN  sculpture 

Giuseppe  Ceracchi,  Italian,  1751-1802 
52.  George  Washin£fton,  Philadelphia,  1795 
Marble 

28|  X  23i  X  i3i  in.  (73.3  x  59.7  x  34-3  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  on  back:  Ceracchi  faciebat/ 
Philadelphia/ 1795 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Bequest  of  John  L.  Cadwalader,  1914 
14.58.235 


57^    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Exhibited  along  with  Richard  Worsam  Meade's 
collection  of  European  paintings  at  the 
National  Academy  of  Design  in  1831 

Jean-Antoine  Houdon,  French,  1741-1828 

53.  Robert  Fulton,  Paris,  1803-4 
Painted  plaster 

26|  X  I5j  X  12  in.  (68.3  X  39.1  x  30.5  cm) 

Signed  on  right  shoulder:  houdon  f 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Wrightsman  Fund,  1989  1989.329 

A  version  of  this  bust  was  in  the  cast  collection 

of  the  American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts. 

Bertel  Thorvaldsen,  Danish,  1770-1844 

54.  Ganymede  and  the  Eagle,  Rome,  1817-29 
Marble 

37i  X  46f  X  I9i  in.  (94.6  x  118.4  x  49-5  cm) 
Signed  on  back  of  base,  at  right:  thor- 

WAJLDSEN/FECrr 

The  Minneapolis  Institute  of  Arts,  Gift  of  the 
Morse  Foundation  66.9 
Exhibited  at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the 
Industry  of  All  Nations,  1853-54 


AMERICAN  SCULPTURE 

Hiram  Powers,  1805-1873 

55.  Andrew  Jackson,  modeled  in  Washington,  D.C., 
1834-35;  carved  in  Florence  1839 

Marble 

34j  x  23i  X  i5i  in.  (88.3  x  59.7  x  39-4  cm) 
Signed  on  back:  hiram  powers/ Sculp. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Frances  V  Nash,  1894  94.14 
Exhibited  with  Powers's  Greek  Slave  at  the 
Lyceum  Gallery  in  1849 

John  Frazee,  1790-1852 

56.  Nathaniel  Frime,  1832-34 
Marble 

28i  x  19  X  9  in.  (72.4  x  48.3  X  22.9  cm) 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.C.,  Gift  of 
Sylvester  G.  Prime  NPG.84.72 
Probably  commissioned  by  Samuel  Ward  and 
James  Gore  King  as  a  retirement  gift  to  Prime 

Robert  Ball  Hughes,  1806-1868 

57.  John  Trumbull  J  modeled  ca.  1833;  carved 
1834-after  1840 

Marble 

30  X  2oi  X  9j  in.  (76.2  X  51.4  X  23.5  cm) 
Yale  University  Art  Gallery,  New  Haven, 
Connecticut,  University  Purchase  1851.2 

Shobal  Vail  Clevenger,  1812-1843 

58.  Fhilip  Hone,  modeled  1839;  carved  in  Florence 
1844-46 

Marble 

31J  X  22|  X  14I  in.  (81  X  57.8  X  37.1  cm) 
Signed  on  back:  s.  v.  clevenger./ Sculptor 
Inscribed:  on  front  of  socle,  philip  hone; 
on  top  of  original  pedestal,  presented  by 


"A  number  of  merchants  of  NEW-YORK** 
TO  THE  M.  L.  A.  1846. 

Mercantile  Library  Association,  New  York 

Thomas  Crawford,  ca.  1813-1857 

59.  Genius  of  Mirthy  Rome,  modeled  1842; 
carved  1843 

Marble 

47  X  20  X  24  in.  (119.4  X  50.8  X  61  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  on  front  of  base: 

CRAWFORD_FECIT  [;]  ROM^_MDCCCXLIII_ 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Annette  W.  W.  Hicks-Lord,  1896 
97.13.1 

Commissioned  by  Henry  W  Hicks  and 
exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1844 

Hiram  Powers,  1805-1873 

60.  Greek  Slave,  Florence,  modeled  1841-43; 
carved  1847 

Marble 

H.  65^  in.  (166.4  cm);  diam.  (base)  19  in. 
(48.3  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  on  base:  Hiram  Powers/ 
Sculp. /L'anno  1847 

The  Newark  Museum,  Gift  of  Franklin 
Murphy,  Jr.,  1926  26.2755 
First  exhibited  in  New  York  City  in  1847  at 
the  National  Academy  of  Design,  and  then  at 
the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of 
All  Nations  in  1853-54 

Henry  Kirke  Brown,  1814-1886 

61.  William  Cullen  Bryant,  1846-47 
Marble 

26|  x  i8i  X  II  in.  (67  X  47  X  27.9  cm) 
Inscribed  on  brass  plaque  on  socle:  william 

CULLEN  BRYANT/ HENRY  K.  BROWN 

The  New-York  Historical  Societj^,  Bequest  of 
Mr.  Charles  M.  Leupp  1860.6 
Commissioned  by  Charles  M.  Leupp  and 
exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1849 

Henry  Kirke  Brown,  1814-1886 

62.  Thomas  Cole,  1850  or  earlier 
Marble 

28  X  18  X  12  in.  (71. 1  X  45.7  x  30.5  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  in  memory  of  Jonathan  Sturges,  by  his 
children,  1895  95.8.1 

Probably  commissioned  by  Jonathan  Sturges; 
exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1850 

Thomas  Crawford,  ca.  1813-1857 

63.  Louisa  Ward  Crawford,  Rome,  modeled  1845; 
carved  1846 

Marble 

31  X  21  X  12  in.  (78.7  X  53.3  X  30.5  cm) 
Signed,  dated,  and  inscribed  on  back  of 
base:  si  nomen  qvaeris/svm  aloysia/ 

MARITVS  ME  SCVLPSIT/THOMA/DE  NOMINE 
CRAWFORD /  CVM  NATA  ET  CONIVGE  /  IVNGIT 


CARVS  AMOR/DVLCES  ROMA  DAT/LARES/ 
MDCCXLVII 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
James  L.  Terry,  Peter  T.  Terry,  Lawrence  Terry, 
and  Arthur  Terry  III  86.173 
Exhibited  at  the  American  Art-Union  in 
1849  and  at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the 
Industry  of  All  Nations  in  1853-54 

Chaunccy  Bradley  Ives,  1810-1894 

64.  Ruth,  Rome,  modeled  ca.  1849;  carved  1851 
or  later 

Marble 

23i  X  12^  x  9i  in.  (59.1  x  31.8  x  24.1  cm) 
Signed  on  back:  c.  b.  ives/fecit.rom^ 
Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk,  Virginia, 
Gift  of  James  H.  Ricau  and  Museum 
Purchase  86.479 

A  version  of  this  sculpture  was  exhibited  at 
the  artisf  s  studio  in  Stoppani*s  building, 
398  Broadway,  in  1849;  four  replicas  were 
commissioned  by  New  Yorkers. 

Joseph  Mozier,  1812-1870 

65.  Diana,  Florence,  ca.  1850 
Marble 

26  X  i6i  X  lo^  in.  (66  x  41  x  26  cm) 
Huguenot  Historical  Society,  New  Paltz, 
New  York 

Commissioned  by  the  American  Art-Union 
in  1850;  awarded  to  Levi  Hasbrouck,  New 
Paltz,  New  York,  at  the  Art-Union's  annual 
distribution  of  prizes  in  1850 

Henry  Kirke  Brown,  1814-1886 

66.  Filamce,  1850 
Bronze 

20  X  12  X  8  in.  (50.8  X  30.5  X  20.3  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Gifts  in  memory  of  James  R.  Graham, 
and  Morris  K.  Jesup  Fund,  1993  1993.13 
Multiple  casts  of  this  figure  were  awarded  by 
the  American  Art-Union  to  various  recipients 
at  its  annual  distribution  of  prizes  in  1850. 

John  Rogers,  1829-1904 

67.  The  Slave  Auction,  1859 
Painted  plaster 

13I X  8  X  8J  in.  (34  X  20.3  x  22.2  cm) 
Signed  on  top  of  base  at  center:  john 

ROGERS /  NEW  YORK 

Inscribed:  on  front  of  base,  the  slave 
auction;  on  rostrum,  great  sale /of/ 

horses  cattle /negroes  &  OTHER/ FARM 

stock/this  day  at/ public  auction 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 

Samuel  V  Hofftnan  1928.28 

Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 

in  i860;  examples  owned  by  New  York 

abolitionists  Lewis  Tappan  and  Henry  Ward 

Beecher 

John  Quincy  Adams  Ward,  1830-1910 

68.  The  Indian  Hunter,  modeled  1857-60;  cast 
before  1910 

Bronze 

16^  x  \o\  X 15^  in.  (41  X  26.7  x  38.7  cm) 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  579 


Signed  and  dated  on  top  of  base,  beneath 
dog:  J.Q.A.  WARD/ i860 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Morris  K.  Jesup  Fund,  1973  1973.257 
Exhibited  at  the  Artists'  Fund  Society  in  1859 
and  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design  in  1862 

Erastus  Dow  Palmer,  1817-1904 
69.  The  White  Captive,  Albany,  modeled  1857-58; 
carved  1858-59 
Marble 

65  X  20^  X  17  in.  (165. 1  X  51.4  X  43,2  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  on  left  side  of  base:  e.d. 
PALMER  sc.  1859. 

Inscribed  on  front  of  base:  the  gift  of 

HAMILTON  FISH 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Hamilton  Fish,  1894  94-9.3 
Commissioned  by  Hamilton  Fish  and  displayed 
at  the  gallery  of  William  Schaus  in  1859-60 


ARCHITECTURAL  DRAWINGS  AND 
RELATED  WORKS 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803 -1892,  artist 
Anthony  Imbert,  French,  active  in  New  York 
City  1825-38,  lithographer 
Design  attributed  to  John  Vanderlyn,  1775 -1852 

70.  The  Rotunda,  Comer  of  Chambers  and  Cross 
Streets,  frontispiece  to  Views  of  the  Public 
Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork,  1827 
Building  constructed  1818;  demolished  1870 
Lithograph 

i9\  X  15I  in.  (49-5  x  40.3  cm) 
Inscribed:  Views  /  Prosper  Desobry  Scripsit.  / 
OF /THE  PUBLIC  BUILDINGS /in  the /City  of 
New-York/ Correcdy  drawn  on  Stone  by /A.  j. 
DAVIS. /Printed  &  Published/ by /a.  imbert/ 
Lithographer  N"?  79  Murray  St. /new- YORK 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  A.  J.  Davis 
Collection  25 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  artist 

Anthony  Imbert,  French,  active  in  New  York 

City  1825-38,  lithographer 

Martin  Euclid  Thompson,  ca.  1786-1877, 

architect 

71.  Branch  Bank  of  the  United  States,  is-17  Wall 
Street,  from  Views  of  the  Public  Buildings  in  the 
City  ofNew-Tork,  1827 

Building  constructed  1822-24;  demolished 
1915;  facade  reerected  at  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  1924 
Lithograph 

I2f  X  14I  in.  (32.1  X  37.8  cm) 

Inscribed:  On  Stone  by  A.  J.  Davis.[;]  E.M. 

[sic]  Thompson  Architect  New  York[;] 

Imbert's  Lithography. /branch  bank  of 

U.S. /Erected  1825,-Front  75  feet. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 

York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 

Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.672 


Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  artist 
Anthony  Imbert,  French,  active  in  New  York 
City  1825-38,  lithographer 
Josiah  R.  Brady,  ca.  1760-18 32,  architect 

72.  Second  Con^re£fational  (Unitarian)  Church,  Cor- 
ner of  Prince  and  Mercer  Streets,  from  Views  of 
the  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork,  1827 
Building  constructed  1826;  destroyed  by  fire 
1837 

Lithograph 

loi  X  ii|  in.  (26  X  30.2  cm) 

Inscribed:  A.  J.  Davis  del.[;]  J.  R.  Brady 

Architea[;]  Imbert's  Lithography/ second 

congregational  church  n.  y. /Erected 

1826  corner  of  Prince  and  Mercer  Streets  — 

Front  Sixty  three  feet. 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  artist 
and  architect 

Anthony  Imbert,  French,  active  in  New  York 
City  1825-38,  lithographer 

73.  Desi£fn  for  Improvin£f  the  Old  Almshouse,  North 
Side  of  City  Hall  Park,  Facing  Chambers  Street, 
1828 

Building  constructed  1778;  destroyed  by  fire 
1853 

Lithograph 

18  x  22^  in.  (45.7  X  56.5  cm) 

Inscribed:  design  for  improving  the  old 

ALMS-HOUSE  /  PARK,  NEW-YORK:  /  BY  ALEX  J. 

DAVIS,  EXCHANGE. /Imbert's  Lithograph[y] 
[illegible] 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Collection,  The  Elisha 
Whittelsey  Fund,  1954  54-546.9 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  artist 
Martin  Euclid  Thompson,  ca.  1786-1877,  and 
Josiah  R.  Brady,  ca.  1760-1832,  architects 

74.  Pint  Merchants' Exchange,  35-37  Wall  Street, 
Elevation,  probably  1826 

Building  constructed  1825-27;  destroyed  in 
the  Great  Fire  of  1835 
Ink  and  wash 

85  X  io\  in.  (20.6  X  26.7  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  right:  JR.  Brady  Arc*^ 
Inscribed:  exchange. /Drawn  by  Davis,  1826 
[partially  erased] 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.137 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  180 3 -1892,  artist 
Martin  Euclid  Thompson,  ca.  1786-1877,  and 
Josiah  R.  Brady,  ca.  1760-1832,  architects 

75.  First  Merchants' Exchan^fe,  3s- 37  Wall  Street, 
First  Floor  Plan,  probably  1829 
Building  constructed  1825-27;  destroyed  in 
the  Great  Fire  of  1835 

Ink  and  wash 

iii  X  9  in.  (28.6  X  22.9  cm) 

Inscribed  (probably  later) :  j.  r.  brady, 

architect.  /  merch'ts  exchange,  n. y.  / 

burnt  dec.  1835 


The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.622 
(recto) 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892 

76.  First  Merchants' Exchan£ie,  35-37  Wall  Street, 
Alternate,  Unexecuted  Elevation  and  Plan,  1829 
Building  constructed  1825-27;  destroyed  in 
the  Great  Fire  of  1835 

Ink  and  wash 

10  X  6f  in.  (25.4  X  16.8  cm) 

Inscribed:  exchange  design,  by  a.j.  davis 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.621 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1 803-1892,  artist 
Ithiel  Town,  1784-1844,  and  Alexander 
Jackson  Davis,  architects 

77.  Park  Hotel  (Later  Called  Astor  House), 
Broadway  between  Vesey  and  Barclay  Streets, 
Proposed,  Unexecuted  Design,  1830 
Building  constructed  1834-36;  demolished 
in  stages  in  1913  and  1926 

Watercolor 

2o|  x  31^  in.  (51.8  x  80  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.30 
Commissioned  by  John  Jacob  Astor  for  this 
site  and  ultimately  designed  by  Isaiah  Rogers 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  180  3-1892,  artist 
Ithiel  Town,  1784-1844,  and  Alexander 
Jackson  Davis,  architects 

78.  Park  Hotel  (Later  Called  Astor  House),  Broadway 
between  Vesey  and  Barclay  Streets,  Proposed, 
Unexecuted  Perspective  and  Plan,  ca.  1830 
Building  constructed  1834-36;  demolished  in 
stages  in  1913  and  1926 

Watercolor 

i8j  X  i2f  in.  (47.6  X  32.1  cm) 

Inscribed  (probably  later):  design  for  a 

HOTEL,  N.Y.  made  IN  1828  /  BY  ALEXANDER 
JACKSON  DAVIS 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  A.  J.  Davis 
Collection  18 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  180 3 -1892,  artist 
Ithiel  Town,  1784-1844,  and  Alexander 
Jackson  Davis,  architects 

79.  United  States  Custom  House,  Wall  and  Nassau 
Streets,  Longitudinal  Section,  1833 
Building  constructed  1833-42;  extant 
Watercolor  and  ink 

8i  X  14I  in.  (21.6  x  36.5  cm) 

Inscribed:  A.  J.  Davis,  del.  for  custom  house 

N.Y.  LONGITUDINAL  SECTION.  Premium 

Design. /TOWN  &  davis  architects 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 

Columbia  University,  New  York 

1940.001,00132 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  artist 
Ithiel  Town,  1784-1844,  and  Alexander 
Jackson  Davis,  architects 

80.  United  States  Custom  House,  Wall  and  Nassau 
Streets,  Plan,  1833 


580    ART  AND  THE   EMPIRE  CITY 


Building  constructed  1833-42;  extant 
Watercolor 

9  X  14I  in.  (22.9  X  36.5  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924 
24-66.1403  (45) 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  artist 
Ithiel  Town,  1784-1844,  and  Alexander 
Jackson  Davis,  architects 

81.  United  States  Custom  House,  Wall  and  Nassau 
Streets,  Perspeaive,  1834 

Building  constructed  1833-42;  extant 
Watercolor 

6f  X  9i  in.  (16.8  X  24.1  cm) 

Inscribed:  June  i834[;]  Custom  House  N. 

York[;]  I.  Town,  and  A.  J.  Davis  Architects. [;] 

Alex  J.  Davis  to  J.  Jones,  Esq. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 

York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 

Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.176 

John  Haviland,  British,  1792-1852,  active  in 
the  United  States  from  1816 

82.  Halls  of  Justice  and  House  of  Detention,  Centre 
Street,  between  Leonard  and  Franklin  Streets, 
First  Floor  Plan,  1835 

Building  constructed  1835-38;  demolished 

1897 

Ink 

29I  x  17  in.  (74.6  X  43.2  cm) 
Inscribed:  Halls  of  Justice /New  York[;] 
Principal  Floor [;]  John  Haviland  Archt./ 
Philad^ 

Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects  Library, 
London,  Drawings  Collection  wi4/6(2) 

John  Haviland,  British,  1792-1852,  active  in 
the  United  States  from  1816 

83.  Halls  of  Justice  and  House  of  Detention,  Centre 
Street,  between  Leonard  and  Franklin  Streets, 
Bird^s-Eye  View,  1835 

Building  constructed  1835-38;  demolished 
1897 

Ink  and  wash 

23I  x  33I  in.  (60.3  X  85.7  cm) 

Inscribed:  Halls  of  Justice /New  York[;]  John 

Haviland  Archt.  /  Philada 

Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects  Library, 

Ix)ndon,  Drawings  Collection  wi4/6(9) 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892 

84.  ^*^Syllabus  Row/' Proposed,  Unexecuted  Design 
for  Terrace  Houses,  ca.  1830 
Watercolor 

i8|  X  26^  in.  (47.6  X  67.3  cm) 

Inscribed:  syllabus  row. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 

York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 

Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.140 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892 

85.  ^Uerrace  Houses/' Proposed,  Unexecuted  Design 
for  Cross-Block  Terrace  Depelopment,  ca.  1831 


Watercolor 

9j  X  26i  in.  (24.8  X  67.3  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.1291 

John  Stirewalt,  artist 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  and 

Seth  Geer,  architects 

86.  Colonnade  Row,  428-434  Lafayette  Street,  near 
Astor  Place,  Elevation  and  Plans,  1833-34 
Buildings  constructed  1832-34;  pardy  extant 
(16  of  28  bays  demolished  1901) 
Watercolor 

13I X  9f  in.  (34-6  x  24.4  cm) 
Inscribed:  near  vraAT  the  la-grange 

TERRACE,  N.Y.  OUGHT  TO  HAVE  BEEN/ 
DAVIS  DIREX.[;]  STIREWALT  DELIN. 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York 
1940.001.00739 

Attributed  to  Martin  Euclid  Thompson, 
ca.  1786-1877 

87.  Row  of  Houses  on  Chapel  Street,  between  Murray 
and  Robinson  Streets,  1830 

Buildings  probably  constructed  1830; 
demolished 

Watercolor  and  ink  on  paper,  mounted 
on  board 

18^  x  25 J  in.  (47  x  64.1  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  This  is  the  plan  and  elevation  of 
the  Houses  to  be  erected  on  the/ West  side  of 
Chapel  Street,  betweeen  Murray  &  Robinson 
Street,  and/ between  Robinson  Street  to  the 
rear  of  the  lot  on  the  Comer  of  Chapel /and 
Barclay  Streets,  and  referred  to  in  the  form  of 
the  lease  annexed /to  an  Agreement  between 
the  Trustees  of  Columbia  College  in  the /City 
of  New  York,  by  their  Standing  Committee, 
and  Gideon  Tucker/ and  John  Morss  the  first 
day  of  April  1830,  and  to  /  be  considered  part  of 
the  said  agreement.  /  [signed]  Gideon  Tucker/ 
John  Morss /Wm  Johnston  Treasurer.  /  Fronts 
on  west  side  of  Chapel  street. 
Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York  Gideon 
Tucker  DR165 

Attributed  to  Martin  Euclid  Thompson, 
ca.  1786-1877 

88.  House  on  Chapel  Street,  between  Murray  and 
Robinson  Streets,  1830 

Building  probably  constructed  1830 
Watercolor 

22I  X  18  in.  (58.1  x  45.7  cm) 

Inscribed:  4  feet  to  an  inch 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 

Columbia  University,  New  York 

1000. 010.00013 

Architect  unknown 

Clarkson  Lawn  (Matthew  Clarkson  Jr.  House), 

Flatbush  and  Church  Avenues,  Brooklyn,  New 

York,  photograph,  1940 

Building  constructed  ca.  1835;  demolished 

1940 


Courtesy  of  the  Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art 
89A.  Door  and  doorframe  from  the  entry  hall  of 
Clarkson  Lawn,  ca.  1835 
Mahogany;  painted  pine;  metal 
i20s  X  72I  X  s\  in.  (305.1  X  184.9  X  13.3  cm) 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  the 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  1940 
40.931. 2A-B 

89B.  Pair  of  pilasters  from  the  double  parlor  of 
Clarkson  Lawn  (capital  illustrated),  ca.  1835 
Painted  pine 

Each  129 J  X  i7i  X  4^  in.  (328.3  x  43.5  x  11 .4  cm) 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association,  1940  40.931.3,  4 

John  B.  Jervis,  1795-1885,  chief  engineer 

90.  Distributin£f  Reserpoir  of  the  Croton  Aqueduct, 
Fifth  Avenue  between  Fortieth  and  Forty-second 
Streets,  1837-39 

Croton  Aqueduct  constructed  1837-42; 
distributing  reservoir  demolished  1899-1901 
Ink  and  watercolor 

Bound  in  Reports  off  B.  J,  Vol.  II,  NT  WW 
Book:  15  X  10  in.  (38.1  x  25.4  cm) 
Inscribed:  distributing  reservoir./ 
Elevations  of  Sides  Fronting  on  Forty-Second 
Street  &  Fifth  Avenue. 
Jervis  Public  Library,  Rome,  New  York 

John  B.  Jervis,  1795-1885,  chief  engineer 

91.  Hi£fh  Brid£fe  of  the  Croton  Aqueduct  over  the 
Harlem  River,  Elevation  and  Plan,  ca.  1839-40 
Croton  Aqueduct  constructed  1837-42; 
bridge  extant  (central  arches  removed  during 
World  War  II) 

Ink  and  watercolor 

i6|  X  245  in.  (42.5  X  61.6  cm) 

Inscribed:  Arch  at  A.  [;]  Arches  at  B.  / 

Elevation  of  a  High  Bridge  for  Crossing 

Harlaem  [sic]  River. /Scale  32  feet  to  an  Inch./ 

Plan. /Scale  80  feet  to  an  Inch. 

Jervis  Public  Library,  Rome,  New  York 

Drawing  249 

The  Croton  Aqueduct  system  became 
operational  in  1842,  although  the  bridge  was 
not  completed  until  1848. 

John  B.  Jervis,  1795-1885,  chief  engineer 

92.  Manhattan  Valley  Pipe  Chamber  of  the  Croton 
Aqueduct,  ca.  1839-40 

Croton  Aquedua  constructed  1837-42 

Ink  and  watercolor 

22f  X  33  in.  (57.5  X  83.8  cm) 

Signed  and  inscribed:  Croton  Aqueduct  / 

John  B.  Jervis  /  Chief  Engineer  /  horizontal 

section[;]  longitudinal  section/ scale 

5  FEETTO  AN  INCH[;]  ELEVATI0N[;]  SECTION 
IN  FRONT  OF  GATES[;]  PLAN  AND  SECTION  OF 
NUT  AND  SCREW  FOR/ WORKING  THE  GATES/ 
SCALE  IS  I  OF  AN  INCH  TO  AN  INCH /PIPE 
CHAMBER[;]  MANHATTAN  VALLEY/SCALE 
4FEETTO  AN  INCH 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C., 
Prints  and  Photographs  Division  1997. 86.1 
Manhattan  Valley  was  the  area  bounded  today 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  581 


by  looth  and  noth  streets,  Central  Park  West, 
and  Broadway. 

Artist  unknown 

Richard  Upjohn,  British,  1802-1878,  active  in 
New  York  City  from  1839,  architect 

93.  Trinity  Church,  Broadway^  opposite  Wall  Street^ 
Presentation  Drawing  Depicting  View  from  the 
Southwest,  probably  1841 

Building  constructed  1841-46;  extant 
Watercolor 

2o|  X  26|  in.  (52.7  X  67  cm) 
Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York 
1000. on. 01098 

James  Renwick  Jr.,  1818-1895 

94.  Church  of  the  Puritans,  Union  Square,  Fifteenth 
Street  and  Broadway,  1846 

Building  constructed  1846-47;  later  moved  to 
West  Fifty-seventh  Street;  demolished 
Watercolor 

lo\  X  2o\  in.  (77.5  X  52.1  cm) 

Signed  at  bottom  right:  J.  Renwick  Jun. 

Architect 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Ferdinand  Joachim  Richardt,  Danish, 

18 19 -1 895,  active  in  New  York  City  1856-59, 

artist 

James  Renwick  Jr.,  1818-1895,  architect 

95.  Grace  Church,  Broadway  and  Tenth  Street, 
1858 

Building  constructed  1843-46;  extant 
Oil  on  canvas 

59^  X  47^  in.  (150,5  X  120  cm) 
Signed,  dated,  and  inscribed  at  lower  right: 
New  York  [illegible]  1858 /Ferdinand  Richardt 
Grace  Church  in  New  York 

Joseph  Trench,  1810-1879,  and  John  Butler 
Snook,  1815-1901 

96.  A.  T  Stewart  Store,  Broadway  between  Reade 
and  Chambers  Streets,  Chambers  Street 
Elevation,  1849 

Building  constructed  1846;  expanded  1850 

and  1852;  extant 

Watercolor 

20I  X  29I  in.  (52.1  X  74.3  cm) 
Inscribed:  chamber  street  front/ 

J.  TRENCH  &  CO. /ARCHITECTS/ 12  CHAMBER 
ST/N.Y. 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

James  Bogardus,  1800 -1874,  inventor 
William  L.  Miller,  architectural-iron 
manufacturer 

97.  Spandrel  panel  from  Edgar  H.  Laing  Stores, 
Washington  and  Murray  Streets,  1849 
Building  constructed  1849;  demolished  1971 
Cast  iron 

15I  X  51  X  3J  in.  (40  X  129.5  X  9.5  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Margaret  H.  Tuft,  1979  1979.134 


John  P.  Gaynor,  ca.  1826-1889,  architect 
Daniel  D.  Badger,  1806-1884,  architectural- 
iron  manufacturer 
Sarony,  Major  and  Knapp,  printer 

98.  Hau0hwout  Building,  Broadway  and  Broome 
Street,  J865 

Plate  3  in  Daniel  D.  Badger's  Illustrations  of 
Iron  Architecture  (New  York:  Baker  and 
Godwin,  1865) 

Building  constructed  1856;  extant 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors;  book  bound  in 
original  green  pressed  cloth 
14  x  24  in.  (35.6  x  61  cm)  open 
Inscribed:  architectural  iron  works,  _ 

NEW-YORK. 

Smithsonian  Institution  Libraries,  Washington, 

D.C.  FNA  3503.7832  1865XCHRMB 

Dedef  Lienau,  German  (Utersen,  Schleswig- 
Holstein),  1818-1887,  active  in  New  York  City 
from  1848 

99.  HartM.  Shiff  House,  Fifth  Avenue  and  Tenth 
Street,  Front  Elevation^  1850 

Building  constructed  1850-52;  demolished  1923 
Pen  and  ink 

16^  X  iif  in.  (41.3  X  28.9  cm) 

Inscribed  on  applied  label:  •  Hart  M.  Shift, 

Esq.  ■  S.W  cor.,  5'''  Ave.,  &  lo^"^  St.-  •  / 

■  D.  Lienau,  Archt.  •  1850  • 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York 
1936.002.00013 

Dedef  Lienau,  German  (Utersen,  Schleswig- 
Holstein),  1818-1887,  active  in  New  York  City 
from  1848 

100.  HartM.  Shiff  House,  Fifth  Avenue  and  Tenth 
Street,  Side  Elevation,  1850 

Building  constructed  1850-52;  demolished  1923 
Pen  and  ink 

iif  X  i6\  in.  (28,9  X  41.3  cm) 

Inscribed  on  applied  label:  •  Hart  M.  Shiff, 

Esq.  ■  S.W  cor.,  5^^  Ave.,  &  lo'^*'  St.  •  / 

■  D.  Lienau,  Archt.  •  1850  • 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York 
1936.002.00014 

Richard  Morris  Hunt,  1827-1895 

101.  Thomas  P.  Rossiter  House,  11  West  Thirty-eighth 
Street,  Facade  Study,  1855 

Building  constructed  1855-57;  demolished 
before  1900 
Ink  and  wash 

12J  X  \o\  in.  (30.8  X  26.7  cm) 
Octagon  Museum,  Washington,  D.C, 
American  Architectural  Foundation,  Prints 
and  Drawings  Collection  81.6617 
Hunt's  first  commission  upon  his  return  to 
New  York  in  1855  from  the  Ecole  des  Beaux- 
Arts  in  Paris 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892 

102.  Ericstan  (John  J.  Herrick  House),  Tarrytown, 
New  York,  Rear  Elevation,  ca.  1855 

Building  constructed  1855-59;  demolished  1944 
Watercolor,  ink,  and  graphite 


25I  x  30  in.  (64.5  X  76.2  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1924  24.66.10 

Richard  Upjohn,  British,  1802-1878,  active  in 
New  York  City  from  1839 

103.  Henry  Evelyn  Pierrepont  House,  i  Pierrepont 
Place,  Brooklyn,  New  Tork,  Front  Elevation  and 
Section,  1856 

Building  construaed  1856-57;  demolished  1946 
Ink  on  cloth 

26|  x  194  in.  (67.9  x  50.2  cm) 
Inscribed:  Front  Elevation / House  for 
H.E.  Pierrepont  Esq/Richd  Upjohn  &  Co 
Architects /Trinity  Building /New  York/ 
May  19th  1856 

Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York 
1985.003.00001 

Charles  Mettam,  Irish,  1819-1897,  active  in  New 
York  City  from  1848,  and  Edmund  A.  Burke 

104.  The  New-Tork  Historical  Society,  Second  Avenue 
and  Eleventh  Street,  1855 

Building  constructed  1855-57;  demolished  1920 

Watercolor  on  paper,  mounted  on  cloth 

222  x  3if  in.  (57.2  X  80.3  cm) 

Inscribed:  Mettam  &  Burke/ architects/ 

18  City  Hall  Place,  N.  Y 

The  New-York  Historical  Society  x.370 

Peter  Bonnett  Wight,  1838-1925 

105.  National  Academy  of  Design,  Fourth  Avenue 
and  Twenty-third  Street,  1861 

Building  constructed  1863-65;  demolished 
1899  (elements  incorporated  into  Our  Lady  of 
Lourdes,  142nd  Street  between  Convent  and 
Amsterdam  Avenues,  1904) 
Watercolor 

2o|  X  27  in.  (53  X  68.6  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  bottom  right:  p.b.  wight, 
Arch V  98  Broadway,  N.Y 
Inscribed:  elevation  of  the  south  front./ 
Scale  \  INCH  TO  A  foot. /The  original  compe- 
tition drawing  for  the  Academy  of  Design  / 
which  was  accepted  by  the  Council— 1861. 
The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago,  Gift  of  Peter 
Bonnett  Wight  1992. 8 1.4 


watercolors 

John  William  Hill,  1812-1879 

106.  View  on  the  Erie  Canal,  1829 
Watercolor 

9I  X  13I  in.  (24.8  X  34.9  cm) 
Inscribed  at  lower  left:  Drawn  by  J.  W  Hill  1829 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print 
Collection  1830-32E-29 

John  William  Hill,  1812-1879 

107.  View  on  the  Erie  Canal,  1831 
Watercolor 

9|  X  i3f  in.  (24.4  X  34.6  cm) 


582    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Inscribed  at  lower  right:  [Drawn?]  by 
J.  W.  HiU  1831 

The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wailach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print 
Collection  1830-32E-24 

John  William  Hill,  1812-1879 

108.  City  HaU  and  Park  Rm^  1830 
Watercolor 

9%  X  isf  in.  (24.8  X  34.6  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  J.  W.  Hill  1830 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wailach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print 
Collection  1830  E-81 

John  William  Hill,  1812-1879 

109.  Broadway  and  Trinity  Church  from  Liberty 
Streety  1830 

Watercolor 

9i  X  I3f  in.  (24.4  X  34.6  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  J.  W.  Hill  1830 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wailach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print 
Collection  1830  E-73 

Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of  Design 
in  1832 

Nicolino  Calyo,  Italian,  1799 -1884,  active  in 
the  United  States  from  the  early  1830s 
no.  View  of  the  Great  Fire  of  New  Tork^  December  16 
and  17,  i83Sj  as  Seen  from  the  Top  of  the  New 
Building  of  the  Bank  of  America,  Comer  Wall 
and  William  Streets,  1836 
Gouache  on  paper 
i6f  X  24  in.  (41.6  X  61  cm) 
Inscribed  along  bottom:  Veiw  [sic]  of  the 
Great  Fire  of  New-York,  December  i6th  & 
17th,  1835,  was  seen  from  the  Top  of  the  New 
Building  of  the  Bank  of  America  comer  Wall 

and  William  Street.  New  York,  Jan,  1836.  — 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Bryan 
Fund  1980.53 

Reproduced  as  an  engraving  by  William 
James  Bennett  in  New  York  City  in  1836 

Nicolino  Calyo,  Italian,  1799-1884,  active  in 
the  United  States  from  the  early  1830s 
III.  View  of  the  Ruins  after  the  Great  Fire  in  New 
Torkj  December  16  and  ij,  183s >  fits  Seen  from 
Exchange  Place,  1836 
Gouache  on  paper 
\6\  X  24  in.  (41.9  X  61  cm) 
Inscribed  along  bottom:  View  of  the  Ruins 
after  the  Great  Fire  in  New-York,  Decem- 
ber i6th  &  17th  1835,  as  seen  from  Exchange 

Place.  New-York,  Jan  1836— 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Bryan  Fund 
1980.54 

Reproduced  as  an  engraving  by  William 
James  Bennett  in  New  York  City  in  1836 


Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892 

112.  Greek  Rmval  Double  Parlor,  ca.  1830 
Watercolor 

i3i  X  18J  in.  (33.7  X  46  cm) 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 

Daniel  Parish,  Jr.  1908.28 

John  William  Hill,  1812-1879 

113.  Chancel  of  Trinity  Chapel,  ca.  1856 
Watercolor,  gouache,  black  ink,  graphite,  and 
gum  arabic 

i8|  X  I4i  in.  (46.7  X  36.2  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  right:  J.  W.  Hill 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.157 
Exhibited  at  the  National  Academy  of 
Design  in  1857 


PRINTS,  BINDINGS,  AND 
ILLUSTRATED  BOOKS 

John  Hill,  British,  1770-1850,  active  in  New 
York  City  1822-50,  engraver 
After  William  Guy  Wall,  Irish,  1792-after 
1864,  artist 

Henry  J.  Megarey,  publisher 

114.  New  Torkfrom  Governors  Island,  1823-24 
From  The  Hudson  River  Portfolio  (1821-25) 
Aquatint  with  hand  coloring 

14J  X  2ii  in.  (35.9  X  53.7  cm)  image; 

i9i  X  25I  in.  (48.6  X  65.4)  sheet 

Inscribed:  Painted  by  W.  G.  Wall[;]  Engraved 

by  I.  [J.]  Hill/ NEW  YORK,  FROM  GOVERNORS 

ISLAND. /N^  20  of  the  Hudson  River  Port 
Folio. /Published  by  Henry  I.  [J.]  Megarey 
New  York. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1274.19 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886,  engraver 
Durand,  Perkins  and  Company,  printer  and 
publisher 

115.  $1,000  bill  for  the  Greenwich  Bank,  City  of 
New  York,  ca.  1828 

Engraving,  cancelled  proof 

2|  X  7  in.  (7.3  X  17.8  cm)  image;  3  x  7i  in. 

(7.6  X  18. 1  cm)  sheet 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1917  17.3.3585(14) 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886,  engraver 
Durand,  Perkins  and  Company,  printer  and 
publisher 

116.  Specimen  sheet  of  bank  note  engraving, 
ca.  1828 

Engraving 

i6|  X  i2f  in.  (42.9  X  32.1  cm)  image; 

17!  X  13!  in.  (44.1  X  33.3  cm)  sheet 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1917  17.3.3585(47) 


Cadwallader  Colden,  1769 -1834,  author 
Archibald  Robertson,  Scottish,  1765-1835, 
active  in  New  York  City  1791-1821,  artist 
Anthony  Imbert,  French,  active  in  New  York 
City  1825-38,  printer 
Wilson  and  Nicholls,  bookbinder 

117.  Memoir,  Prepared  at  the  Request  of  a  Committee 
of  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  New  Tork, 
and  Presented  to  the  Mayor  of  the  City,  at  the 
Celebration  of  the  Completion  of  the  New  Tork 
Canals,  1825 

Bound  in  red  leather  with  gold  stamping 
loi  X  8|  X  i|  in.  (25.7  X  21.3  X  4.8  cm) 
Stamped  on  cover:  presented  by  the  city/ 

OF  new  YORK/ to /THE  HONORABLE  GIDEON 
LEE  /ALDERMAN  OF  THE  I2TH  WARD  IN  THE 
YEARS/ 1829  &  1830 /AND  MAYOR  OF  THE/ 
CITY  OF  NEW  YORK  IN  THE  YEARS  1833  &  1834 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts 

A  copy  of  this  work  was  presented  on  board  the 
steamboat  Washington  on  November  4, 1825. 

Archibald  Robertson,  Scottish,  1765-1835, 
active  in  New  York  City  1791-1821,  artist 
Anthony  Imbert,  French,  active  in  New  York 
City,  1825-38,  printer 

118.  Grand  Canal  Celebration:  View  of  the  Fleet 
Preparing  to  Form  in  Line,  1825 

From  Cadwallader  C^Adtn^  Memoir  (1825) 
Lithograph 

%\  X  40^  in.  (21.6  X  101.9  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1923  23.69.23 

William  James  Bennett,  British,  1784-1844, 
active  in  New  York  City  by  1824,  artist  and 
engraver 

Henry  J.  Megarey,  active  1818-45,  publisher 

119.  South  Street  from  Maiden  Lane,  ca.  1828 
¥rom  Megarefs  Street  Views  in  the  City  ofNew- 
Tork  (1834) 

Aquatint 

9i  X  13!  in.  (24.1  X  34.6  cm)  image; 
13I X  17I  in.  (34.9  X  45.1  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  W^.  I.  Bennett  Pinx^  et  Sculp.*/ 
SOUTH  ST.  from  maiden  lane. /Henry  I.  [J.] 
Megarey  New  York. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1177 

William  James  Bennett,  British,  1784-1844, 
active  in  New  York  City  by  1824,  artist  and 
engraver 

Henry  J.  Megarey,  active  1818-45,  publisher 

120.  Fulton  Street  and  Market,  1828-30 

From  Me^arefs  Street  Views  in  the  City  ofNew- 

Tork  (1834) 

Aquatint 

9i  X  I3f  in.  (23.5  X  34  cm)  image;  12}  x  18^  in. 
(32.4  X  46  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  W"  I.  Bennett  Pinx^  et  Sculp.7 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  583 


FULTON  ST.  &  MARKET. /Henry  1.  [J.] 
Megarey  New  York. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 
24.90.1276 

Thomas  Thompson,  1775-1852,  artist,  lithog- 
rapher, and  publisher 
121.  New  York  Harbor  from  the  Battery,  1829 
Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 
24I  X  59I  in.  (151. 8  X  62.9  cm)  overall 
Inscribed:  Drawn  on  stone  by  Tho?  Thomp- 
son. [;]  Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress 
May  iith.  1829.  by  Tho?  Thompson,  N.  York. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1182(1-3) 

James  Barton  Longacre,  1794-1869,  and 
James  Herring,  1794-1867,  publishers 
I22A.  National  Portrait  Gallery  ofDistin0uished 
Americans,  1833-39,  vol.  3  (1836) 
One  volume  of  a  four-volume  set,  bound  in 
red  leather  with  gold  stamping 
io|  X  7^  X  if  in.  (27.3  X  18.4  X  4.1  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 
24.90. 1911  (vol.  3) 

Project  directed  by  James  B.  Longacre, 
Philadelphia,  and  James  Herring,  New  York 
City,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Ameri- 
can Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886,  engraver 
After  Charles  Cromwell  Ingham,  born  Ire- 
land, 1796-1863,  artist 
I22B.  De  Witt  Clinton,  1834 

From  National  Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished 
Americans,  vol.  2  (1835) 

Engraving;  volume  bound  in  green  leather  with 

gold  stamping;  ex  libris  Stephen  van  Rensselaer 

48  ^  3i  iri-  (ii'i  ^  8-9  cm)  platemark; 

io|  X  6|  in.  (27.3  X  17.5  cm)  sheet 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  John  K.  Howat,  1998  1998.520.2 

John  Hill,  British,  1770-1850,  active  in  New 

York  City  1822-50,  engraver 

After  Thomas  Hornor,  British,  active  in  New 

York  City  ca.  1828-44,  artist 

W.  Neale,  printer 

Joseph  Stanley  and  Company,  publisher 
123.  Broadway,  New  Tork,  Showing  Each  Building 
from  the  Hy£feian  Depot  Comer  of  Canal  Street 
to  beyond  Niblo^s  Garden,  1836 
Aquatint  and  etching  with  hand  coloring 
i7f  X  26|  in.  (44-8  x  68.3  cm)  image; 
22f  X  32^  in.  (57.5  X  81.9  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  Drawn  &  Etched  by  T.  Hornor[;] 
Aquatinted  by  J.  Hill  /  Broadway,  new- 
YORK.  /  Shewing  [sic]  each  Building  from  the 
Hygeian  Depot  corner  of  Canal  Street,  to 
beyond  Niblo's  Garden/ Published  by  joseph 
STANLEY  &  c°./ Printed  by  W.  Neale/ Entered 
according  to  act  of  Congress  by  Jos.h  Stanley 


&  Co.,  in  the  Clerks  Office  of  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York/ January  26, 1836 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.703 

David  H.  Burr,  cartographer 

J.  H.  Colton,  publisher 

S.  Stiles  and  Company,  printer 

124.  Topographical  Map  of  the  City  and  County  of 
New  Tork  and  the  Adjacent  Country:  with  Views 
in  the  Border  of  the  Principal  Buildings,  and 
Interesting  Scenery  of  the  Island,  1836 
Engraving,  first  state 

29I  X  67i  in.  (74.6  X  170.5  cm) 
Inscribed:  topographical  map/of  the/ 
City  and  County/ of/ new-york,/ and  the 
adjacent  Country: /With  views  in  the  border 
of  the  principal  Buildings,  and  interesting 
Scenery  of  the  Island/ published  by  j.h. 
COLTON  &  c"./No.  4[;]  New-York[;]  Spruce 
St.[;]  1836. /Engraved  and  printed/ by/ 
s.  stiles  &  company,  New-York/ Entered 
according  to  act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1836. 
By  J.H.  Colton  &  Co.  in  die  Clerks  Office  of 
the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District 
of  New  York. 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C., 
Geography  and  Map  Division 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886,  engraver  and 
publisher 

After  John  Vanderlyn,  1775 -1852,  artist 
A.  King,  printer 

125.  Ariadne,  1835 

Engraving,  third  state,  proof  before  letters; 
printed  on  chine  colle 
i4i  X  I7j  in.  (35.9  X  45.4  cm)  image; 
2i|  X  26f  in.  (54  X  68.3  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  Painted  by  J.  Vanderlyn[;]  Eng. 
By  A.  B.  Durand/ Published  by  A.  B.  Durand 
New  York,  Hodgson,  Boys  &  Graves,  London, 
Rittner  &  Goussil  a  Paris  1835. /Entered 
according  to  act  of  Congress  In  the  year  1835 
by  A.  B.  Durand  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 
District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of 
New  York. /Printed  by  A.  King 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Harvey  D. 
Parker  Collection,  1897  P12793 
Owned  by  Henry  Foster  Sewall;  after 
Y2indLQ.T\yvLS  Ariadne  Asleep  on  the  Isle  ofNaxos 
of  1 812,  which  was  owned  by  Durand 

Henry  Heidemans,  German,  active  in  New 
York  City  ca.  1840,  lithographer 
After  Henry  Inman,  1801-1846,  artist 
Endicott  and  Company,  printer  and  publisher 

126.  Fanny  Elssler,  1841 
Lithograph 

27I  X  225  in.  (70.2  X  56.2  cm)  image; 
34I  X  25!  in.  (87.9  X  65.1  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  [in  ink]  Deposited  in  the  W.  1. 
Dist.  Court  Clk's  Office  for  the/  Southern 
Dist.  Of  N.Y.  this  25^^  Nov:  1841  /  [printed] 
Painted  from  life  by  Henry  Inman [;]  Lith  of 


Endicott[;]  Drawn  on  Stone  by  Henry  P^- 
Heidemans /Fanny  Elssler/ Enterd  [sic] 
according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1841 
by  H.  Inman  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 
District  Court  of  the  Southern  Di'  of  N.  York 
Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C., 
Prints  and  Photographs  Division 

Thomas  Doney,  French,  active  in  New  York 

City  1844-49,  engraver 

After  George  Caleb  Bingham,  1811-1879,  artist 

American  Art-Union,  publisher 

Powell  and  Company,  printer 

127.  The  Jolly  Flat  Boat  Men,  1S4.7 
Mezzotint 

i8|  X  24  in.  (47.6  X  61  cm)  image;  21^  x  26|  in. 
(54.6  X  67  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  painted  by  g.c.  bingham  esq[;] 

ENGRAVED  BYT.  DONEY/THE  JOLLY  FLAT 

boat  men. /From  the  Original  painting 
distributed  /  by  the  American  Art  Union  in 
1847/ Published  exclusively  for /The  Members 
of  that  Year/ PRINTED  by  pov^tell  &  co./ 
Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the 
year  1847  by  the  American  Art  Union/ in  the 
Clerk's  Office  of  the  U.S.  District  Court  for 
the  Southern  District  of  New  York 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gertrude  and  Thomas  Jefferson  Mumford 
Collection,  Gift  of  Dorothy  Quick  Mayer, 
1942  42.119.68 

After  Bingham's  painting  of  1846 

William  James  Bennett,  British,  1 784-1844, 
active  in  New  York  City  by  1824,  engraver 
After  John  William  Hill,  1812-1879 
Lewis  P.  Clover,  publisher 

128.  New  Tork,  from  Brooklyn  Heights,  ca.  1836 
Aquatint  printed  in  colors  with  hand  coloring, 
first  state 

198  X  3I4  in.  (49.8  X  80.6  cm)  image 
Inscribed:  Painted  by  J.  W.  Hill[;]  Published 
by  L.p.  CLOVER  New  York[;]  Engraved  by 
W.  J.  Bennett/ NEW  YORK,/from  Brooklyn 
Heights  /  Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress 
in  the  Year  1837  by  Lewis  P.  Clover  in  the 
Office  of  the  Southern  district  of  New  York 
Collection  of  Leonard  L.  Milberg 

Robert  Havell  Jr.,  British,  1793-1878,  active  in 
the  United  States  1839-78,  artist  and  engraver 
W  Neale,  printer 

Robert  Havell  Jr.,  William  A.  Colman,  and 
Ackermann  and  Company,  publishers 

129.  Panoramic  View  of  New  Tork  (Taken  from  the 
North  River),  1844 

Aquatint  with  hand  coloring,  fifth  state 
8|  X  32I  in.  (22.2  X  82.9  cm)  image; 
13I  X  37i  in.  (34  X  95-3  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  Clinton  Market [;]  Washington 
Market[;]  Shad  Fishing[;]  Battery[;]  British 
Queen  [ ;  ]  Narrows [ ;  ]  Staten  Island  /  Drawn 
8c  Engraved  by  Rob*^  Havell/ panoramic 
VIEW  OF  NEW  YORK.  /  (Taken  from  the  North 
River). /Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress, 
in  the  year  1844,  by  Rob^  Havell,  in  the 


584    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court,  of  the 
Southern  District,  of  New  York. /Printed  by 
W.  Neale/PubUshed  by  Rob.t  HaveU  Sing 
Sing  New  York /and  W"^.  A.  Colman,  203 
Broadway/ Ackermann  &  Co  96  Strand 
London 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.623 
The  Hudson  River  is  known  as  the  North 
River  at  its  southern  end. 

James  Smillie,  1807-1884,  engraver 
After  Thomas  Cole,  bom  England,  1801- 
1848,  artist 

130.  The  Voyage  of  Life:  Touth,  1849 
Engraving,  proof  before  letters 

15^  X  22|  in.  (38.7  X  57.8  cm)  image; 
23:^  X  29i  in.  (59.1  X  74-6  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed  in  pencil:  Artisf  s  proof  of  Smillie's 
Voyage  of  Life  (Youth)  after  Cole 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Harvey  D. 
Parker  Collection  P12796 
Owned  by  Henry  Foster  Sewall;  after  Cole's 
painting  of  1840;  published  by  the  American 
Art-Union 

George  Loring  Brown,  1814-1889 

131.  Cascades  at  Tivoli,  1854 
Etching 

8|  X  5I  in.  (22.2  X  14.9  cm)  platemark; 
9^  X  6\  in.  (23.2  X  16.5  cm)  sheet 
Signed:  in  plate,  G  L  Brown  Rome  1854;  in 
pencil  outside  plate,  at  lower  left,  G  L  Brown 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Harvey  D. 
Parker  Collection  P12262 
Owned  by  Henry  Foster  Sewall 

Asher  B.  Durand,  1796-1886,  artist 

John  Gadsby  Chapman,  1808-1889,  author 

W.  J.  Widdleton,  publisher 

132.  A  Study  and  a  Sketch 

Frontispiece  to  chapter  7     The  American 

Drawing-Book  (ist  ed.,  1847) 

Reproduction  (by  stereotype)  of  wood 

engraving  from  3d  edition,  1864 

12  X  9^  in.  (30,5  X  24.1  cm)  sheet 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1954  54.524.2 

Washington  Irving,  178 3-1859,  author 
Felix  Octavius  Carr  Darley,  1822-1888,  artist 
and  lithographer 
Sarony  and  Major,  printer 

133.  Plate  5,  Illustrations  of  ^Bdp  Van  Wink^ 
Designed  and  Etched  by  F.  O.  C.  Darley  for  the 
Members  of  the  American  Art-Union,  1848 
Lithograph 

8j  X  II J  in.  (22.2  X  28.3  cm)  image; 

i2|  X  15^  in.  (31.4  X  38.4  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  Darley  invent  et  sculp.t/ Printed  by 

Sarony  &  Major  New  York 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Mrs.  Frederic  F.  Durand,  1933 

33.39.123 


Washington  Irving,  1783-1859,  author 
Felix  Octavius  Carr  Darley,  1822-1888,  artist 
and  lithographer 
Sarony  and  Major,  printer 

134.  Plate  6,  Illustrations  of  ^H^he  Le£fend  of  Sleepy 
HoUov^' Designed  and  Etched  by  E  O.  C  Darley 
for  the  Members  ofthe  American  Art-Union,  1849 
Lithograph 

8i  X  II J  in.  (21.6  X  28.3  cm)  image; 

12J  X  14I  in.  (31.1  X  36.5  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  Darley  invent  et  sculp.t/ Printed  by 

Sarony  8c  Major  New  York 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Rogers  Fund,  transferred  from  the  Library, 

1944  44.40.2 

Henry  Papprill,  British,  died  1896,  active  in 
New  York  City  1846-50,  engraver 
After  John  William  Hill,  1812-1879,  artist 
Henry  J.  Megarey,  publisher 

135 .  Islew  Torkfrom  the  Steeple  of  Saint  FauVs  Church, 
Looking  East,  South,  and  West,  ca.  1848 
Aquatint  printed  in  colors  with  hand  coloring, 
second  state 

2ii  X  36f  in.  (54  X  93  cm)  image;  25^  x  38I  in. 
(64.1  X  97.5  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  Drawing  by  J.  W.  Hill[;]  Entered 
according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1849 
by  Henry  1.  [J.]  Megarey,  in  the  Clerks  office 
of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District 
of  New  York.[;]  Eng  '^  by  Henry  Papprill  /  [on 

seal]  H.  I.  [j.]  MEGAREY/ PUB. /NEW  YORK/  NEW 

YORK/ from  the  steeple  of  St.  Paul's  Church 
Looking  East,  South  and  West. /Proof 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.587 
The  correct  name  for  Saint  Paul's  Church 
was,  and  remains.  Saint  Paul's  Chapel  (built 
1764-66);  the  Chapel  is  located  on  Broadway 
between  Fulton  and  Vesey  streets. 

John  F.  Harrison,  cartographer 

Kollner,  Camp  and  Company,  Philadelphia, 

printer 

Matthew  Dripps,  publisher 

136.  Map  of  the  City  of  New  Tork,  Extending 
Northward  to  Fiftieth  Street,  1851 
Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 

781 X  37^  in.  (199.4  X  94.6  cm)  sheet  (mounted 
on  original  rollers) 

Inscribed:  map  of  the  city/of/new-york/ 

EXTENDING  NORTHWARD /TO  FIFTIETH  ST./ 
SURVEYED  AND  DRAWN  BY  JOHN  F.  HARRISON 
C.  E./PUBL^  BY  M.  DRIPPS,  N^  403  FULTON 

STREET/ N.Y./1851./ Engraved  and  printed  at 
Kollner,  Camp,  and  Co.'s  Lith  c  Establish- 
ment, Phil  a 

Collection  of  Mark  D.  Tomasko 

Washington  Irving,  1783-1859,  author,  imder 
the  pseudonym  Diedrich  Knickerbocker 
George  P.  Putnam,  publisher 

137.  A  History  ofNew-Torkfrom  the  Beginning  of  the 
World  to  the  End  of  the  Dutch  Dynasty  (ist  ed., 
1809),  1850  edition 


Boimd  in  black  leather  with  gold  stamping 
and  rose-and-gold  inset  depicting  silhouette 
of«WiUiam  the  Testy" 
8|  X  6i  X  if  in.  (22.2  X  16.5  x  4.1  cm) 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts,  Papantonio  Collection 

Alfred  Ashley,  artist  and  designer 
W  H.  Swepstone,  author 
Stringer  and  Townsend,  publisher 

138.  Christmas  Shadows,  a  Tale  of  the  Foor  Needle 
Woman  with  Numerous  Illustrations  on  Steel, 
New  York  and  London,  1850 

Bound  in  blue  cloth  with  gold  stamping 
7I  X  5i  X  I  in.  (18.7  X  13.3  X  2.2  cm) 
Inscribed  in  ink  on  the  flyleaf:  Mademoiselle/ 
E.  Barker/ 100.  Exemptions /C.  Reichard/ 
24  Juillet  1850 
Collection  of  Jock  Elliott 

Edward  Walker  and  Sons,  active  1835-72, 
bookbinder 

139.  The  Odd-Fellom  Offering,  1851 

Bound  in  red  leather  with  gold  stamping 
8i  X  5I  X  li  in.  (22,2  X  14.9  X  3.2  cm) 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts,  Kenneth  G.  Leach  Collection 

Samuel  Hueston,  publisher 

140.  The  Knickerbocker  Gallery,  1855 

Bound  in  red  leather  with  gold  stamped  inset 
of  Sunnyside,  Washington  Irving's  home 
9^  X  7  X  2^  in.  (23.5  X  17.8  X  5.7  cm) 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Massachusetts,  Papantonio  Collection  B, 
Copy  3 

John  Bachmann,  German,  active  in  New  York 
City  1849-85,  artist,  printer,  and  publisher 

141.  Bird^s-Eye  View  of  the  New  Tork  Crystal  Palace 
and  Environs,  1853 

Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand 
coloring 

21  X  31  in.  (53.3  X  78.7  cm)  image;  25^  x  33I  in. 
(64.8  X  85.7  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  drawn  from  nature  [;]  Entered 
According  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1853. 
by  J.  Bachman,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 
Distria  Court  of  the  South"  Dis"  of  N.Y.[;] 

&  ON  STONE  BY  J.  BACHMAN./ BIRDS  EYE 
VIEW  OF  THE  /  NEW  YORK  CRYSTAL  PALACE.  / 

and  Environs. 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  The 
J.  Clarence  Davies  Collection  29.100.2387 

Charles  Parsons,  1821-1910,  artist  and 
lithographer 

Endicott  and  Company,  printer 
George  S.  Appleton,  publisher 

142.  An  Interior  View  of  the  Crystal  Palace,  1853 
Lithograph  printed  Ln  colors 

i3i  X  2o|  in.  (34.3  x  51.8  cm)  image; 
i6|  x  23  in.  (41.6  X  58.4  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  C.  Parsons,  Del  and  hth.[;]  Printed 
by  Endicott  &  Co.  N.Y  /  an  interior  view 
OF  THE  CRYSTAL  PALACE.  /  New  York,  Pub- 
lished by  Geo.  S,  Appleton,  356  Broadway 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  585 


N.  Y./ Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress 
in  the  year  1853  by  Geo.  S.  Appleton,  in  the 
Clerks  Office  of  the  district  Court  of  the 
Southern  district  of  N.Y. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1047 

William  Wellstood,  1819-1900,  engraver 
After  Benjamin  F.  Smith  Jr.,  18 30-1927,  artist 
Smith,  Fern  and  Company,  publisher 

143.  New  York,  1855,  from  theLdtting  Observatory^ 
1855 

Engraving  with  hand  coloring 
29I  X  465  in.  (74.6  X  117  cm)  image 
Inscribed:  new  york,  1855. /b.  f.  smith,  jun. 

DEL.  W.  WELLSTOOD,  SC.  RESPECTFULLY 
DEDICATED  TO  THE  CITIZENS  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  BY  THE  PUBLISHERS,  SMITH, 
FERN,  &  CO.  340  BROADWAY  NEW  YORK. 
ENTERED  ACCORDING  TO  ACT  OF  CONGRESS 
IN  THE  YEAR  1855  BY  SMITH,  FERN  &  CO.  IN 
THE  CLERK'S  OFFICE  OF  THE  DISTRICT 
COURT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  FOR  THE 
SOUTHERN  DISTRICT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, The  Phelps  Stokes  Collection,  Print 
Collection  1855-E-138 

Thomas  Beneckc,  active  in  New  York  City 

1855-56,  artist 

Nagel  and  Lewis,  printer 

Emil  Seitz,  publisher 

144.  Slei£fhin£[  in  New  Tork,  1855 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand 
coloring 

2\\  X  3o|  in.  (54.4  X  77  cm)  image; 
27I  X  36|  in.  (69.6  X  92  cm)  sheet 
Signed  in  stone  at  lower  left:  T.  Benecke,  N.Y. 
Inscribed:  Composed  &  lith.  by  th. 
benecke[;]  Entered  according  to  Act  of 
Congress,  in  the  Year  1855,  by  L.  nagel  in  the 
Clerks  Office  of  the  Dis*-  Court  of  the 
Southern  Dis"^-  of  New  York.  [;]  Printed  by 

NAGEL  &  LEWIS,  122  FultOU  St.  N.Y./ 

SLEIGHING  IN  NEW  YORK. /  Published  by 
EMIL  SEITZ/ 41 3  Broadway  N.Y. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1061 

John  Bachmann,  German,  active  in  New  York 
City  1849-85,  artist 

Adam  Weingartner,  active  in  New  York  City 

1849-56,  printer 

L.  W.  Schmidt,  publisher 

145.  The  Empire  City,  1855 

Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand 
coloring 

22f  X  33i  in.  (57.5  X  85.2  cm)  image; 

28|  X  38I  in.  (72  X  97.1  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  Drawn  from  nature  &  on  stone  by 


J.  Bachmann. [;]  Entered  according  to  act  of 
Congress  in  the  year  1855  by  J.  Bachmann, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court 
of  the  South  "  District  of  NY.[;]  Print  of 
A.  Weingartner's  Lith  ^  N.Y. /the  empire 
CITY,  /  Birdseye  view  of  new- YORK  and  Envi- 
rons. /  Published  by  J.  Bachmann,  134  Spring 
St.  &  143  Fulton  St.  New-York 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Edward  W.  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 
York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 
Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.1198 

Walt  Whitman,  18 19 -1892,  author 
146A.  Leaves  of  Grass  (ist  ed.),  Brooklyn,  New  York, 
1855 

Boimd  in  dark  green  cloth  with  title  stamped 
in  gold 

ii|  X  8i  X  ^  in.  (28.9  X  20.6  X  1.3  cm) 
Contains  Whitman's  own  transcription  of  the 
letter  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  wrote  to  him 
after  receiving  a  copy  from  Whitman 

Samuel  Flollyer,  1 826-1919,  engraver 
After  a  daguerreotype  by  Gabriel  Harrison 
146B.  Walt  Whitman,  1855 

Frontispiece  from  Leaves  of  Grass  (1855) 
Engraving 

2^  X  2  in.  (5.4  X  5.1  cm) 
Columbia  University,  New  York,  Rare  Book 
and  Manuscript  Library,  Solton  and  Julia 
Engel  Collection 

John  Gadsby  Chapman,  1808-1889 

147.  Italian  Goatherd,  1857 
Etching 

7\  X  4f  in.  (18.4  X  11.7  cm)  image; 

i7f  X  \2\  in.  (44.8  X  31.8  cm)  sheet 

Signed  and  dated  in  graphite  at  lower  left: 

J.  Chapman  feet  Rome  1857 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Gift  of 

Sylvester  Rosa  Koehler  K858 

Jean-Baptiste-Adolphe  Lafosse,  French, 

1810-1879,  lithographer 

After  William  Sidney  Mount,  1807-1868, 

artist 

Francois  Delarue,  French,  printer 
William  Schaus,  publisher 

148.  The  Bone  Player,  i^s7 
Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 

25  X  19!  in.  (63.5  X  50.2  cm)  image; 
32  X  24^  in.  (81.3  X  61.6  cm)  sheet 
Signed  in  stone:  Lafosse 
Inscribed:  Painted  by  w^.  s.  mount [;] 
Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the 
year  1857,  by  W.  Schaus,  in  the  clerk's  Office 
of  the  district  Court  of  the  United  States  for 
the  Southern  district  of  New-York [;]  Lith.  by 
lafosse. /The  Bone  Player. / New-York,  pub*^. 
by  w.  SCHAUS,  629  Broadway[;]  Imp.  F".^^ 
Delarue,  Paris 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Leonard  L.  Milberg  Gift,  1998 
1998.416 

After  Mount's  painting  of  1856 


Julius  Bien,  German  (Kassel,  Hesse-Kassel), 
1826-1909,  active  in  the  United  States  from 
1849,  lithographer 

After  John  James  Audubon,  French,  born 
Haiti,  1785-1851,  active  in  the  United  States 
1806-51,  artist,  and  Robert  Havell  Jr.,  British, 
1793-1878,  active  in  the  United  States  1839-78, 
engraver 

149.  Wild  Turkey,  1858 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors 
40  X  27  in.  (iol6  X  68.6  cm) 

Inscribed:  No.  i-i[;]  plate  287./Drawn  from 
Nature  by  J.  J.  Audubon,  RR.S.  F.L.S.[;] 
Wild  Turkey  meleagris  gallopavo  Linn, 
Male.  American  Cane  Miegea  macrosperma[;] 
chromolithy.  by  J.  Bien,  New  York,  1858. 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art  X633.3 

John  Bachmann,  German,  active  in  New 

York  City  1849-85,  artist,  lithographer,  and 

publisher 

C.  Fatzer,  printer 

150.  New  Tork  City  and  Environs,  1859 
Lithograph  printed  in  colors 
Diam.  21J  in.  (55.2  cm) 

Inscribed:  new- york  &  environs. [;] 

ASTORIA.!;]  GREENP0INT.[;]  WILLIAMS- 
BURG. [;]  NAVY  YARD.  [;]  BROOKLYN.  [;]  CONEY 
ISLAND.!;]  GREENWOOD  CEMETERY. [;]  FORT 
LAFAYETIE.l;]  FORT  RICHMOND. [;]  SANDY 
HOOK.[;]  STATEN  ISLAND.  [;]  GOVERNOR'S 
[sic]  ISLAND. [;]  AMBOY.[;]  ELIZABETH 
PORT.[;]  ELIZABETH  TOWN. [;]  MILLVILLE.[;] 
ORANGE.  [;]  BERGEN.  [;]  NEWARK.  [;]  BELLVILLE 
[^JC].[;]  JERSEY  CITY.[;]  PATERSON.[;] 

HOBOCKEN[5ic].[;]  HARLEM. / Drawn  from 
Nature  on  Stone  by  BACHMAN./Publihed 
[sic]  by  Bachman  N".  73  Nassau  St  NY/ 
Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress  in  the 
year  1859,  by  H  Bachman  in  the  clerk's  office 
of  the  district  Court  of  the  United  States  of 
the  Southern  district  of  N.Y. /Printed  by 
c.  FATZER  216  William  St.  N.Y. 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
James  Duane  Taylor,  1931  31.24 

DeWitt  Clinton  Hitchcock,  active  1845-79, 
artist 

Hy.  J.  Crate,  printer 

151.  Central  Park,  Looking  South  from  the 
Observatory,  1859 

Lithograph  printed  in  colors  with  hand 
coloring 

16  X  26  in.  (40.6  X  65.9  cm)  image; 
2o|  X  28^  in.  (51.8  X  72.4  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  Printed  in  Oil  Colors  by  Hy.  J. 
Crate  181  William  St.  N.Y.  /  Entered  according 
to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1859  by  D.  C. 
Hitchcock  &  0\  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 
District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of 

N.Y. /CENTRAL  PARK. /NEW  YORK  CITY/ 

Looking  South  from  the  Observatory. 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  The 
J.  Clarence  Davies  Collection  29.100.2299 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Arthur  Lumley,  Irish,  active  in  the  United 
States  ca.  1837-1912,  artist 
W.  R.  C.  Clark  and  Meeker,  pubhsher 
The  Empire  City,  New  Tork,  Presented  to  the 
Subscribers  to  Hl^e  History  of  the  City  of  New 
York/' 1S59 

Wood  engraving  and  lithograph  printed 
in  colors 

24i  X  35I  in.  (62.5  X  90.5  cm)  image; 
27  X  38I  in.  (68.6  x  97-5  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  presented  to  the  subscribers 

TO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW- 
YORK,/ BY  THE  PUBLISHERS,  W.R.C.  CLARK  & 
MEEKER,  19  WALKER  STREET,  NEW- YORK./ 

Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the 
year  1859,  by  W.R.C.  clark  &  meeker,  in 
the  Clerk's  Office  of  District  Court  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New-York. /Printed  by 
S.  Booth,  109  Nassau  Street,  New  York. 
The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Charles  Parsons,  1821-1910,  artist 
Currier  and  Ives,  active  1857-1907,  printer 
and  publisher 

Central  Park,  Winter:  The  Skating  Pond,  ca.  1861 
Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 
18^  x  26f  in.  (46  x  67.6  cm)  image; 
2i|  X  29I  in.  (55.6  X  75.9  cm)  sheet 
Signed  in  stone  at  lower  right:  lwa 
Inscribed:  currier  &  ivES,  lith.  n.y./ 

ENTERED  ACCORDING  TO  ACT  OF  CONGRESS 
IN  THE  YEAR  l862,  IN  THE  CLERK'S  OFFICE 
OF  THE  DISTRICT  COURT  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES,  FOR  THE  SOUTHERN  DISTRICT  OF 
NEW  YORK.  /  C.  PARSONS,  DEL.  /  CENTRAL- 
PARK,  WINTER. /THE  SKATING  POND. /NEW 
YORK,  PUBLISHED  BY  CURRIER  &  IVES, 
152  NASSAU  ST. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Bequest  of  Adele  S.  Colgate,  1962  63.550.266 


FOREIGN  PRINTS 

Rembrandt  van  Rijn,  Dutch,  1606-1669 
Saint  Jerome  Reading  in  a  Landscape,  ca.  1654 
Etching,  drypoint,  and  engraving,  second  state 
loi  X  81  in.  (25.7  X  21  cm)  sheet  trimmed 
to  platemark 

Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Harvey  D. 
Parker  Collection  P496 
Owned  by  Henry  Foster  Sewall 

Carlo  Lossi,  Italian,  engraver 

After  Tiziano  Vecelli  (Titian),  Italian, 

1485-1576 

Bacchus  and  Ariadne,  1774 

Etching  and  engraving 

i2|  X  15I  in.  (31.4  X  40  cm)  platemark; 

15I  X  20  in.  (39.1  X  50.8  cm)  sheet 

Inscribed:  al  ill     sig*"^  don  fabio  della 

CORGNA/Titianus  inven:  Gio  Andrea  Podesta 

Genovese  D.D.  la  presente  sua  opera/ Supe- 

riorum  licentia[;]  In  Roma  presso  Carlo 

Lossi  1774 

The  New-York  Historical  Society  1858.92.043 
Owned  by  Luman  Reed 


William  Sharp,  British,  1749 -1824,  engraver 
After  Benjamin  West,  1738-1820,  artist 
John  Boydell,  1719-1804,  and  Josiah  Boydell, 
1752-1818,  London,  publisher 

156.  Acts,  Scene  4,  from  William  Shakespeare^s 
^'Kin^  Lear^^  1793 

Engraving 

I7i  X  23i  in.  (44.2  X  59-2  cm)  image; 
i9i  X  24i  in.  (48.9  X  62.1  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  Painted  by  B.  West  Esq^  R.  A./& 
Preside  of  the  Royal  Academy/ Engrav'd  by 
W.  Sharp  /  shakspeare.  /  King  Lear.  /  Act  III. 
Scene  IV/Publish'd  March  25, 1793,  by  john 
&  joSLm  BOYDELL,  at  the  Shakspeare  Gallery, 
Pall  Mall,  &  N°-  90,  Cheapside  London./ 
—Off,  off  you  lendings:  /Come;  unbutton 
here.  —  /  [Tearing  off  his  clothes. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Georgiana  W.  Sargent,  in  memory  of 
John  Osborne  Sargent,  1924  24.63.1869 
After  West's  painting  of  1788,  which  was 
commissioned  by  John  and  Josiah  Boydell 
and  subsequendy  owned  by  Robert  Fulton 

John  Burnet,  British,  1784-1868,  engraver 
After  David  Wilkie,  British,  1785-1841,  artist 
Josiah  Boydell,  1752-1818,  London,  publisher 

157.  The  Blind  Fiddler,  1811 
Engraving 

16  X  2if  in.  (40.6  X  54.9  cm)  image; 
22|  X  30^  in.  (57.5  X  76.5  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  The  Blind  Fiddler /To  Sir  George 
Beaumont  Bar '^/ Whose  superior  Judgement 
&  Liberality  have  led /him  to  appreciate  & 
encourage  early  &/ extraordinary  merit[;] 
This  Plate,  from  a  Picture  painted  for  him  by 
Mr.  D.  Wilkie,  is  respectfully  dedicated  by 
his  obliged  &  obed^  Ser^/ Josiah  Boydell/ 
Published  ist  Oct  1811  by  Mess'^^  Boydell  & 
Co./ 90  Cheapside  London. 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, Print  Collection 
After  Wilkie's  painting  of  1806 

Alphonse  Francois,  French,  1814-1882, 
engraver 

After  Paul  Delaroche,  French,  1797-1856,  artist 

158.  Napoleon  Crossing  the  Alps,  1852 
Engraving,  proof 

24I  x  19  in.  (63.2  X  48.3  cm)  image; 
31^  X  24I  in.  (79.4  X  61.9  cm)  sheet 
Inscribed:  peint  par  paul  delaroche./ 
London_  Published  October  i^*^  1852,  by  P.  & 
D.  Colnaghi  &  C?,  13  &  14,  Pall  Mall  East/ 
GRAVE  PAR  ALPH*^  ERAN90is/Berlin-Verlag 
von  Goupil  &  C^^/ Public  par  Goupil  &  C'^ 
Paris— London— New  York/ Imprimerie  de 
GoupU  &  C'^ 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
The  Elisha  Whittelsey  Collection,  The  Elisha 
Whittelsey  Fund,  1949  49.40.177 
After  Delaroche's  acclaimed  painting  of  1848; 
exhibited  by  Goupil  that  year  at  the  National 
Academy  of  Design  and  purchased  by  Wood- 
bury Langdon  in  1850 


Charles  Mottram,  engraver 
After  John  Martin,  British,  1789 -1854,  artist 
William,  Stevens  and  Williams,  publisher 
159.  The  Plains  of  Heaven,  1855 

Mezzotint,  proof  before  letters 
24i  X  375  in.  (61.6  X  95.3  cm)  image; 
28f  X  43^  in.  (72.7  x  110.5  cm)  sheet 
Embossed  stamp  at  lower  left:  Printsellers 
Association  yor 

The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D. 
Wallach  Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photo- 
graphs, Print  Collection 
After  Martin's  painting  of  1851-53,  which 
inspired  Frederic  E.  Church's  Niagara  Falls 
and  The  Heart  of  the  Andes 


PHOTOGRAPHY 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  1791-1872 

160.  Toun0Man,  1840 
Daguerreotype 

Ninth  plate,  2^  x  2  in.  (6.4  x  5.1  cm) 
Stamped  on  brass  mat:  sfb  morse 
Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New 
York 

The  earliest,  and  only,  surviving  daguerreo- 
type by  Morse 

Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 

161.  Thomas  Cole,  1844-48 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  4i  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.C.,  Gift  of  Edith 
Cole  Silberstein  NPG.76.11 
Owned  by  Thomas  Cole 

Artist  unknown 

162.  Asher  B.  Durand,  ca.  1854 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  4?  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 
The  New-York  Historical  Society 
PR-012-2-80 

Owned  by  Nora  Durand  Woodman 

Attributed  to  Gabriel  Harrison,  1818-1902 

163.  Walt  Whitman,  ca.  1854 
Daguerreotype 

Quarter  plate,  4?  x  3^  in.  (10.8  x  8.3  cm) 
The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox 
and  Tilden  Foundations,  Rare  Books 
Division 

Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 

164.  John  James  Audubon,  1847-48 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  4i  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 
Cincinnati  Art  Museum,  Centennial  Gift  of 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Frank  Shaffer,  Jr.  1981.144, 
1982.268 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  587 


Francis  D'Avignon,  French,  1813-1861,  active 
in  the  United  States  1840-60,  lithographer 
After  a  daguerreotype  by  Mathew  B.  Brady, 
1823/24-1896 
165A.  John  James  Audubon  J 1850 

From  The  Gallery  of  IllusPrious  Americans  (1850) 
Lithograph 

iij  X  9|  in.  (28.3  X  24.4  cm)  image;  i8|  x 

13I  in.  (47.9  X  34  cm)  sheet 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 

York,  Bequest  of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 

24.90.576 

C.  Edwards  Lester,  editor 

Francis  D'Avignon,  French,  1813-1861,  active 

in  the  United  States  1840-60,  lithographer 

After  Mathew  Brady,  1823/24-1896, 

daguerreotypist 

Brady,  D'Avignon  and  Company,  publisher 
165B.  The  Gallery  of  Illustrious  Americans^  Containin^f 
the  Portraits  and  Biographical  Sketches  ofTwenty- 
fimr  of the  Most  Eminent  Citizens  cf  the  American 
Republic,  since  the  Death  of  Washington.  From 
Daguerreotypes  by  Brady,  Engraved  by  D Avignon, 
1850 

Bound  in  blue  cloth  with  gold  stamping 
21%  X  i5i  X  J  in.  (55.2  X  39.4  X  1.9  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Bequest  of  Charles  Allen  Munn,  1924 
24.90.1966 

Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 

166.  Jenny  Lind,  1852 
Daguerreotype 

Sixth  plate,  3^  x  2|  in.  (8.3  x  7  cm) 
Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk,  Virginia, 
Museum  Purchase  and  gift  of  Kathryn  K. 
Porter  and  Charles  and  Judy  Hudson  89.75 

Jeremiah  Gurney,  1812-after  1886 

167.  Mrs.  Edward  Cooper  and  Son  Peter  (Pierre)  Who 
Died,  1858-60 

Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  4^  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 
Stamped  on  brass  mat:  j.  gurney[;]  707 

BROADWAY  N.Y. 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 
PR-012-2-811 

Attributed  to  Samuel  Root,  1819-1889,  or 
Marcus  Aurelius  Root,  1808-1888 

168.  P.T.  Bamum  and  Charles  Stratton  ("^Tom 
Thumb'^),  1843-50 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  4?  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution, Washington,  D.C.  NPG.93.254 

Gabriel  Harrison,  1818-1902 

169.  California  News,  1850-51 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  4i  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 

Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New  York 

Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 

170.  The  Hurlbutt  Boys,  C2L.  iSso 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5^  x  45  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 


Stamped  on  velvet  case  lining:  BRADY'S 

GALLERY/ 205  &  207/ BROADWAY,  NEW-YORK 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 

171.  Toun0  Boy,  1850-54 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  5-^  x  4j  in.  (14  x  10.8  cm) 
Stamped  on  velvet  case  lining:  brady's 

GALLERY/ 205  &  207/ BROADWAY,  NEW-YORK 

Hallmark  Photographic  Collection,  Hallmark 
Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
p5.428.013. 98 

Jeremiah  Gurney,  1812-after  1886 

172.  The  Kellog0-Comstock  Family,  1852-58 
Daguerreotype 

Whole  plate,  6\  x  8^  in.  (16.5  x  21.6  cm) 
Stamped  on  brass  mat:  j.  gurney[;]  349 

BROADWAY 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Artist  unknown 

173.  Brooklyn  Grocery  Boy  with  Parcel,  1850s 
Daguerreotype 

Sixth  plate,  3I  x  2|  in.  (8.3x7  cm) 
Hallmark  Photographic  Collection,  Hallmark 
Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
p5.400.053.96 

Jeremiah  Gurney,  1812-after  1886 

174.  Toun^f  Girl,  1858-60 
Daguerreotype 

Sixth  plate,  3:^  x  2|  in.  (8.3  x  7  cm) 
Stamped  on  brass  mat:  j.  gurney[;]  707 

BROADWAY  N.Y. 

Hallmark  Photographic  Collection,  Hallmark 
Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
p5.424.005.97 

Artist  unknown 

175.  Blind  Man  and  His  Reader  Holdin£[  the  ^^New 
Tork  Herald/^  1840s 

Daguerreotype 

Quarter  plate,  4J  x  3^  in.  (10.8  x  8.3  cm) 
Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New  York 

Jeremiah  Gurney,  1812-after  1886 

176.  A  Fireman  with  His  Horn,  ca.  1857 
Daguerreotype 

Quarter  plate,  4^  x  3^  in.  (10.8  x  8.3  cm) 
Stamped  on  brass  mat:  j.  gurney[;]  349 

BROADWAY 

Collection  of  Matthew  R.  Isenburg 

Attributed  to  Charles  DeForest  Fredricks, 
1823-1894 

177.  Amos  Leeds,  Confidence  Operator,  ca.  i860 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 

8  X  6  in.  (20.3  X  15.2  cm) 

Inscribed  in  ink  on  mount  at  lower  right: 

Amos  Leeds  Confidence  operator /Alias 

"Morrison"—  /  "Comstock" 

Hallmark  Photographic  Collection,  Hallmark 

Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 

P5. 390. 003. 97 


Artist  unknown 

178.  Chatham  Square,  New  Tork,  1853-55 
Daguerreotype 

Half  plate,  4i  x  5^  in.  (10.8  x  14  cm) 
Inscribed  on  paper  label  attached  to  verso: 
Chat.,  Sq.  /  new  York 

Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New  York 

Artist  unknown 

179.  Interior  View  of  the  Crystal  Palace  Exhibition, 
1853-54 

Daguerreotype 

Sixth  plate,  2|  x  3^  in.  (7  x  8.3  cm) 
The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Artist  unknown 

180.  The  New  Paving  on  Broadway,  between  Franklin 
and  Leonard  Streets,  1850-52 

Stereo  daguerreotype  (left  panel  illustrated) 
3^  X  7  in.  (7.9  X  17.8  cm)  overall 
Collection  of  Matthew  R.  Isenburg 

William  Langenheim,  born  Germany, 

1 807-1874,  and  Frederick  Langenheim,  born 

Germany,  1809 -1879 

181.  New  Tork  City  and  Vicinity,  View  from  Peter 
Cooper's  Institute  toward  Astor  Place,  ca.  1856 
Stereograph  glass  positive 

3^  X  6|  in.  (8.3  X  17.5  cm) 
Inscribed  on  glass  mount  (not  illustrated) : 
NEW  YORK  CITY  &  VICINITY/ View  from 
Peter  Cooper's  Institute /towards  Astor  Place/ 
LANGENHEiM's  PATENT,  NOV.  19, 1850/ Entered 
according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1856, 
by  F.  Langenheim,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 
District  Court  for  the  Eastern  District  of 
Pennsylvania 

The  New  York  Public  Library,  Astor,  Lenox  and 
Tilden  Foundations,  Miriam  and  Ira  D.  Wallach 
Division  of  Art,  Prints  and  Photographs,  Robert 
N.  Dennis  Collection  of  Stereoscopic  Views 

Victor  Prevost,  French,  1820-1881,  active  in 
the  United  States  late  1840S-1850S 

182.  Battery  Place,  Looking  North,  1854 
Waxed  paper  negative 

9  X  i2f  in.  (22.9  x  32.1  cm) 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Victor  Prevost,  French,  1820-1881,  active  in 
the  United  States  late  1840s -1850s 

183.  Lookin^f  North  toward  Madison  Square  from 
Rear  Window  of  Preposfs  Apartment  at  28  East 
Twenty-eighth  Street,  Summer,  1854 

Waxed  paper  negative 

i3i  X  iO;|:  in.  (33.7  x  26  cm) 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 

Victor  Prevost,  French,  1 820-1881,  active  in 
the  United  States  late  1840s -1850s 

184.  Looking  North  toward  Madison  Square  Jrom 
Rear  Window  of  Prepost^s  Apartment  at  zB  East 
Twenty-eighth  Street,  Winter,  1854 

Waxed  paper  negative 

13I  X  10$  in.  (34  X  26  cm) 

The  New-York  Historical  Society 


588    ART  AND  THE   EMPIRE  CITY 


Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823-1894 

185.  View  down  Fifth  Avenm,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
I2|  X  I5j  in.  (32.4  X  40  cm) 
Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  5^^  avenue 
New  York  &  St.  Germain  Hotel-New  York[;] 
Holmes  ou  Fredricks;  on  printed  paper  label, 
collection  /  Marguerite  Mtlhau  /  Paris 

The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351.10 

Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823-1894 

186.  City  Hallj  New  Tork,  ca.  1855 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
ii\  X  i6|  in.  (29.2  X  41.6  cm) 
Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  City  Hall 
NY[;]  Holmes? 

The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351. 9 

Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823-1894 

187.  Washin0ton  Square  Park  Fountain  with 
Pedestrians,  ca.  1855 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 

iif  X  i6j  in.  (29.5  X  41  cm) 

Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  on  recto, 

Wasingtton  [sic]  Park[;]  Fredricks?  Holmes?[;] 

[erased]  phot.  Americain,  calotype  vers  1850; 

on  verso,  col.  M[arguerite]  M[ilhau] 

The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 

84.XM.35i,i6 

Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823-1894 

188.  Washin0tm  Monument,  at  Fourteenth  Street 
and  Union  Square,  ca.  1855 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
i2i  X  15I  in.  (31.1  X  40.3  cm) 
Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  on  recto, 
14*^  street  a  Union  Square  N.Y.  vers  1853 
Holmes?  Fredricks?;  on  verso,  6730/30150 
dans  9  X  14  del.[;]  col.  M[arguerite]  M[ilhau] 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museimi,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351.12 

Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823 -1894 

189.  Palisades,  Hudson  River,  Tonkers  Docks,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 

11^  X  15^  in.  (29.2  X  38.6  cm) 
Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  on  recto, 
Palisades,  Hudson  River,  Yonkers  Docks, 
[illegible]  [;]  [erased]  vers  1855 [;]  Fredricks 
ou  Holmes  [;]  calotype /collection  Andre 
Jammes;  on  verso,  col.  M[arguerite]  M[ilhau] 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.35I.I 

Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823-1894 

190.  Fort  Hamilton  and  Lon^  Island,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
111  X  15^  in.  (28.6  X  39.4  cm) 


Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  Fort  Hamilton 
&  Long  Island[;]  Fredricks  ou  Holmes? 
The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museum,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351.7 

Attributed  to  Silas  A.  Holmes,  1820-1886,  or 
Charles  DeForest  Fredricks,  1823-1894 

191.  Fort  Hamilton  and  Lon£  Island,  ca.  1855 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
II  X  15I  in.  (27.8  X  39.2  cm) 
Inscribed  in  pencil  on  mount:  on  recto, 
Narrows  entree  de  la  Bale  de  New  York[;] 
Holmes?  Fredricks? [;]  [erased]  calotype;  on 
verso,  col.  M[arguerite]  M[ilhau] 

The  J.  Paul  Getty  Museimi,  Los  Angeles 
84.XM.351. 14 

Frederick  Law  Olmsted,  1822/23-1903,  and 
Calvert  Vaux,  1824-1895,  designers 
Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896,  photographer 
Calvert  Vaux,  artist 

192.  '^Greensward^^  Plan  for  Central  Park,  No.  4: 
From  Point  D,  Looking  Northeast  across  a 
Landscape  Depicting  Belvedere  Castle,  Lake, 
Gondola,  and  Gazebo,  1857 

Lithograph,  albumen  silver  print  from  glass 

negative,  and  oil  on  paper,  mounted  on  board 

28|  X  21J  in.  (72.7  x  53.6  cm) 

Municipal  Archives,  Department  of  Records 

and  Infr>rmation  Services,  City  of  New  York 

DPR3084 

Frederick  Law  Olmsted,  1822/23-1903,  and 
Calvert  Vaux,  1824-1895,  designers 
Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896,  photographer 
Calvert  Vaux,  artist 

193.  '^^Greensward^  Plan  for  Central  Park,  No.  5; 
From  Point  E,  Lookin£f  Southwest,  1857 
Lithograph,  albumen  silver  print  from  glass 
negative,  and  oil  on  paper,  mounted  on  board 
28|  X  2ii  in.  (72.7  X  54.5  cm) 

Municipal  Archives,  Department  of  Records 
and  Information  Services,  City  of  New  York 
DPR  3085 

Attributed  to  Charles  DeForest  Fredricks, 
1823-1894 

194.  Fredricks^s  Photo£fraphic  Temple  of  Aft,  New  Tork, 
1857-60 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 

i6\  X  13I  in.  (41  X  35.2  cm) 

Stamped  on  verso,  in  circle  at  bottom  center, 

in  dark  purple  ink:  collection  albert  gilles 

Inscribed  on  verso  in  pencil:  (Calotype) 

Temple  de  Tart  Photographique/ New-York 

en  1853 

Hallmark  Photographic  Collection,  Hallmark 
Cards,  Inc.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri 
p5.390.001. 95 

Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 

195.  Martin  Van  Buren,  ca.  i860 

Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 

19  X  15I  in.  (48.3  X  39.7  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

David  Hunter  McAlpin  Fund,  1956  56.517.4 


Mathew  B.  Brady,  1823/24-1896 
196.  Cornelia  Van  Ness  Roosepelt,  ca.  i860 
Salted  paper  print  from  glass  negative 
17I X  15  in.  (45.1  X  38.1  cm) 
Gilman  Paper  Company  Collection,  New 
York 


COSTUMES 

197.  Man's  tailored  ensemble,  English,  ca.  1833 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York 

Tailcoat,  blue  silk 

Purchase,  Catherine  Brayer  Van  Bomel 
Foundation  Fund,  1981  1981.210.4 

Vest,  yellow  silk 

Purchase,  Irene  Lewisohn  Bequest,  1976 
1976.235. 3d 

Trousers,  natural  linen 

Purchase,  Irene  Lewisohn  and  Alice  L. 

Crowley  Bequests,  1982  1982.316. 11 

Stock,  black  silk  and  wool 

Purchase,  Gifts  from  various  donors,  1983 

1983.27.2 

Hat,  beige  beaver 

Purchase,  Irene  Lewisohn  Bequest,  1972 
1972.139.1 

198.  Woman's  walking  ensemble,  American, 
1832-33 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York 

Dress  and  pelerine,  brown  silk 

Gift  of  Randolph  Gunter,  1950  50.i5a,b 

Hat,  brown  straw 

Gift  of  Mr.  Lee  Simpson,  1939  39-13. 118 

Belt,  brown  woven  ribbon  with  gilt  metal 
buckle 

Purchase,  Gifts  from  various  donors,  1984 
1984.144 

Boots,  brown  leather  and  linen 

Gift  of  Mr.  Lee  Simpson,  1938  38.23. i5oa,b 

Collar,  embroidered  muslin 

Gift  of  The  New-York  Historical  Society,  1979 

1979.346.223 

Mitts,  cotton  mesh 

Gift  of  Mrs.  Margaret  Pumam,  1946 

46.i04a,b 

Cuffs,  embroidered  muslin 

Gift  of  Mrs.  Albert  S.  Morrow,  1937 

37.45-ioia,b 

199.  Woman's  afternoon  walking  ensemble, 
American 

Arnold  Constable  and  Company,  retailer 
Two-piece  day  dress,  worn  as  a  wedding 
gown  in  1855  by  Mrs.  Peter  Herrman,  1855 
Green-striped  taffeta 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Florien  P.  Gass,  44.247.1  ab-2ab 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  589 


Attributed  to  George  Brodie 

Mantilla  wrap,  worn  to  the  Prince  of  Wales 

Ball  in  i860,  ca.  1853 

Embroidered  red-brown  velvet 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Miss  Henry  A.  Lozier,  1948  48.65 

Bonnet,  ca.  1856 

Straw,  lace,  and  brown  velvet 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 

Mrs.  Cuyler  T.  Rawlins  5 9. 124. i 

S.  Redmond,  manufacturer 
Parasol,  ca.  1824-31 

Brown  silk  woven  with  leaf-and-flower 
border;  turned  and  carved  wood  stick 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  from  the 
Estate  of  Miss  Jessie  Smith,  Gift  of  CUfton  H. 
Smith  70.127 

200.  Woman's  afternoon  walking  ensemble 

Two-piece  day  dress,  American,  ca.  1855 

Plaid  taffeta  and  silk  braid 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Mrs.  Edwin  R.  Metcalf,  1969 

69.32.2a,b 

Paisley  shawl,  European,  mid-nineteenth  century 
Silk  and  wool 

The  MetropoUtan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mr.  E.  L.  Waid,  1955  c1.55.41 

Bonnet,  American,  ca.  1850 
Silk 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Grant  Keehn  62.235.2 

Alexander  T.  Stewart,  active  1823-76,  retailer 

201.  Wedding  veil  (detail),  Irish,  1850 
Net  with  Carrickmacross  applique 
40  X  100  in.  (101.5  X  254  cm) 

Valentine  Museum,  Richmond,  Virginia,  Gift 
of  Elizabeth  Valentine  Gray  05.21.10 

Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present, 
retailer 

202.  Fan,  European,  1850s 

Printed  vellum,  carved  and  gilded  mother-of- 
pearl 

lof  X  2o|  in.  (27  X  51  cm)  open 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Caroline  Ferriday,  1981  1981.40 

Middleton  and  Ryckman,  manufacturer 

203.  Pair  of  sHppers,  1848-50 

Bronze  kid  with  robin's-egg  blue  embroidery 
L.  9  in.  (22.8  cm)  heel  to  toe;  h.  if  in.  (4  cm) 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Miss  Florence  A.  Williams  58.212. ia,b 

204.  Woman's  evening  toilette,  worn  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales  Ball,  i860 

Attributed  to  Worth  and  Bobergh,  active 

1857/58-70/71,  Paris 

Ball  gown,  worn  by  Mrs.  David  Lyon 

Gardiner,  i860 

Cut  velvet,  woven  in  Lyon 


Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Miss  Sarah  Diodati  Gardiner  39.26a,b 

Bouquet  holder,  carried  by  Mrs.  Antonio 
Yznaga,  i860 
Gold  filigree 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Lady  Lister-Kaye  3 3 . 27. i 

George  IV-style  riviere,  mid-nineteenth  century 
Paste,  silver,  and  gold 
James  II  Galleries,  Ltd 

Headdress,  ca.  i860 
Teal  chenille  with  satin  glass  beads 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  John  Penn  Brock  42.445.9 

205.  Woman's  evening  toilette,  worn  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales  Ball,  i860 

Ball  gown,  worn  by  the  great-aunt  of  the 
Misses  Braman,  i860 

Cut  velvet  m  disposition  woven  in  Lyon,  point- 
de-gaze  lace 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  the 
Misses  Braman  53.40.i6a-d 

Fan,  carried  by  Mrs.  William  H.  Sackett,  i860 
Black  Chantilly  lace  and  mother-of-pearl 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of  the 
Misses  Emma  C.  and  Isabel  T.  Sackett,  1937 
37.326.4 

Mantilla  wrap,  worn  by  Mrs.  Jonas  C. 

Dudley,  i860 

Black  embroidered  net 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 

Mrs.  Russell  deC.  Greene  49.101 

Necklace,  American,  mid-nineteenth  century 
Strung  pearlwork 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Alfred  Schermerhorn,  in  memory 
of  Mrs.  Ellen  Schermerhorn  Auchmuty,  1946 
46.101. 8 

Headdress,  ca.  i860 

Black  Chantilly  lace,  silk-and-wool  flowers 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Miss  Martia  Leonard  33.143.4 


JEWELRY 

George  W.  Jamison,  d.  1868,  active  in  New 
York  City  as  a  cameo  cutter  1835-38 
William  Rose,  active  in  New  York  City 
1839-50,  jeweler 

206.  Cameo  with  portrait  bust  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
ca.  1835 

Helmet  conch  shell,  enamel,  and  gold 

2\  X  2^  in.  (6.4  X  5.7  cm) 

Signed  below  cavetto:  GJ  [in  relief] 

Inscribed  on  frame:  the  union  it  must  and 

SHALL  BE  PRESERVED 

Private  collection 

Gelston  and  Treadwell,  active  1843/44-1850/51 

207.  Bouquet  holder,  1847 


Silver 

H.  s\  in.  (13  cm);  diam.  if  in.  (4.1  cm) 
Impressed  on  original  box:  Gelston  & 
Treadwell/ No.  i  Astor  House,  N.  York/ 
Manufacturers  and  Importers  of  /  Fine 
Jewelry,  Watches /&  Fancy  Goods 
Historic  Hudson  Valley,  Tarrytown,  New 
York  ss.75.2ia,b 

Presented  by  Washington  Irving  to  his  niece 
Charlotte,  youngest  child  of  his  brother 
Ebenezer,  on  the  occasion  of  her  marriage  to 
William  R.  Grinnell  in  1847 

Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present 

208.  Five-piece  parure  in  fitted  box  (brooch, 
earrings,  cuff  buttons),  1854-61 

Agate,  coral,  pearls,  yellow  gold,  and  black 
enamel 

Diam.  (brooch)  i:^  in.  (3.2  cm) 
Impressed  on  interior  lid:  tiffany  &  co./ 

550  B.  way/ NEW- YORK 

Collection  of  Janet  Zapata 

Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present, 
retailer 

209.  Hair  bracelet,  ca.  1850 

Hair,  yellow  gold,  glass,  diamonds,  silver, 
and  textile 

L.  7\  in.  (19. 1  cm);  w.  i^  in.  (2.9  cm) 
Glass  medallion  set  with  a  silver  monogram 
"M"  in  diamonds 

Engraved  on  fastener:  MEM/ioth  July  1851 
The  New-York  Historical  Society  INV.774 

Edward  Burr,  active  in  New  York  City  1838-68 

210.  Parure  (brooch  and  earrings),  ca.  1858-60 
Yellow  gold,  pearls,  diamonds,  enamel,  and 
blue  enamel 

H.  (brooch)  2^  in.  (5.7  cm) 

Imprinted  inside  lid  of  original  box:  E.w. 

BURR/ 573  B.WAY/ NEW-YORK 

Private  collection 

Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present 

211.  Seed-pearl  necklace  and  pair  of  bracelets, 
ca.  i860 

Seed  pearls  and  yellow  gold 

L.  (necklace)  15:^  in.  (38.7  cm) 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.C.,  Rare 

Book  and  Special  Collections  Division 

2.87.276.1-3 

Purchased  (along  with  matching  earrings  and 
brooch)  for  $530  by  President  Abraham 
Lincoln  for  Mary  Todd  Lincoln,  who  wore 
them  to  her  husband's  inaugural  ball  in  1861 


DECORATIONS  FOR  THE  HOME 

Manufacturer  unknown,  British 
212.  Ingrain  carpet,  ca.  1835-40 
Wool 

152I  X  35^  in.  (387  X  90.2  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stuart  Feld,  1980 
1980.511. 8 


590    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  American 

213.  Ingrain  carpet,  ca.  1850-60 
Wool 

84  X  34^  in.  (213.4  X  87.6  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Frances  W.  Geyer,  1972  1972.203 

Elizabeth  Van  Horne  Clarkson,  1771-1852 

214.  Honeycomb  quilt,  ca.  1830 
Cotton 

107I  X  98^  in.  (273.4  X  249.6  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  A.  Moore,  1923 

23.80.75 

Maria  Theresa  Baldwin  Hollander 

215.  Abolition  quilt,  ca.  1853 

Silk  embroidered  with  silk  and  silk-chenille 
thread 

43i  X  43I  in.  (110.5  x  iii.i  cm) 

Society  for  the  Preservation  of  New  England 

Antiquities,  Boston,  Loaned  by  the  Estate  of 

Mrs.  Benjamin  R  Pitman  2.1923 

Exhibited  at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the 

Industry  of  All  Nations,  1853-54 

Manufacturer  unknown.  New  York  City 

216.  Wallpaper  depicting  west  side  of  Wall  Street; 
the  Battery  and  Castie  Garden;  Wall  Street 
with  Trinity  Church;  Grace  Church;  and 
City  Hall,  ca.  1850 

Roller-printed  paper 

2o|  x  182  in.  (52.9  X  47  cm)  repeat;  2o|  x 

19I  in.  (52.9  X  50.1  cm)  paper 

The  MetropoUtan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

The  Edward  W  C.  Arnold  Collection  of  New 

York  Prints,  Maps,  and  Pictures,  Bequest  of 

Edward  W.  C.  Arnold,  1954  54.90.734 

Manufacturer  vmknown,  probably  New 
York  City 

217.  Entrance-hall  wallpaper  from  the  George 
Collins  house,  Unionvale,  New  York,  ca.  1850 
Roller-printed  paper 

26  X  20  in.  (66  X  50.8  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Mrs.  Adrienne  A.  Sheridan,  1956 

56.599.10 

Manufacturer  unknown,  probably  New 
York  City 

218.  Window  shade  depicting  the  Crystal  Palace, 
New  York  City,  1853 

Hand-painted  and  roller-printed  paper 
6oi  X  35I  in.  (153  X  90  cm) 
Cooper-Hewitt,  National  Design  Museum, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  New  York,  Museum 
purchase  in  memory  of  Eleanor  and  Sarah 
Hewitt  1944.66. 1 

Manufacturer  unknown,  French 

219.  Brocatelle,  ca.  1850-55 
Silk  and  linen 

98  X  21  in.  (248.9  X  53.3  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Rogers  Fund,  1948  48.55.4 


Fisher  and  Bird,  active  1832-85 
(John  T.  Fisher,  d.  i860;  Clinton  G.  Bird, 
d.  1861;  Michael  Bird,  d.  after  1853) 
220.  Mantel  depicting  scenes  from  Jacques-Henri 
Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre's  Paul  et  Virgink 
(1788),  1851 
Marble 

51  j  X  80  X  26i  in.  (131.4  X  203.2  X  67.3  cm) 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Edward  W  Freeman,  1932  32.269  a-h,j 
Ordered  by  Hamilton  Fish  in  1851  for  his 
New  York  parlor 


FURNITURE 

Cabinetmaker  unknown.  New  York  City 

221.  Armchair,  ca.  1825 

Ebonized  maple  and  cherry;  walnut;  gilding; 
replacement  underupholstery  and  showcover 
38  X  26i  X  27J  in.  (96.5  X  67.3  X  70.5  cm) 
Wmterthur  Museum,  Winterthur,  Delaware, 
Bequest  of  Henry  F.  du  Pont  57.0739 

Deming  and  Bulkley,  active  in  New  York  City 
ca.  1820-50  and  in  New  York  City  and 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  ca.  1820- ca.  1840 
(Barzilla  Deming,  1781-1854,  active  1805-50; 
Erastus  Bulkley,  1798-1872,  active  ca.  1818-60) 

222.  Center  table,  1829 

Rosewood  and  mahogany  veneers;  pine,  chest- 
nut, mahogany;  gilding,  rosewood  graining, 
bronzing;  "Egyptian"  marble;  casters 
H.  30^  in.  (76.8  cm);  diam.  36  in.  (91.4  cm) 
Mulberry  Plantation,  Camden,  South  Carolina 
Made  for  Governor  Stephen  Decatur  Miller, 
Camden,  South  Carolina 

Cabinetmaker  unknown  (possibly  Robert 
Fisher,  active  1824-37),  New  York  City 

223.  Secretary-bookcase,  ca.  1830 

Ebonized  mahogany,  mahogany,  mahogany 
veneer;  pine,  poplar,  cherry;  gilding,  bronzing; 
stamped  brass  ornaments;  glass  drawer  pulls; 
replacement  fabric;  glass 
loij  X  55I X  29i  in.  (256.9  X  141.6  X  74.9  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Francis  Hartman  Markoe,  i960 
60.29. ia,b 

Cabinetmaker  unknown.  New  York  City 

224.  Sofa,  ca.  1830 

Mahogany,  mahogany  veneer;  marble;  gilt- 
bronze  mounts;  original  underupholstery  on 
back  and  sides,  replacement  showcover;  casters 
36  X  80  X  31  in.  (91.4  X  203.2  X  78.7  cm) 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Maria  L.  Emmons 
Fund  41.1181 

Endicott  and  Swett,  active  1830-34,  printer 
and  publisher 

225.  Broadside  for  Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons  (active 
1829-35),  1833 

Lithograph  with  hand  coloring 

21^  X  17  in.  (54.6  X  43.2  cm) 

Inscribed:  American  and  Foreign.  Agency. 


New-York  N«  6  Cabinet  Maker  &  Upholster- 
ers list  of  Prices. /Joseph  Meeks  &  Sons'./ 
Manufactory  of  Cabinet  and  Upholstery 
Articles /43  &45,  Broad-Street, /New  York./ 
Endicott  &  Swett  iii  Nassau  Street  N.Y./ 
Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the 
year  1833  by  Joseph  Meeks  &  Sons,  in  the 
Clerks  Office  of  the  Des.  \sic\  Ct.  of  the 
S.D.  of  N.Y 

The  Metropolitan  Museimi  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  Reed  W.  Hyde,  1943  43.15.8 

Cabinetmaker  unknown.  New  York  City 

226.  French  chair  (one  of  six),  ca.  1830 
Mahogany,  mahogany  veneer;  chesmut; 
original  underupholstery  and  showcover 
fragments,  replacement  showcover 

3i|  X  I9i  x  2o|  in.  (80.6  x  48.9  x  51.8  cm) 
Private  collection 

Joseph  Meeks  and  Sons,  active  1829-35 
(Joseph  Meeks,  1771-1868,  active  1797-1836; 
John  Meeks,  1801-1875,  active  1829-63;  Joseph 
W.  Meeks,  1805-1878,  active  1829-59) 

227.  Pier  table,  ca.  1835 

Mahogany  veneer,  mahogany;  "Egyptian" 
marble;  mirror  glass 
37  X  43  X  20^  in.  (94  X  109.2  X  51. 1  cm) 
Printed  on  fragmentary  paper  label  on  inside 
face  of  rear  rail:  meeks  &  sons  [manufac- 
tory] /  [of]  /  CABI  [net-furniture]  / 43  &  45 

Br[oad  Street] /N[ew-York.] 

Collection  of  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Emil  F.  Pascarelli 

John  H.  Williams  and  Son,  active  ca.  1844-57 
(John  H.  Williams,  active  ca.  1820-ca.  1862; 
George  H.  Williams,  active  1844-ca.  1857) 

228.  Pier  mirror,  ca.  1845 

Gilded  pine;  pine;  plate-glass  mirror 
94  X  38^  X  3^  in.  (238.8  X  97.8  X  8.3  cm) 
Inscribed  in  black  paint  on  back:  top 
Stenciled  in  black  ink,  twice,  on  back:  From/ 
J.  H.  Williams  &  Son/N°  315 /Pearl  Street/ 
New-York 

Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peter  G.  Terian 

Cabinetmaker  unknown.  New  York  City 

229.  Fall-front  secretary,  1833-ca.  1841 
Mahogany  veneer,  mahogany,  ebonized 
wood;  pine,  poplar,  cherry,  white  oak;  brass; 
leather;  mirror  glass 

67!  X  5oi  X  26  in.  (171. 8  x  127.3  x  66  cm) 
Impressed  on  fall  front  lock  plate,  above  an  eagle: 
at  left,  McKEE  CO;  at  right,  terrysville  conn. 
Impressed  on  proper  left  cabinet-door  lock 
plate:  at  top,  lewis  •  Mckee/&  CO.;  at 
bottom,  terrysville  /conn. 
Collection  of  Frederick  W.  Hughes 

Duncan  Phyfe  and  Son,  active  1840-47 
(Dimcan  Phyfe,  Scottish,  1768-1854,  active  in 
New  York  City  1792-1847;  James  D.  Phyfe, 
b.  1797,  aaive  1837-47) 

230.  Six  nested  tables,  1841 

Rosewood,  rosewood  veneer;  mahogany; 
gilding  not  original 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  59I 


Largest  table  29I  x  22^  x  16  in.  (74.6  x  56.2  x 
40.6  cm) 

Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peter  G.  Terian 
Made  for  John  Laurence  Manning  and  Susan 
Hampton  Manning,  Millford  Plantation, 
Clarendon  County,  South  Carolina 

Duncan  Phyfe  and  Son,  active  1840-47 
(Duncan  Phyfe,  Scottish,  1768-1854,  active  in 
New  York  City  1792-1847;  James  D.  Phyfe, 
b.  1797,  active  1837-47) 

231.  Armchair,  1841 

Mahogany,  mahogany  veneer;  chestnut; 
replacement  underupholstery  and  showcover 
32^  x  22^  X  24  in.  (82.4  X  56.2  x  61  cm) 
Collection  of  Richard  Hampton  Jenrette 
Made  for  John  Laurence  Manning  and  Susan 
Hampton  Manning,  Millford  Plantation, 
Clarendon  County,  South  Carolina 

Duncan  Phyfe  and  Son,  active  1840-47 
(Duncan  Phyfe,  Scottish,  1768-1854,  active  in 
New  York  City  1792-1847;  James  D.  Phyfe, 
b.  1797,  active  1837-47) 

232.  Couch  (one  of  a  pair),  1841 
Rosewood  veneer,  rosewood,  mahogany; 
sugar  pine,  ash,  poplar;  rosewood  graining; 
replacement  underupholstery  and  showcover 
35I  X  74I  X  22I  in.  (90.5  X  190.2  X  58.1  cm) 
Collection  of  Richard  Hampton  Jenrette 
Made  for  John  Laurence  Manning  and  Susan 
Hampton  Manning,  Millford  Plantation, 
Clarendon  County,  South  Carolina 

J.  and  J.  W.  Meeks,  active  1836-59 
(John  Meeks,  1801-1875,  active  1829-63; 
Joseph  W.  Meeks,  1805-1878,  active  1829-59) 

233.  Portfolio  cabinet-on-stand,  with  a  scene  from 
Shakespeare's  Romeo  and  Juliet^  ca.  1845 
Rosewood,  rosewood  and  maple  veneers; 
cross-stitched  needlepoint  panel;  replacement 
fabric;  glass 

66  X  27I  X  i6|  in.  (167.6  x  70.8  x  42.9  cm) 
Collection  of  Mrs.  Sammie  Chandler 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  1803-1892,  designer 
Richard  Byrne,  Irish,  1805-1883,  active  in  White 
Plains,  New  York,  1845-ca.  1883,  cabinetmaker 

234.  Hall  chair  (one  of  a  pair),  ca.  1845 

Oak;  original  cane  seat,  replacement  cushion 
37I  X  i8i  x  2oi  in.  (94.9  X  47  X  51.4  cm) 
Lyndhurst,  A  National  Trust  Historic  Site, 
Tarrytown,  New  York  (nt 64.25. 9[a]) 
Made  for  William  Paulding  and  his  son 
Philip  for  Knoll  (later  renamed  Lyndhurst), 
Tarrytown,  New  York 

Alexander  Jackson  Davis,  180 3 -1892,  designer 
Possibly  Burns  and  Brother,  active  1857-60, 
cabinetmaker 

(William  Bums,  Scottish,  ca.  1807-1867,  active 
in  New  York  City  1835-66;  Thomas  Bums,  Scot- 
tish, d.  i860,  active  in  New  York  City  1854-60) 

235.  Side  chair,  ca.  1857 

Black  walnut;  replacement  underupholstery 
and  showcover 


39f  X  i8i  X  i8i  in.  (100.6  x  47  x  47  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Jane  B.  Davies,  in  memory  of  Lyn 
Davies,  1995  1995. m 

Similar  to  chairs  made  for  Ericstan  (John  J. 
Herrick  House),  Tarrytown,  New  York 

Auguste-Emile  Ringuet-Leprince,  French, 
1801-1886,  active  in  Paris  1840-48  and  in 
New  York  City  1848-60 
236A,  B.  Sofa  and  armchair,  Paris,  1843 

Ebonized  fruitwood  (apple  or  pear);  beech; 
gilt-bronze  mounts;  original  underupholstery 
and  silk  brocatelle  showcover;  casters  (on  chair) 
Sofa:  38i  x  72  x  29I  in.  (97.2  x  182.9  x  75.6  cm) 
Armchair:  37^  x  23^  x  25I  in.  (96.2  x  59.7  x 
65.7  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Mrs.  Douglas  Williams,  1969 
69.262.1,  69.262.3 

From  a  drawing-room  suite  made  for  James  C. 
Colles  and  Harriet  Wetmore  Colles,  35  Uni- 
versity Place 

Cabinetmaker  unknown,  probably  French 
(probably  Paris) 

Retailed  by  Charles  A.  Baudouine,  1808-1895, 
active  1829-54,  cabinetmaker 

237.  Lady's  writing  desk,  1849-54 
Ebonized  poplar  (aspen  or  cottonwood); 
painted  and  gilded  decoration;  velvet 
4o|  X  325  X  175  in.  (103.5  x  82.6  X  44.5  cm) 
Printed  on  paper  label  on  back:  Baudouine's  / 
Fashionable  Furniture  &  Upholstery/  Estab- 
lishment /  335  Broadway  /  New-York  /  Keeps 
constantly  on  hand  the /Largest  Assortment 
of  Elegant  Furniture /to  be  found  in  the 
United  States. 

Stenciled  in  ink  on  proper  left  side  of  apron 
drawer:  From/C.A.  Baudouine/ 335 /Broad- 
way/New  York 

Inscribed  in  ink  inside  the  desk:  on  left  side, 
G  [Gauche] ;  on  right  side,  D  [Droite] 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Gift  of  the 
William  N.  Banks  Foundation  in  memory  of 
Laurie  Crichton  1979.612 

Thomas  Brooks,  1810/11-1887,  active  1844-75, 
Brooklyn,  New  York 

238.  Table- top  bookcase  made  for  Jenny  Lind,  1851 
Rosewood;  ivory;  silver 

39  X  32  X  13  in.  (99-1  X  81.3  x  33  cm) 
Engraved  on  paper  label  on  underside  of 
drawer:  brooksV cabinet  warehouse./ 
127  Fulton  St.  Cor.  Sands  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Engraved  on  silver  presentation  plaque:  Pre- 
sented to/ Jenny  Lind/by  the/Members  of/the/ 
Fire  Department/ of  the/ City  of  New  York. 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Arthur  S.  Vernay  52. 24.1a 

John  T.  Bowen,  British,  ca.  1801-1856,  active 
in  New  York  City  1834-38,  active  in  Philadel- 
phia 1839-56,  lithographer 
After  John  James  Audubon,  French,  born 
Haiti,  1785-1851,  active  in  the  United  States 


1806-51,  artist,  and  Robert  Havell  Jr., 
British,  1793-1878,  active  in  the  United 
States  1839-78,  engraver 
J.  J.  Audubon  and  J.  B.  Chevalier,  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  publisher 
Matthews  and  Rider,  bookbinders 
239.  The  Birds  of  America,  from  Drawings  Made 
in  the  United  States  and  Their  Territories, 
1840-44 

Seven  volumes;  bound  in  ivory,  red,  green, 

and  blue  leather  with  gold  stamping 

lof  x  7I  X  2g  in.  (27  X  18.7  X  5.4  cm) 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 

Arthur  S.  Vernay  52.24.2a~g 

Specially  bound  for  and  presented  to  Jenny 

Lind 

Julius  Dessoir,  German  (Prussia),  1801-1884, 
active  in  New  York  City  ca.  1842-65 
240A-C.  Sofa  and  two  armchairs,  1853 

Rosewood;  chesmut;  original  underuphol- 
stery and  replacement  showcover;  casters 
Sofa:  59i  x  82f  x  34^  in.  (150.2  x  209.9  x 

87.6  cm) 

Armchairs:  55  x  28  x  31I  in.  (139.7  x  71. i  x 

79.7  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Lily  and  Victor  Chang,  in  honor 
of  the  Museum's  125th  Anniversary,  1995 
1995. 150. 1-3 

Exhibited  at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the 
Industry  of  All  Nations,  1853-54 

Gustave  Herter,  German  (Stuttgart,  Wiirt- 
temberg),  1 830-1 898,  active  in  New  York  City 
1848-70,  designer 

Bulkley  and  Herter,  active  ca.  1853-58, 
cabinetmaker 

(Erastus  Bulkley,  1798-1872,  active  ca.  1818-60; 
Gustave  Herter) 

241.  Bookcase,  1853 

White  oak;  eastern  white  pine,  eastern 
hemlock,  yellow  poplar;  leaded  glass  not 
original 

134^  X  ii8|  X  30^  in.  (341.6  X  301.6  X  76.8  cm) 
Inscribed  in  pencil:  on  interior  face  of  proper 
left  side  of  lower  case.  No.  2[?];  on  interior 
face  of  proper  right  side  of  lower  case,  No.  3 
The  Nelson-Atkins  Museum  of  Art,  Kansas 
City,  Missouri  (Purchase:  Nelson  Trust 
through  the  exchange  of  gifts  and  bequests 
of  numerous  donors  and  other  Trust  proper- 
ties) 97-35 

Exhibited  at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the 
Industry  of  All  Nations,  1853-54 

Cabinetmaker  unknown.  New  York  City 
Nunns  and  Clark,  active  1840-60,  piano 
manufacturer 

(Robert  Nunns,  active  1823-ca.  i860;  John 
Clark,  active  1833-57) 

242.  Square  piano,  1853 

Rosewood,  rosewood  veneer;  mother-of- 
pearl,  tortoiseshell,  abalone  shell 
37|  X  87I  X  43i  in.  (95-9  x  223.3  x  118  cm) 


592    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Engraved  on  silver  plate  on  nameboard: 

R.  Nunns  &  Clark. /New  York. 

Inscribed  in  pencil:  on  inside  left  side  of  case, 

Thompson;  on  underside  of  soundboard, 

Joseph  Gassin/Aug*^  20/1853 

Stamped:  on  pin  block,  back  of  nameboard, 

right  side  of  key  frame,  8054;  on  lowest  key, 

D.  Perrin[?] 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  George  Lowther,  1906  06.1312 

Alexander  Roux,  French,  1813-1886,  active  in 
New  York  City  1836-80 

243.  Etagere-sideboard,  ca.  1853-54 
Black  walnut;  pine,  poplar 

93  X  72I  X  26  in.  (236.2  X  i84-8  x  66  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Friends  of  the  American  Wing 
Fund  and  David  Schwartz  Foundation,  Inc. 
Gift,  1993  1993.168 

Similar  to  the  model  exhibited  at  the  New- 
York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All 
Nations,  1853-54 

Cabinetmaker  unknown,  French  (probably 
Paris) 

244.  Center  table,  1855-57 

Gilded  wood  (possibly  aspen  or  cottonwood); 
beech;  marble  top;  casters 
29f  X  56f  x  37|  in.  (75.2  x  143-8  x  94-9  cm) 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  Marion 
Litchfield  51.112.9 

Made  for  Edwin  Clark  Litchfield  and  Grace 
Hill  Hubbard  Litchfield  for  Grace  Hill, 
Brooklyn,  New  York 

Attributed  to  J.  H.  Belter  and  Company, 
active  1844-66 

(John  H.  Belter,  German  [Hilter,  Hannover], 
1804-1863,  active  in  New  York  City  1833-63) 

245.  Sofa,  ca.  1855 

Rosewood;  probably  replacement  under- 
upholstery,  replacement  showcover;  casters 
54  X  93i  X  40  in.  (137.2  x  237.5  x  101.6  cm) 
Milwaukee  Art  Museum,  Purchase,  Bequest 
of  Mary  Jane  Rayniak  in  Memory  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Joseph  G.  Rayniak  M1987.16 

Alexander  Roux,  French,  181 3-1886,  active  in 
New  York  City  1836-80 

246.  Etagere,  ca.  1855 

Rosewood,  rosewood  veneer;  chesmut, 
poplar,  bird's-eye  maple  veneer;  replacement 
mirror  glass 

86  x  79^  X  29I  in.  (218.4  x  201.9  x  75.9  cm  ) 

Engraved  on  label  on  back  of  shelves: 

A.  Roux  479/481 /A.  Roux/Gaime. 

Guillemot  &  Co.  Roux/ Cabinet  Maker/ 

481  Broadway  /  New-York 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Sansbury-Mills  Fund,  1971  1971.219 

Cabinetmaker  unknown,  probably  New 
York  City 

247.  Fire  screen,  ca.  1855 

Rosewood;  white  pine;  tent-stitched 


needlepoint  panel;  glass;  replacement  silk 

backing;  casters 

67  X  42I  in.  (170.2  X  108.6  cm) 

The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago,  Mary  Waller 

Langhome  Endowment  1989.155 

Ringuet-Leprince  and  L.  Marcotte,  active 
1848-60 

(Auguste-Emile  Ringuet-Leprince,  French, 
1801-1886,  active  in  Paris  1840-48  and  in 
New  York  City  1848-60;  Leon  Marcotte, 
French,  1824-1887,  active  in  New  York  City 
1848-87) 

248.  Armchair,  ca.  1856 

Ebonized  maple;  pine;  gilt-bronze  mounts; 
replacement  underupholstery  and  showcover; 
casters 

40^  X  2si  X  26^  in.  (102.9  X  64.1  X  67.3  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  D.  Chester  Noyes,  1968  68.69.2 
From  a  ballroom  suite  made  for  John  Taylor 
Johnston  and  Frances  Colles  Johnston, 
8  Fifth  Avenue 

Gustave  Herter,  active  1858-64 
(Gustave  Herter,  German  [Stuttgart, 
Wiirttemberg],  1830-1898,  aaive  in  New 
York  City  1848-70) 

249.  Reception  room  cabinet,  ca.  i860 
Bird's-eye  maple,  rosewood,  ebony, 
marquetry  of  various  woods;  white  pine, 
cherry,  poplar,  oak;  oil  on  canvas;  gilt-bronze 
mounts;  brass  inlay;  gilding;  mirror  glass 
9oi  X  59I  X  195  in.  (229.2  X  151.8  X  49.5  cm) 
Victoria  Mansion,  The  Morse-Libby  House, 
Portland,  Maine  1984.65 

Made  for  the  Ruggles  Sylvester  Morse 
and  Olive  Ring  Merrill  Morse  mansion, 
Portland,  Maine 


CERAMICS 

Maker  unknown,  French  (Paris) 

250.  Vase  depicting  view  of  New  York  City  from 
Governors  Island,  ca.  1828-30 
Porcelain,  overglaze  enamel  decoration, 
and  gilding 

H.  12I  in.  (32.7  cm);  diam.  9I  in.  (23.2  cm) 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stuart  P.  Feld 
The  scene  depicted  is  based  on  a  print  in  The 
Hudson  River  Portfolio  (1821-25;  see  cat.  no.  114). 

Maker  unknown,  French  (Paris) 

251.  Pair  of  vases  depicting  a  scene  on  Lower 
Broadway  with  Saint  Paul's  Chapel  and 
an  interior  view  of  the  First  Merchants' 
Exchange,  ca.  1831-35 

Porcelain,  overglaze  enamel  decoration, 
and  gilding 

H.  13  in.  (33  cm);  diam.  9I  in.  (25.1  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Harris  Brisbane  Dick  Fund,  1938  38.165.35, 
38.165.36 

The  scenes  depicted  are  copied  from 
Theodore  Fay's  Views  in  New  York  and  Its 
Environs  (1831-34). 


Maker  unknown,  French  (probably  Limoges) 

252.  Pair  of  vases  depicting  scenes  from  Harriet 
Beecher  Stowe's  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin  (1852), 
ca.  1852-65 

Porcelain  with  gilding 

19  X  14  in.  (48.3  X  35.6  cm) 

The  Newark  Museum,  Purchase,  1968, 

Mrs.  Parker  O.  Griffith  Fund  68.io6a,b 

James  and  Ralph  Clews,  English 
(Staffordshire),  active  ca.  1815-34 

253.  Platter  depicting  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette's 
arrival  at  Casde  Garden,  August  16, 1824, 
ca.  1825-34 

White  earthenware  with  blue  transfer-printed 
decoration 

L.  19  in.  (48.3  cm);  w.  14^  in.  (36.8  cm) 
Impressed  on  underside  within  a  circle, 
surrounding  a  crown:  clews  warranted 

STAFFORDSHIRE 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Harry  Horton  Benkard  34  508. 2 

Joseph  Stubbs,  English  (Longport,  Burslem, 
Staffordshire),  active  ca.  1822-36 

254.  Pitcher  depicting  City  Hail,  New  York, 
ca.  1826-36 

White  earthenware  with  blue  transfer-printed 
decoration 

7I X  9  X  7^  in.  (19.4  X  22.9  X 19. 1  cm) 
Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur,  Delaware, 
Bequest  of  Henry  F.  du  Pont  58.1819 
The  view  is  after  a  drawing  by  William  Guy 
Wall,  which  was  engraved  by  John  William 
Hill  in  1826. 

Decasse  and  Chanou,  active  1824-27 
(Louis-Fran9ois  Decasse,  French,  b.  1790, 
active  until  1850;  Nicolas-Louis-Edouard 
Chanou,  French,  i8o3?-i828) 

255.  Tea  service,  1824-27 
Porcelain  with  gilding 

Teapot:  6^  x  11  x  5^  in.  (16.5  x  27.9  x  14  cm) 
Sugar  bowl:  5i  x  7  x  4f  in.  (14  x  17.8  x  11 .7  cm) 
Cream  pitcher:  4i  x  6  x  35  in.  (10.8  x  15.2  x 
7.9  cm) 

Cup:  2\  X  4i  in.  (5.7  x  10.8  cm) 
Saucer:  diam.  5  in.  (12.7  cm) 
Plates:  diam.  7I  in.,  8|  in.  (18.7  cm,  21.3  cm) 
Stamped  in  red  on  underside  within  circle 
(all  pieces  except  for  teapot  and  large  plate) : 
decasse  &  CHANOU. /[eagle] /New  York. 
Incised  on  large  plate:  EC  No  3/x 
Kaufman  Americana  Foundation 

D.  and  J.  Henderson  Flint  Stoneware  Manu- 
factory, Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1828-33 
(David  Henderson,  d.  1845;  James  Henderson) 

256.  End  of  the  Rabbit  Hunt  pitcher,  ca.  1828-30 
Stoneware,  wheel-thrown  with  applied 
decoration 

8|  X  9  X  7i  in.  (22.5  X  22.9  x  19.1  cm) 
Inscribed  on  front:  james  n.  wells/ 38/ 
Hudson  Street 

Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  Lewis 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  593 


D.  and  J.  Henderson  Flint  Stoneware  Manu- 
factory, Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1828-33 
(David  Henderson,  d.  1845;  James  Henderson) 

257.  Acorn  and  Berry  pitcher,  ca.  1830-35 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with  applied 
decoration 

8|  X  6|  X  8^  in.  (22.2  x  17  x  21.7  cm) 
Impressed  on  underside  within  circle:  D  &  J/ 
Henderson  /  Jersey  /  City 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Burton  P.  Fabricand 
Gift,  2000  2000.87 

D.  and  J.  Henderson  Flint  Stoneware  Manu- 
factory, Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1828-33 
(David  Henderson,  d.  1845;  James  Henderson) 

258.  Herculancum  pitcher,  ca.  1830-33 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with  applied 
decoration 

io|  X  7I  X  6^  in.  (26.4  X  19.7  X  16.5  cm) 
Impressed  on  underside:  8 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  Lewis 

American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1833-55 
Daniel  Greatbach,  active  1838-58,  probable 
modeler 

259.  Thistle  pitcher,  1838-52 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with  brown 
Rockingham  glaze 

9|  X  9^  X  7  in.  (24.5  X  23.2  X  17.8  cm) 
Impressed  on  underside  within  circle: 

AMERICAN/ POTTERY,  CO/-O- /  JERSEY, 
CITY,  N.J. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Maude  B.  Feld  and  Samuel  B.  Feld, 
1992  1992.230 

American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1833-55 

260.  Vegetable  dish,  ca.  1833-45 

White  earthenware,  press-molded  with 
feather-edged  and  blue  sponged  decoration 
H.  2^  in.  (6.4  cm);  diam.  11  in.  (27.9  cm  ) 
Impressed  on  underside  within  circle: 

AMERICAN  /  POTTERY  C"/  5  /  JERSEY  CITY,  N.J. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Herbert  and  Jeanine  Coyne  Foun- 
dation and  Cranshaw  Corporation  Gifts,  1997 
1997.105 

American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1833-55 

261.  Covered  hot-milk  pot  or  teapot  and  under- 
plate,  ca.  1835-45 

White  earthenware,  press-molded  with  blue 
sponged  decoration 

Pot  (including  cover):  6|  x  7  x  4|  in.  (16.2  x 
17.8  X  12. 1  cm) 

Plate:  diam.  7^  in.  (19.1  cm) 

Impressed  on  underside  of  pot  within  circle: 

AMERICAN/ POTTERY  C"/-©-/ JERSEY  CITY,  N.J. 

Impressed  on  underside  of  plate  within  circle: 

AMER[ICAN]/ POTTERY  [C^*]/ JERSEY  [CITY,  N.J.] 

Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  Lewis 


American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1833-55 

262.  Canova  plate,  1835-45 

White  earthenware,  press-molded  with  blue 
underglaze  transfer-printed  decoration 
Diam.  9^  in.  (23.2  cm) 
Printed  on  underside  in  ellipse:  American 

pottery/ MANUFACTURING  C"  / CANOVA/ 
JERSEY  CITY 

Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art  50.144 

American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1833-55 
Daniel  Greatbach,  active  1849-58,  modeler 

263.  Pitcher  made  for  William  Henry  Harrison's 
presidential  campaign,  1840 
Cream-colored  earthenware,  press-molded 
with  black  underglaze  transfer-printed 
decoration 

iif  X  84  X  10  in.  (29.5  X  21  X  25.4  cm) 
Printed  in  black  on  underside  within  flag: 

AM.  pottery/ MANUF^  C*^/ JERSEY  CITY 

New  Jersey  State  Museum,  Trenton 
CH1986.11 

Salamander  Works,  New  York  City  or 
Woodbridge,  New  Jersey,  active  1836-55 

264.  Water  cooler,  1836-45 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with  brown 
Rockingham  glaze 

H.  18^  in.  (47  cm);  diam.  ii|  in.  (29.8  cm) 
Inscribed  on  front:  salamander/ works 

NEW-YORK 

New  Jersey  State  Museum,  Trenton 
CH1971.70 

Salamander  Works,  New  York  City  or 
Woodbridge,  New  Jersey,  active  1836-55 

265.  Punch  bowl,  ca.  1836-42 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with  brown 
Rockingham  glaze,  porcelain  letters 
H.  7  in.  (17.8  cm);  w.  17  in.  (43.2  cm); 
diam.  14^  in.  (36.2  cm) 

Marked  with  raised  white  letters  applied  on 
the  front:  j.  K.  grosvenor 
Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur,  Delaware, 
Bequest  of  Henry  F.  du  Pont  59.1937 

Salamander  Works,  New  York  City  or 
Woodbridge,  New  Jersey,  active  1836-55 

266.  "Spanish"  pitcher,  ca.  1837-42 
Stoneware,  press-molded  with  brown 
Rockingham  glaze 

13I  X  loj  X  13I  in.  (34  X  27.3  X  34  cm) 
Raised,  molded  mark  on  underside:  Ci 
Collection  of  Arthur  F.  and  Esther  Goldberg 

Charles  Cardidge  and  Company,  Greenpoint 
(Brooklyn),  New  York,  active  1848-56 
(Charles  Cardidge,  1800-1860) 

267.  Presentation  pitcher  for  the  governor  of  the 
state  of  New  York  from  the  Manufacturing 
and  Mercantile  Union,  1854-56 
Porcelain,  with  overglaze  decoration  in 
polychrome  enamels  and  gilding 

i3i  X  14^  X  10  in.  (33.7  x  36.2  x  25.4  cm) 


Inscribed  on  sides  and  front  in  gold: 
Presented  by  the/ M.  &  M.  Union/  To  the 
Governor. /Of  the  state  of/ New  York. 
Collection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  Lewis 

Charles  Cartlidge  and  Company,  Greenpoint 
(Brooklyn),  New  York,  active  1848-56 
(Charles  Cartlidge,  1800-1860) 

268.  Pitcher  made  for  the  Claremont,  1853-56 
Porcelain,  with  overglaze  decoration  in 
polychrome  enamels  and  gilding 

lOi  X  11^  X  6^  in.  (26.7  X  29.2  X  16.5  cm) 
Inscribed  on  front:  E.  Jones.  /  claremont.  / 
American  Porcela[in] 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Miss  Dorothy  Rogers  and  Mrs.  Edward  H. 
Anson  49.44.4 

The  Claremont  was  a  hotel  located  at  what 
is  now  Riverside  Drive  and  124th  Street; 
Edmund  Jones  was  its  proprietor. 

William  Boch  and  Brothers,  Greenpoint 
(Brooklyn),  New  York,  active  before  1844- 
1861/62 

(William  Boch,  1 797-1872;  Anthony  Boch, 
active  1855-62;  Francis  Victor  Boch,  1855-60) 

269.  Pitcher,  1844-57 
Porcelain 

9f  X  8^  X  6  in.  (24.4  x  21.6  x  15.2  cm) 
Impressed  on  underside,  following  the 
oval  shape  of  the  base:  w  b  &  br's/ 
Greenpoint.  L.  I. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Anonymous  Gift,  1968  68.112 

United  States  Pottery  Company,  Bennington, 
Vermont,  active  1847-58 

270.  Central  monument  from  the  United  States 
Pottery  Company  display  at  the  New-York 
Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations 
(1853-54),  1851-53 

Earthenware,  including  Rockingham  and 
Flint  enamel-glazed  earthenware,  scroddled 
ware;  parian  porcelain 
H.  120  in.  (304.8  cm) 

Bennington  Museum,  Bennington,  Vermont 
1989.63 

Displayed  at  the  exhibition  by  O.  A.  Gager 
and  Company,  New  York  City  retailer 


glass 

Probably  Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works  of 
Richard  and  John  Fisher,  New  York  City, 
active  1820-40,  or  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass 
Works  of  John  Gilliland,  Brooklyn,  New 
York,  active  1823-68 
(Richard  Fisher,  1783-1850;  John  Fisher, 
d.  1848;  John  L.  Gilliland,  1787-1868) 
271.  Decanter  (one  of  a  pair),  1825-45 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
H.  9|  in.  (23.2  cm);  diam.  4  in.  (10.2  cm) 
Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur,  Delaware, 
Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robert  Trump 
77.0181. ooia,b 


594    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Jersey  Glass  Company  of  George  Dummer, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1824-62 
(George  Dummer,  1782-1853) 

272.  Salt,  1830-40 
Pressed  green  glass 

if  X  3  X  2f  in.  (4.8  X  7.6  X  6  cm) 

Impressed  on  underside:  jersey/ glass  co.,/ 

Nr.  N.  YORK 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Butzi  Mofiitt  Gift,  1985  1985.129 

Jersey  Glass  Company  of  George  Dummer, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1824-62 
(George  Dummer,  1782-1853) 

273.  Compote,  ca.  1830-40 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
H.  7^  in.  (19  cm);  diam.  (rim)  10 J  in.  (25.8  cm) 
The  Corning  Museum  of  Glass,  Corning, 
New  York  71 .4. 108 

Jersey  Glass  Company  of  George  Dummer, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1824-62 
(George  Dummer,  1782-1853) 

274.  Covered  box,  ca.  1830-40 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  decoration; 
silver  cover 

li  X  4|  X  i|  in.  (4.5  X  12.3  X  4.8  cm) 
Engraved  on  cover:  Mary  Sarah  Dummer 
The  Coming  Museum  of  Glass,  Corning, 
New  York  71. 4.  no 

Jersey  Glass  Company  of  George  Dummer, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1824-62 
(George  Dimimer,  1782-185  3) 

275.  Oval  dish,  ca.  1830-40 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
L.  7i  in.  (19.7  cm);  h.  i|  in.  (4.5  cm) 
The  Coming  Museum  of  Glass,  Coming, 
New  York  71.4.113 

Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works  of  Richard 
and  John  Fisher,  New  York  City,  active 
1820-40,  or  Brooklyn  Glass  Works  of  John 
Gilliland,  Brooklyn,  New  York,  active  1823-68, 
or  Jersey  Glass  Company  of  George  Dummer, 
Jersey  City,  New  Jersey,  active  1824-62 
Possibly  cut  by  Jackson  and  Baggott 
(Richard  Fisher,  1783-1850;  John  Fisher, 
d.  1848;  John  L.  Gilliland,  1787-1868;  George 
Dummer,  1782-1853;  William  Jackson,  active 
1816-30;  Joseph  Baggott,  d.  1839) 

276.  Decanter  and  wineglasses,  ca.  1825-35 
Blown  green  glass,  with  cut  decoration 
Decanter:  h.  lof  in.  (27  cm);  diam.  4  in. 
(10.2  cm) 

Wineglasses:  4f  in.  (12.5  cm);  diam.  2|  in. 
(7.3  cm) 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Berry  B.  Tracy,  1972  1972.266. 1-7 
Owned  by  Luman  Reed,  according  to  tradition 

Maker  unknown.  New  York  City  area 

277.  A  selection  from  a  service  of  table  glass  made 
for  a  member  of  the  Weld  family,  Albany, 
1840-59 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  and  engraved 
decoration 


Claret  decanters  with  handles:  (1984.24.3. i.ia,b) 
h.  16  in  (40.6  cm);  ciramiferencc  15^  in. 
(39.4  cm).  (1984.24.3. i.2a,b)  h.  i5i  in. 
(38.7  cm);  circumference  15^  in.  (39.4  cm) 
Compote  (1984.24.3. 2.1):  h.  6|  in.  (15.6  cm); 
diam.  65  in.  (15.6  cm) 

Oval  serving  bowl  (1984.24.3.3.1)'.  2^  x  9i  x 

6  in.  (5.7  X  24.1  X  15.2  cm) 

Finger  bowl  (1984.24.3.4.1):  h.  3J  in.  (8.3  cm); 

diam.  (rim)  4f  in.  (12.4  cm) 

Carafe  (1984.24.3.5.1):  h.  7  in.  (17.8  cm); 

circumference  15^  in.  (39.4  cm) 

Punch  cup  (1984.24.3. 6.1):  h.  2|  in.  (7.3  cm); 

diam.  (rim)  2|  in.  (6.7  cm) 

Wineglasses:  (1984. 24.5.7-1)  h.  4|  in.  (12.4  cm); 

diam.  (rim)  2J  in  (5.7  cm).  (1984.24.3.8.1) 

h.  3f  in.  (9.2  cm);  diam.  (rim)  if  in.  (4.1  cm) 

Tumblers:  (1984.24.3-9.1)  h.  2j  in.  (7  cm); 

diam.  (rim)  2f  in.  (6.7  cm).  (1984.24.3. 10. i) 

h.  3I  in.  (9.5  cm);  diam.  (rim)  3I  in.  (8.6  cm). 

(1984.24.3. II. i)  h.  3I  in.  (9.2  cm);  diam.  (rim) 

3i  in.  (7.9  cm) 

Decanters:  (1984.24.3. i2.ia,b)  h.  ii|  in, 
(29.8  cm);  circumference  12  in.  (30.5  cm). 
(i984.24.3.i4.ia,b)  h.  13^  in.  (34.3  cm); 
circumference  14^  in.  (36.8  cm) 
Engraved  on  front  of  each:  [Weld  family 
crest  with  motto:]  nil  sine  numine 
Albany  Institute  of  History  and  Art 
1984.24.3. 1-.14 

Made  for  Harriet  Weld  Coming  (1793-1883) 
or  her  niece  Harriet  Corning  Turner  Pmyn 
(1822-1859) 

Long  Island  Flint  Glass  Works  of  Christian 
Dorflinger,  Brooklyn,  New  York,  active 
1852-63 

(Christian  Dorflinger,  bom  France  [Alsace], 
1828-1915) 

278.  Presentation  vase  for  Mrs.  Christian  Dorflinger 
from  the  Dorflinger  Guards,  1859 

Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  and  engraved 
decoration 

H.  i6|  in.  (42.9  cm);  diam.  65  in.  (15.4  cm) 

Engraved  on  shield:  Presented  by  the  officers/ 

&  Members  of  the/ Dorflinger  Guards /To 

Mrs.  /  Dorflinger  /  January  14th  / 1859 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

Gift  of  Isabel  Lambert  Dorflinger,  1988 

1988.391.1 

Long  Island  Flint  Glass  Works  of  Christian 
Dorflinger,  Brooklyn,  New  York,  active 
1852-63 

(Christian  Dorflinger,  born  France  [Alsace], 
1828-1915) 

279.  Compote  made  for  the  White  House,  1861 
Blown  colorless  glass,  with  cut  and  engraved 
decoration 

H.  8J  in.  (22.5  cm);  diam.  (rim)  9I  in.  (23.8  cm) 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Katheryn  Halt  Dorflinger  Manchee, 
1972  1972.232.1 

Part  of  state  service  commissioned  by  Mrs. 
Abraham  Lincoln  through  a  Washington, 
D.C.,  retailer 


William  Jay  Bolton,  1816-1884,  assisted  by 
John  Bolton,  1818-1898 
280 .  Christ  Stills  the  Tempest,  one  of  sixty  figural 
windows  made  for  Holy  Trinity  Church 
(now  St.  Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity  Church), 
Brooklyn,  1844-47 

Opaque  glass  paint,  enamels,  and  silver  stain 
on  pot-metal  glass 

Three  lancets;  each  lancet  63 J  x  18  j  (161. 9  x 
47.6  cm) 

St.  Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity  Church, 
Brooklyn,  New  York.  The  window  has  been 
restored  with  the  support  of  Catherine  S. 
Boericke  and  Francis  T.  Chambers,  III, 
descendants  of  William  Jay  Bolton,  and 
public  ftmds  from  The  New  York  City 
Department  of  Cultural  Affairs  Cultural 
Challenge  Program. 

The  first  ensemble  of  figural  stained-glass 
windows  made  in  America 


silver  and  other  metalwork 

Fletcher  and  Gardiner,  Philadelphia,  active 
1808-27,  manufacturing  silversmith 
Thomas  Fletcher,  1787-1866,  designer 
(Thomas  Fletcher;  Sidney  Gardiner,  1787-1827) 
281A.  Presentation  vase,  1824 
Silver 

23I X  20  X  I4i  in.  (59.4  X  50.8  X  36.8  cm) 
Marked  on  underside:  Fletcher  & 
GARDINER  [wittiin  two  couccutric  circles] 
PHiLA  [in  rectangle  in  center]  [;]  Fletcher  &/ 
GARDINER  [in  tibbon]  /  PHILA  [in  rectangle] 
Engraved  below  presentation  inscription: 
Fletcher  &  Gardiner,  Makers  Philad*  Decem- 
ber 1824 

Inscribed  on  plaque  on  front  of  base:  The 
Merchants  of  Pearl  Street,  New  York, /to 
THE  HON.  dewitt  CLINTON,/ Whosc  claim  to 
the  proud  Tide  of  "Public  Benefaaor,"/is 
founded  on  those  magnificent  works, /The 
Northern  and  Western  canals. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Purchase,  Louis  V.  Bell  and  Rogers  Funds; 
Anonymous  and  Robert  G.  Goelet  Gifts; 
and  Gifts  of  Fenton  L,  B.  Brown  and  of  the 
grandchildren  of  Mrs.  Ranson  Spaford 
Hooker,  in  her  memory,  by  exchange,  1982 
1982.4 

The  scenic  views  on  this  pair  of  vases  (cat. 
nos.  281A,  b)  are  based  on  drawings  made 
about  1823  by  James  Eights  (1798-1882)  for 
the  Erie  Canal  geological  survey. 

Fletcher  and  Gardiner,  Philadelphia,  active 
1808-27,  manufacturing  silversmith 
Thomas  Fletcher,  1787-1866,  designer 
(Thomas  Fletcher;  Sidney  Gardiner,  1787-1827) 
281B.  Presentation  vase,  1825 
Silver 

23I  X  20  j  X  14J  in.  (60.3  X  52.7  X  37.5  cm) 
Marked  on  underside:  Fletcher  & 
GARDINER  [within  two  concentric  circles] 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE  EXHIBITION  595 


PHiLA  [in  rectangle  in  center];  Fletcher  &/ 
GARDINER  [in  ribbon]  /  PHILA  [in  rectangle] 
Engraved  below  presentation  inscription: 
Fletcher  &  Gardiner,  Makers  Philad^  Febru- 
ary 1825 

Inscribed  on  plaque  on  front  of  base:  to  the 
HON.  DEWiTT  CLINTON,/ Who  has  developed 
the  resources  of  the  State  of  New  York. /and 
ENNOBLED  HER  CHARACTER/ The  Merchants 
of  Pearl  Street  offer  this  testimony  of  their/ 

GRATITUDE  AND  RESPECT. 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  the  Erving  and  Joyce  Wolf  Foundation, 
1988  1988.199 

Archibald  Robertson,  Scottish,  1765-18 35, 
active  in  New  York  City  1791-ca.  1825, 
designer 

Charles  Gushing  Wright,  1796-1854,  engraver 
and  diesinker 

Lettering  by  Richard  Trested,  d.  1829,  upon 
die  made  by  William  Williams 
Struck  by  Maltby  Pelletreau,  1791-1846,  sil- 
versmith 

282A,  B.  Grand  Canal  Celebration  medal  and  original 
box,  1826 

Medal:  silver;  box:  bird's-eye  maple  and 
paper 

Medal:  diam.  i  j  in.  (4.4  cm) 

Box:  diam.  2  in.  (5.1  cm) 

Stamped  into  obverse:  union  of  the  erie 

WaTH  THE  ATLANTIC[;]  R.DEL[;]  W.  SC 

Stamped  into  reverse:  erie  canal  comm. 

4  JULY  1817  COMP.  26  OCT  1825 [;]  excelsior 

[on  banner  beneath  the  eagle,  globe,  and 
shield]  [;]  c.c.  wright  sc. / 1826/ presented 
BY  the  city  of  n.  YORK;  scratched  into 
reverse:  441 

Printed  on  paper  inside  box,  along  top 
edges:  presented  by  the  city  of  new 

YORK 

Hand-written  on  paper  inside  bottom  of  box 

and  on  inside  of  box  base:  441 

New  York  State  Historical  Association, 

Cooperstown,  gift  of  James  Fenimore 

Cooper  (1858-1938,  grandson  of  author) 

no36i.63(i) 

Box  made  by  Duncan  Phyfe,  cabinetmaker, 
and  Daniel  Karr,  turner,  from  timber  trans- 
ported via  the  Erie  Canal  to  New  York  City 
on  the  Seneca  Chief 

Archibald  Robertson,  Scottish,  1765-1835, 
active  in  New  York  City  1791-ca.  1825, 
designer 

Charles  Gushing  Wright,  1796-1854, 
engraver 

283A,  B.  Grand  Canal  Celebration  medal  and  presenta- 
tion case,  1826 

Medal:  gold;  case:  wood  and  red  leather 

Medal:  diam.  i|  in.  (4.4  cm) 

Case:  diam.  2^  in.  (5.7  cm) 

Stamped  into  obverse:  union  of  the  erie 

v^aTH  the  atlantic[;]  r.del[;]  w.  sc 

Stamped  into  reverse:  erie  canal  comm. 

4  JULY  I817  COMP.  26  OCT  l825[;]  EXCELSIOR 


[on  banner  beneath  the  eagle,  globe,  and 
shield][;]  c.c.  wright  sc./ 1826 /presented 

BY  THE  CITY  OF  N.  YORK 

Box  inscribed:  Maj.  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson 
1827 

The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Gift  of 
Miss  G.  Wilbour  I932.68a,b 

Baldwin  Gardiner,  1791-1869,  active  in 
Philadelphia  1814-26  and  in  New  York  City 
1826-47,  silverware  manufacturer  and  fancy- 
hardware  retailer 

284.  Four-piece  tea  service,  ca.  1830 
Silver 

Pots:  (34.292.1)  h.  9I  in.  (25.1  cm);  (34292.2) 
h.  loi  in.  (26.7  cm) 

Sugar  bowl  (34.292.3):  h.  9f  in.  (24.5  cm) 
Cream  pot  (34.292.4):  h.  8i  in.  (21.6  cm) 
Marked  on  underside  of  base  of  each  piece: 
B  [pellet]  GARDINER  [in  serrated  rectangle] 
Inscribed  (later)  with  initials  on  each  piece: 
on  body,  S.S.S.;  on  foot,  S.S.C. 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Mrs.  Arthur  Percy  Clapp  34.292.1-4 

Gale  and  Moseley,  active  1828-33,  silverware 
manufacturer 

(William  Gale  Sr.,  1799-1867;  Joseph  Moseley, 
d.  1838) 

285.  Coffee  urn,  1829 
Silver 

178  X  4|  X  ii|  in.  (44.8  X  II. I  x  28.9  cm) 
Marked  on  bottom:  in  serrated  rectangle, 
G  &  M;  pseudo-hallmarks  of  sovereign's 
head,  lion  passant,  and  crowned  leopard's 
head 

Inscribed  in  banner:  above  cartouche,  honor 
viRTUTis  proemium;  within  cartouche, 
Presented  by  the  Officers  of  the/ ninth  reg^. 
OF  N.YS  ARTILLERY/ To/ Col.  Samuel  I.  [J.] 
Hunt /their  late  Commandant  in  token  of/ 
their  respect  &  esteem  /  1829. 
The  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts,  Founders 
Society  Purchase,  Edward  E.  Rothman  Fund, 
Mrs.  Charles  Theron  Van  Dusen  Fund,  and 
the  Gibbs-Williams  Fund  1999.3. a,b 
Samuel  J.  Hunt,  a  New  York  City  hardware 
merchant  and  bank  director,  served  as  colonel 
from  1826  to  1829. 

Baldwin  Gardiner,  1791-1869,  active  in 
Philadelphia  1814-26  and  in  New  York  City 
1826-47,  silverware  manufacturer  and  fancy- 
hardware  retailer 

286.  Tureen  with  cover  on  stand,  ca.  1830 
Silver 

14^  X  15  X  12^  in.  (35.9  X  38.1  X  32.4  cm) 
Marked  on  underside  of  base  of  stand  and 
tureen:  in  serrated  rectangles,  B.  [effaced  on 
stand]  [pellet]  Gardiner  /  new  york;  in 
rectangles,  pseudo-hallmarks  of  lion  passant, 
hammer  in  hand,  and  letter  "G" 
Engraved  with  the  coat-of-arms  and  crest  of 
John  Gerard  Coster  of  New  York  City 
Private  collection  92.24.usa-c 


T.  Brown,  designer  (possibly  Thomas  Brown, 

stone  seal  engraver,  active  in  New  York  City 

180Q-1811  and  1814-50) 

Marquand  and  Brothers,  active  as  jewelers 

1831/32-1833/34,  jeweler 

(Frederick  Marquand,  1799 -1882;  Josiah  P. 

Marquand,  probably  died  in  1837) 

287.  Presentation  medal,  1832 
Gold 

6^  X  4i  X  I  in.  (16  X  11.9  x  i.i  cm) 
Engraved:  on  obverse  on  base  scroll  in 
Roman  caps,  pro  [pellet]  patria  [pellet]  et 
[pellet]  GLOiOA;  on  obverse  on  partial  globe 
at  top,  N /AMERICA  [;]  FRANCE;  on  reverse  in 
script,  Gothic,  and  Roman  lettering,  The/ 
National  Guard /27th  New  York  State  Artil- 
lery/ To/  La  Fayette,  /  Centennial  Anniversary/ 
of  the  Birth  Day  of/ Washington /New  York/ 
22d.  February/ 1832 

Winterthur  Museum,  Winterthur,  Delaware, 
Museum  Purchase  78.oii3a,b 

Marquand  and  Company,  active  1833-38, 

retail  silversmith  and  jeweler 

(Frederick  Marquand,  1799-1882;  Josiah  P. 

Marquand,  probably  died  in  1837;  Henry  G. 

Marquand,  1819-1902;  Henry  Ball;  William 

Black) 

288.  Basket,  1833-38 
Silver 

4|  X  i6|  in.  (11.4  X  41.9  cm) 

Marked  on  underside:  in  curved  rectangles, 

MARQUAND [;]  &  Co.;  in  curved,  serrated 

rectangle,  new-york 

Engraved  with  initial  "W 

The  Baltimore  Museum  of  Art,  Decorative 

Arts  Fund  BMA1988.6 

This  New  York-made  object  has  a  history  of 
ownership  in  Natchez,  Mississippi. 

Maker  unknown,  probably  English 

J.  &  I.  Cox  (or  J.  and  J.  Cox),  active  1817-52, 

retailer 

(John  Cox;  Joseph  Cox,  ca.  1790-1852) 

289.  Pair  of  argand  lamps,  ca.  1835 
Brass  and  glass 

Each  23i  X  i8i  x  9  in,  (59.7  x  47  x  22.9  cm) 
Metal  stamp  on  each  arm:  J  &  I  Cox/ 
New  York 

Dallas  Museum  of  Art  1992. b. 152. i,  2 

Colin  V  G.  Forbes  and  Son,  active  1826-38, 
manufacturing  silversmith 
(Colin  van  Gelder  Forbes,  1776-1859;  William 
Forbes,  baptized  1799) 

290.  Presentation  hot- water  urn,  1835 
Silver;  iron  heating  core 

20  X  13  X  10  in.  (50.8  X  33  X  25.4  cm) 
Marked  twice  on  outer  edge  of  base  in  three 
rectangles:  forbes/&/son 
Inscribed  on  body:  presented  by/ The  Fire- 
men of  the  City  of  New  York /to  John  W. 
Degrauw  Esqr./upon  his  retiring  from  the 
active /duties  of  the  department,  as  a  token  of/ 
their  approbation  for  his  faithful  &/valuable 


ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


services  as  the  presiding /officer  of  the  Board 
of  Trustees. /NEW-YORK  February/ 1835. 
GDllection  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gerard  L. 
Eastman,  Jr. 

Moritz  Fiirst,  born  Hungary  1782,  active  in 
the  United  States  1807-ca.  1840,  engraver 
and  diesinker 

Medal  (obverse  and  reverse),  ca.  1838 
Silver 

Diam.  2  in.  (5.1  cm) 

Inscribed:  on  obverse,  American  institute/ 
NEW-YORK /furst;  on  reverse,  Awarded  to/ 
Wm.  Forbes  /  For  the  best /  Silver  Tea  Sett  [sic]  / 
1838 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  William  Forbes  II,  1952  52.113.2 

Charles  Gushing  Wright,  1796-1854,  engraver 
Peter  Paul  Duggan,  d.  1861,  active  in  New 
York  City  1845-56,  designer 
American  Art-Union  medal  depiaing 
Washington  Allston,  1847 
Bronze 

Diam.  2^  in.  (6.4  cm) 

Inscribed:  on  obverse,  p.  p.  duggan  del. 

C.C.  WRIGHT  SC.[;]  WASHINGTON/ 

ALLSTON;  on  reverse,  p.  p.  duggan  del./ 

C.C.  WRIGHT  SC.[;]  l847[;]  AMERICAN/ ART 
UNION 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Janis  Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz, 
1997  I997-484.I 

Charles  Gushing  Wright,  1796-1854,  engraver 

Salathiel  Ellis,  1803-1879,  active  in  New  York 

City,  1842-64,  modeler 

American  Art-Union  medal  depicting  Gilbert 

Stuart,  1848 

Bronze 

Diam.  2^  in.  (6.4  cm) 

Inscribed:  c.c.  wright  f.[;]  s.  ellis  del[;] 

AMERICAN  /  ART -UNION 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Janis  Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz, 
1997  1997.484.2 

Charles  Gushing  Wright,  1796-1854,  engraver 

Peter  Paul  Duggan,  d.  1861,  active  in  New 

York  City  1845-56,  designer 

Seal  of  the  American  Art-Union  (reverse  of 

medal  depicting  Gilbert  Stuart),  1848 

Bronze 

Diam.  2^  in.  (6.4  cm) 
Inscribed:  c.c.  wrjght[;]  duggan  del. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  F.  S.  Wait  1907.07.34 

Charles  Gushing  Wright,  1796-1854,  engraver 
Robert  Ball  Hughes,  1806-1868,  modeler 
Peter  Paul  Duggan,  d.  1861,  active  in  New 
York  City  1845-56,  designer  of  reverse 
American  Art-Union  medal  depicting  John 
Trumbull,  1849 
Bronze 

Diam.  2^  in.  (6.4  cm) 


Inscribed:  on  obverse,  American /art - 

UNI0N[;]  C.  C.  WRIGHT  F.[;]  B.  HUGHES 

del.;  on  reverse,  EPD.  D.  /  C.C.W.  F.[;]  1849 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Janis  Conner  and  Joel  Rosenkranz, 
1997  1997.484.3 

William  Adams,  active  1829-61,  manufacturing 
silversmith 
296.  Presentation  vase  with  cover,  1845 
Silver 

23^  X  19  X  11^  in.  (59.7  X  48.3  X  29.2  cm) 
Engraved:  on  front  of  base,  William  Adams/ 
Manufacturer  of  Silver  Ware /New  York; 
on  right  side  of  base.  Manufactured  by 
William  Adams 

Inscribed:  on  front  of  body.  Presented /to/ 
Henry  Clay  /  by  the/  Gold  and  Silver  Artizans 
[sic], /of  the/ City  of  New  York. /As  a  tribute 
of  their  respect  for  the  faithful  and  patriotic/ 
manner  in  which  he  has  discharged  his  high 
public  trust /and  especially  for  his  early 
and  untiring  advocacy  of/ protection  to 

AMERICAN  industry/ 1845. /committee/ 

Wm.  Adams /Moses  G.  Baldwin /Alfred  G. 
Peckham/ Edward  Y.  Prime /Daniel  Carpen- 
ter/David Dunn;  on  reverse,  protection 
The  Henry  Clay  Memorial  Foundation, 
located  at  Ashland,  The  Henry  Clay  Estate  in 
Lexington,  Kentucky.  Gift  of  Colonel  Robert 
Pepper  Clay  88.039a,b 
Clay  aided  New  York  silver  and  gold  artisans 
by  sponsoring  a  provision  in  the  Tariff  of  1842 
that  increased  duties  on  imported  silverware 
and  foreign  jewelry. 

WiUiam  F.  Ladd,  active  1829-90,  watchmaker 
and  retail  jeweler 
Trophy  pitcher,  1846 
Silver 

10  X  9  X  5  in.  (25.4  X  22.9  X  12.7  cm) 
Marked  on  bottom:  in  rectangle,  Wm.  F. 
ladd;  in  serrated  reaangle,  new-york 
Inscribed  on  body:  new  york  yacht  club/ 
Subscription  Stakes/ October  7th  1846 
The  New-York  Historical  Society,  Purchase, 
Lyndhurst  Corporation  Abbott-Lenox  Fund 
1981.19 

The  sloop  Maria^  owned  by  New  York  Yacht 
Club  Commodore  John  C.  Stevens,  won  this 
trophy  in  the  club's  first  Corinthian  regatta, 
held  in  New  York  Harbor  on  October  7, 1846. 

Zalmon  Bostwick,  1811-before  1876,  active 
ca.  1845-53 1  silverware  manufacturer 
Pitcher  and  goblet,  1845 
Silver 

Pitcher:  11  x  8^  x  5^  in.  (27.9  x  21.6  x  14  cm) 
Goblet:  7?  x  3I  x  3f  in.  (18.4  x  9.8  x  9.2  cm) 
Marked  on  imderside  of  pitcher  (each  stamped 
twice):  Z  Bostwick  [in  script] [;]  new  york 
Inscribed:  on  base  of  pitcher,  John  W. 
Livingston  to /Joseph  Sampson/ 1845;  on 
goblet,  JWL  to  JS  1845 
Brooklyn  Museum  of  Art,  Gift  of  the  Estate 
of  May  S.  Kelley,  by  exchange  81.179. 1-.2 


Gale  and  Hayden,  active  1845/46-1849/50, 
patentee  of  design 

(William  Gale  Sr.,  1799-1867;  Nathaniel 
Hayden,  1805-1875) 

William  Gale  and  Son,  active  ca.  1850-59 
and  1862-67,  manufacturing  silversmith 
(William  Gale  Sr.;  William  Gale  Jr.,  1825-1885) 

299.  Gothic-pattern  crumber,  design  patented  1847 
Silver 

L.  i3i  in.  (33.3  cm) 

Marked  on  back  of  handle:  w.  gale  &  son/ 

925  STERLING  [incuse] 

Engraved  on  obverse  of  handle:  ewm  [in 

script] 

Collection  of  Robert  Mehlman 

Gale  and  Hayden,  active  1845/46-1849/50, 
patentee  of  design 

(William  Gale  Sr.,  1799 -1867;  Nathaniel 
Hayden,  1805-1875) 

William  Gale  and  Son,  active  ca.  1850-59 
and  1862-67,  manufacturing  silversmith 
(William  Gale  Sr.;  William  Gale  Jr.,  1825-1885) 

300.  Gothic-pattern  dessert  knife,  sugar  sifter,  fork, 
and  spoon,  design  patented  1847,  knife  dated 
1852,  fork  1853,  and  spoon  1848 

Silver 

Knife:  L.  8^  in.  (20.6  cm);  w.  |  in.  (1.9  cm) 
Sugar  sifter:  7^  x  2|  x  if  in.  (19. i  x  6  x  4.1  cm) 
Fork:  8  x  i  x  |  in.  (20.3  x  2.5  x  1.9  cm) 
Spoon:  6  X  I5  x  J  in.  (15.2  x  3.2  x  1.9  cm) 
Knife  marked  on  blade:  Church  &  Batterson/ 
i852/[pellet]/G&S 

Engraved:  j.M.  [knife];  SHJ  [sifter];  LTCS 
[fork];  GEM  [spoon] 
Dallas  Museum  of  Art,  1991.12  (knife), 
1991.101.14.1-3  (sifter,  fork,  and  spoon) 

John  C.  Moore,  ca.  1802-1874,  manufacturing 
silversmith 

James  Dixon  and  Sons,  English  (Sheffield), 
active  1806-after  1887,  manufacturer  of  tray 
Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black,  active  1839-51, 
retail  silversmith  and  jeweler 
(Henry  Ball;  Erastus  O,  Tompkins,  d.  1851; 
William  Black) 

301.  Presentation  tea  and  coffee  service  with  tray 
Service:  silver;  tray:  silver-plated  base  metal 

Hot-water  ketde  on  stand,  1850 

17I  x  io\  X  7  in.  (44  cm  x  26  cm  x  17.8  cm) 

Marked  on  underside:  ball,  tompkins  & 

black/ NEW  YORK/  [iucusc  in  semicircle]  / 

J.C.M./22 

Inscribed:  in  one  reserve.  To /Marshall 
LEFFERTS,  ESQ. /President /of  the /New  York/ 
and /New  England /and /New  York  State/ 
Telegraph  Companies;  in  second  reserve, 
From  /the  Stockholders  /and  Associatied 
Press /of  New  York  City; /Viz.,  Courier  & 
Enquirer, /Journal  of  Commerce,  Express,/ 
Herald,  Sun  and  Tribune;  /  As  a  token  of  the 
satisfaction  and /confidence  inspired  by  his 
efficient /services  in  advancing  the  cause  and 
credit /of  the  Telegraph  System,  the  noblest/ 
enterprise  of  this  eventfiil  age. /New  York, 
June  1850. 


CHECKLIST  OF  THE   EXHIBITION  597 


The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  R  R.  LefFerts,  1969  69.i4i-ia-d 

Sugar  bowl  with  cover,  1850 

H.  9  in.  (22.9  cm);  w.  7  in.  (17.9  cm); 

diam.  5I  in.  (13.5  cm) 

Marked  on  underside  of  base:  bajll, 

TOMPKINS  &  BLACK /new  YORK  /  [pellet]/ 

J.C.M./22 

Inscription  virtually  identical  to  that  on  urn 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  F.  R.  LefFerts,  1969  69.i4i.2a,b 

Hot-milk  pot,  1850 

H.  8|  in.  (21.3  cm);  w.  5  in.  (12.8  cm);  diam. 
4^  in.  (10.6  cm) 

Marked  on  underside  of  base:  ball, 

TOMPKINS  &  BLACK  /  NEW  YORK  /  [pellet]  / 

I.  C.M./22 

Inscription  virtually  identical  to  that  on  urn 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  F.  R.  LefFerts,  1969  69. 141. 3 

Pitcher,  1850 

i6i  X  7f  X  7  in.  (41  X  19.4  X  17.8  cm) 
Marked  on  underside  of  base:  ball, 

TOMPKINS  &  BLACK  NEW  YORK  [iuCUSe  in 

semicircle]  LC.M./9 

Inscription  virtually  identical  to  that  on  urn 
Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  gift  of 
Charles  Stedman,  Jr.  62.161 

Tray,  ca.  1850 

23i  X  36i  in.  (59.1  x  93-7  cm) 
Marked  on  underside  of  rim  in  partial 
octagon:  james  dixon  &  sons/ Sheffield 
[below  variation  on  royal  coat  of  arms  with 
lion  and  unicorn  issuing  from  behind  oval 
shield  with  motto  "[dieu]  et  mon[dro]it" 
Incised  on  handle:  358 

Stamped  on  underside  of  rim  on  a  long  side: 
[small  crown  device] 

Inscription  virtually  identical  to  that  on  urn 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Mrs.  F.  R.  Lefferts,  1969  69.141.4 
Related  in  form  and  decoration  to  an  acclaimed 
gold  service  made  for  E.  K.  Collins  by  John  C. 
Moore,  shown  by  Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black 
at  the  Great  Exhibition,  London,  in  1851  and 
at  the  New-York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of 
All  Nations  in  1853-54 

Starr,  Fellows  and  Company,  active  1850-57, 
or  Fellows,  Hoffman,  and  Company,  active 
1857-81 

(William  H.  Starr;  Charles  H.  Fellows; 
Charles  O.  Hoffman;  Jer.  A.  G.  Comstock; 
James  G.  Dolbeare;  George  Nichols) 
302.  Four-branch  gasolier  with  central  figure  of 
Christopher  Columbus,  ca.  1857 
Patinated  spelter,  gilt  brass,  lacquered  brass, 
iron,  and  glass 

43  x  29I  X  29:^  in.  (109.2  x  74.3  X  74.3  cm) 
Louisiana  State  University  Museum  of  Art, 
Baton  Rouge,  Louisiana.  Gift  of  the  Baton 
Rouge  Coca-Cola  Bottling  Company  82.13 


Dietz,  Brother  and  Company,  active  ca.  1840-55 
(Robert  Edwin  Dietz,  1818-1897;  William 
Henry  Dietz,  d.  i860) 
303.  Three-piece  girandole  set  depicting  Louis 
Kossuth,  leader  of  the  Hungarian  Revolution 
(1848),  1851 

Bronze,  lacquer,  and  brass 
92.6a:  20J  X  6^  X  3I  in.  (51  X  16.5  X  9.2  cm) 
92.6b:  I5f  X  6^  X  3|  in.  (  39.7  x  16.5  x  9.7  cm) 
92.6c:  I5i  X  6i  X  3I  in.  (39-4  x  16.5  x  9-7  cm) 
Marked:  on  back  of  92.6a,  dietz /patent/ 
new  YORK /dec.  1851;  on  back  of  92.6b,  c, 

dietz /new  YORK /patent /DEC.  185I 

The  Newark  Museum,  Anonymous  Gift  of 
Two  Friends  of  the  Decorative  Arts,  1992 
92.6a-c 

Cooper  and  Fisher,  active  1854-62,  silverware 
manufacturer 

(Francis  W.  Cooper,  ca.  1811-1898,  silversmith; 
Richard  Fisher,  jeweler) 
304A-C.  Chalice,  paten,  and  footed  paten,  1855-56 
Coin  and  fine  silver,  gilding,  and  enamel 
Chalice:  10  x  6^  in.  (25.4  x  16.5  cm) 
Paten:  diam.  9j  in.  (24.1  cm) 
Footed  paten:  h.  9  in.  (22.9  cm);  diam.  12  in. 
(30.5  cm) 

Marked  twice  on  rims  of  bases  of  chalice  and 
footed  paten  and  once  on  base  of  paten: 

COOPER  &  fisher/ 131  AMITY  ST  NY 

Inscribed  around  rim  of  paten  and  on  foot  of 
footed  paten:  Holy: Holy:  Holy— Lord  God 
of  Hosts— Heaven  and  Earth  Are  Full  of  Thy 
Glory 

Inscribed  around  rim  of  footed  paten:  Holy 
Holy  Holy  Lord  God  of  Hosts,  Heaven  and 
Earth  are  Full  of  Thy  Glory.  Glory  be  to  Thee 
O  Lord  Most  High.  Amen.[;]  Hosanna  For 
The  Lord  God  Omnipotent  Reigneth  Alleluia. 
Parish  of  Trinity  Church  in  the  City  of  New 
York  80.14.1-3 

Wood  and  Hughes,  active  1845-99,  silverware 
manufacturer 
305.  Commemorative  pitcher,  Kiddush  goblets, 
and  tray,  1856 

Silver;  goblets  with  gilt  interiors 
Pitcher:  13-J  x  10  in.  (34.9  x  25.4  cm) 
Goblets:  h.  5I  in.  (14.6  cm);  diam.  3J  in. 
(9.5  cm) 

Tray:  15I  x  12  in.  (40  x  30.5  cm) 
Marked:  w  &  H  /  New  york 
Inscribed  within  a  cartouche  on  each  object: 
Presented  by /The  emanu-el  temple /new 
YORK, /To  the  Revd.  Dr.  D.  Einhorn/as  a 
Token  of  Esteem  /  August  1856 
Inscribed  on  the  bowl  of  one  goblet: 
Presented  to/ Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Schulman/ 
By  the  Einhorn  Family/ as  a  Token  of  Appre- 
ciation/May 1 909 /Bequeathed  to /Congre- 
gation Emanu-El/by/Rev.  Dr.  Samuel/ 
Schulman/ 1956 

Courtesy  of  Congregation  Emanu-El  of  the 
City  of  New  York  CEE-29-43a,b  (pitcher/ 
tray),  CEE-56-1,2  (goblets) 
Dr.  David  Einhorn  (1809-1879)  was  a  leading 


international  advocate  of  Reform  Judaism; 
the  pitcher  depicts  the  congregation's  home 
on  East  Twelfth  Street,  occupied  from  1854 
to  1868. 

William  Forbes,  worked  independendy  in 
New  York  1837-63,  manufacturing  silversmith 
Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black,  active  1839-51, 
retail  silversmith  and  jeweler 
(Henry  Ball;  Erastus  O.  Tompkins,  d.  1851; 
William  Black) 

306.  Pitcher  and  goblet  (one  of  two),  1851 
Silver 

Goblet:  4.9  in.  (22.9  cm);  diam.  (rim)  4I  in. 
(12.4  cm) 

Pitcher:  18  x  91  x  7  in.  (45-7  x  24.1  x  17.8  cm) 
Marked:  ball,  tompkins  &  black  [in 
Roman  caps  in  semicircle]  /  successors 
TO  [in  rectangle] /marquand  &  co.  [in 
semicircle]  /  [an  eagle  in  an  oval,  struck  twice, 
flanking  marquand  &  co.]/new  york  [in 
rectangle] /w.F.  [in  rectangle,  struck  twice, 
flanking  new  york] 
Inscribed  within  reserve  on  body:  The 
Members  of/the/Board  of  Aldcrmen/of 
1850  &  51/To/Their  President/ Morgan 
Morgans  Esqr. 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Gift  of 
Frank  D.  Morgans  54.97.ia,b 

Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present, 
manufacturing  and  retail  silversmith  and 
jeweler 

307.  Medal  (obverse  and  reverse),  1859 
Gold 

Diam.  2|  in.  (7  cm) 

Marked  on  reverse  in  exergue:  tiffany  &  co. 

N.Y. 

Inscribed  in  field  on  obverse:  gyrus  w. 

field/ FROM  THE  CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE/ 
AND  CITIZENS  OF  NEW  YORK, 

Inscribed  in  field  on  obverse  in  exergue: 

COMMEMORATIVE  OF  THE  PART  TAKEN  /  BY 
HIM,/ IN  LAYING  THE  FIRST /TELEGRAPHIC 
CABLE/ BETWEEN/ EUROPE  AND  AMERICA, 
IN  AUGUST,  A.D.  1 858 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Gift  of  Cyrus  W.  Field,  1892 
92.10.3 

Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present, 
manufacturing  and  retail  silversmith  and 
jeweler 

308.  Presentation  box,  1859 
Gold 

li  x  4^  X  2|  in.  (3.8  cm  x  11.4  cm  x  7  cm  ) 
Inscribed  on  lid:  on  exterior,  The  City  of 
New  York  to  Cyrus  W.  Field;  on  interior. 
The  City  of  New  York  to  Cyrus  W.  Field/ 
Commemorating  his  Skill  Fortitude  and 
Perseverance/ in  Originating  and  Completing/ 
the  First  Enterprise  for  an  Ocean  Telegraph/ 
successftilly  accomplished  on  the  5th  August 
1858. /Uniting  Europe  and  America. 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
Gift  of  Cyrus  W  Field,  1892  92.10.7 


598    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1857-present, 
manufaouring  and  retail  silversmith  and 
jeweler 

309.  Mounted  section  of  transatiantic  telegraph 
cable,  1858 
Steel  and  brass 

L.  4  in.  (10.2  cm);  diam.  }  in.  (1.9  cm) 
Marked  on  mount:  Atlantic  telegraph 

CABLE /GUARANTEED  BY/ TIFFANY  &  CO./ 
BROADWAY.  NEW  YORK. 

Collection  of  D.  Albert  Soeffing 
Tiffany  and  Company  offered  the  public  these 
four-inch  lengths  of  cable,  mounted  as  sou- 
venirs, at  a  retail  cost  of  fifty  cents  each. 


Tiffany  and  Company,  active  1837-present, 
manufacturing  and  retail  silversmith  and 
jeweler 

310.  Pitcher  from  a  service  presented  to  Colonel 
Abram  Duryee  of  the  Seventh  Regiment, 
New  York  National  Guard,  by  his  fellow 
citizens,  1859 
Sterling  silver 

I4i  X  9}  X  7i  in.  (36.8  x  24.8  x  19.1  cm) 
Marked  on  underside  of  base:  tiffany  & 

CO. / 1004/  ENGLISH  STERLING /  925-IOOO / 

6248 /M  [Gothic  style  in  oval]/ 550  Broadway/ 

M  [Gothic  style  in  oval] 

Inscribed  on  body  within  reserves:  To/ Colo. 


A.  Duryee/ this  testimonial  is  presented/ on 
his  retireing  [sic]  fi-om  the  Colonelcy/ of  the/ 
Seventh  Regiment/ National  Guard/ as  a  mark 
of  high/ appreciation  From/his  fellow  citizens/ 
for  his  soldierlike/ qualities  and  for  the /valuable 
services  /  rendered  by  the  Regiment  during/ 
the  eleven  years  that  he /commanded  it/ 
New  York/ 1859 

Museimi  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Bequest  of 
Emily  Frances  Whimey  Briggs  55.257.5 
The  records  of  Tiffany  and  Company  indicate 
that  this  service  consisted  of  two  pitchers,  six 
goblets,  a  twenty-three-inch  waiter,  and  a 
small  waiter. 


Bibliography 


Authors'  note:  This  bibliography  is  a  partial 
listing  of  the  books  and  articles  consulted  during 
the  preparation  of  the  exhibition  and  publication 
Art  in  the  Empire  City:  New  Torky  1825-1861.  The 
tides  of  the  nineteenth- century  periodicals  that 
were  surveyed  page-by-page  are  included,  but  indi- 
vidual articles  from  these  sources  are  not  itemized 
here.  Nineteenth-century  newspapers  were  con- 
sulted as  is  reflected  in  the  notes  to  the  catalogue 
essays.  Extensive  use  was  made  of  city  directories; 
for  a  detailed  listing  consult  Dorothea  Spear, 
Bibliography  of  American  Directories  through  i860 
(Worcester,  Massachusetts:  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  1961). 

Periodicals  Reviewed 

The  Albion.  New  York,  weekly,  1822-76. 
American  Athenaeum.  New  York,  weekly,  April  21, 

1825 -March  2, 1826.  Merged  mto  New  York 

Literary  Gazette^  and  American  Athenaeum. 
American  Eagle  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly, 

June-July  1847. 
American  Journal  of  Fine  Arts  Devoted  to  Fainting, 

Sculpture,  Architecture,  Music.  New  York,  1844. 
American  Journal  ofFhotography  and  the  Allied  Arts 

and  Sciences.  New  York,  weekly,  1852-67. 
American  Ladies^ Magazine.  Boston,  monthly, 

1828-36.  Merged  into  Godey^s  Lady^s  Book. 
American  Mechanic.  New  York  and  Boston,  weekly, 

January  8-December  31, 1842. 
American  Mechanics' Magazine.  New  York,  weekly, 

February  5, 1825-February  11, 1826. 
American  Metropolitan  Magazine.  New  York, 

monthly,  January  and  February  1849. 
American  Monthly  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly, 

March  i833~October  1838. 
American  People^s  Journal  of  Science,  Literature,  and 

Art.  New  York,  monthly,  January  and 

February  1850. 
American  Repertory  of  Arts,  Sciences,  and 

Manufactures,  New  York,  monthly,  February 

i840~January  1842. 
American  Repertory  of  Arts,  Sciences,  and  Useful 

Literature.  Philadelphia,  monthly,  1830-July 

1832. 

American  Turf  Register  and  Sporting  Magazine. 

Baltimore,  monthly,  September  1829-38;  New 

York,  1838-December  1844. 
Anglo  American.  New  York,  weekly,  April  29, 1843- 

November  13, 1847.  Merged  into  The  Albion. 
Appletons' Mechanics' Magazine  and  Engineers' 

Journal.  New  York,  1851-53. 
Arcturus.  New  York,  monthly,  December 

1840-May  1842. 
Arthur's  Home  Magazine.  Philadelphia,  monthly, 

October  1852-December  1898.  Tide  varies; 

Home  Magazine^  October  1852-December 

1855;  Lady's  Home  Magazine^  January  1857- 


December  1^59;  Arthur's  Home  Magazine, 
January  1861-June  1863. 
Arthur's  Magazine.  Philadelphia,  monthly, 

January  1844-Aprii  1846.  Tide  varies:  Ladies' 
Magazine  of  Literature,  Fashion  and  Fine  Arts  ^ 
January- June  1844;  Arthur's  Ladies' Magazine 
of  Elegant  Literature  and  the  Fine  Arts  ^  July 

1844-  December  i?y4.s\  Arthur's  Magazine, 
January-April  1846;  merged  with  Godey's 
Lady's  Book. 

The  Artist.  New  York,  monthly,  September  1842- 
May  1843. 

Atlantic  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly.  May  1824- 
April  1825. 

Atlantic  Monthly .  Boston,  monthly,  1857-62. 
Broadway  Journal.  New  York,  weekly,  January  4, 

1845-  January  3, 1846. 

Brother  Jonathan.  New  York,  weekly,  January  i, 
1842-December  23, 1843. 

Bulletin  of  the  American  Art-Union.  New  York, 
monthly,  April  25, 1848-53. 

Burton's  Gentleman's  Magazine  and  American 
Monthly  Review.  Philadelphia,  monthly,  July 
1837-December  1840.  Title  varies:  Gentleman's 
Magazine,  July  1837-February  1839;  Burton's 
Gentleman's  Magazine  and  American  Monthly 
Review,  March  1839-November  1840; 
Graham's J)dagazine,  December  1840. 

Christian  Parlor  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly. 
May  1844-55. 

Columbian  Lady's  and  Gentleman's  Magazine.  New 
York,  monthly,  January  1844-February  1849. 

The  Corsair.  New  York,  weekly,  March  16, 1839- 
March  7, 1840. 

Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal.  New  York,  quarterly, 
1856-61. 

The  Crayon.  New  York,  monthly,  January  1855- 
July  1 861. 

The  Critic.  New  York,  weekly,  November  i,  1828- 

June  20, 1829. 
Dollar  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly,  January  1848- 

December  1851.  Tide  varies:  Holden's  Dollar 

Magazine,  . .  .  January  1848-December  1850. 
Dramatic  Mirror,  and  Literary  Companion.  New  York 

and  Philadelphia,  weekly,  August  14, 1841- 

May  7, 1842. 
Eclectic  Magazine  of  Foreign  Literature.  New  York 

and  Philadelphia,  monthly,  1844-1907. 
Eclectic  Museum  of  Foreign  Literature,  Science  and 

Art.  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  monthly, 

January  1843 -January  1844. 
Emerson's  Magazine  and  Putnam's  Monthly .  New 

York,  monthly.  May  1854-November  1858. 

Tide  varies:  United  States  Magazine  of  Science, 

Art,  Manufactures,  Agriculture,  Commerce  and 

Trade,  May  15, 1854-April  1856;  United  States 

Magazine,  July  1856-Jime  1857;  Emerson's 

United  States  Magazine,  July-September  1857; 

Emerson's  Magazine  and  Putnam's  Monthly, 

October  1857-November  1858. 


The  Expositor.  New  York,  weekly,  December  8, 1838- 
July  20, 1839. 

Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  Newspaper.  New  York, 
weekly,  December  15, 1855-June  17, 1922.  Tide 
varies  after  1891. 

Gleason's  Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Companion. 

Boston,  weekly,  May  3, 1851-December  24, 1859. 
Tide  varies:  Ballou's  Pictorial  Drawing-Room 
Companion,  January  6, 1855-December  24, 1859. 

Godey's  Lady's  Book.  Philadelphia,  monthly,  1830-98. 
Tide  varies:  variations  on  Lady's  Book,  1830-39; 
Godey's  Lady's  Book  and  Ladies' American 
Magazine,  1840-43;  Godey's  Magazine  and 
Lady's  Book,  January  1844-June  1848;  Godey's 
Lady's  Book,  July  1848-June  1854;  Godey's  Lady's 
Book  and  Magazine,  July  1854-December  1882. 

Graham's  American  Monthly  Magazine  of  Literature, 
Art,  and  Fashion.  Philadelphia,  monthly, 
January  1826-December  1858.  Tide  varies: 
The  Casket,  February  1826-December  1830; 
Atkinson's  Casket,  January  1831-April  1839; 
The  Casket,  May  1839-November  1840; 
Graham's  Lady's  and  Gentleman's  Magazine, 
January  1841-December  1842;  Graham's 
Magazine  of  Literature  and  Art,  January- 
June  1843;  Graham's  Lady's  and  Gentleman's 
Magazine,  July  1843 -June  1844;  Graham's 
American  Monthly  Magazine  of  Literature,  Art, 
and  Fashion,  July  1844-December  1858. 

Hardware  Man's  Newspaper  and  American 

Manufaaurer's  Circular.  Middletown,  New 
York,  and  New  York,  1855-59. 

Harper's  New  Monthly  Magazine.  New  York, 
monthly,  June  1850 -November  1900. 

Harper's  Weekly.  New  York,  weekly,  from  January  3, 
1857. 

Home  Journal.  New  York,  weekly,  from  February  14, 
1846.  Title  varies:  Morris's  National  Press,  a 
Journal  for  Home,  February  14-November  14, 
1846. 

Horticulturist  and  Journal  of  Rural  Art  and  Rural 
Taste.  Albany,  monthly,  from  October  1846. 

Humphrey's  Journal.  New  York,  monthly,  1850- 
early  1870s. 

Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly, 
July  1839-December  1870.  Tide  varies:  Hunt's 
Merchants' Magazine  and  Commercial  Review, 
Merchant's  Magazine  and  Commercial  Renew. 

Illustrated  Magazine  of  Art.  New  York,  monthly, 
1853-54. 

Illustrated  News.  New  York,  weekly,  January  i- 
November  26, 1853.  Merged  into  Gleason's 
Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Companion. 

The  Independent.  New  York,  weekly,  December  7, 
1848-October  13, 1928. 

International  Art-Union  Journal.  New  York, 
monthly,  February-November  1849. 

International  Monthly  Magazine  of  Literature, 
Science,  and  Art.  New  York,  monthly,  July 
1850-April  1852. 


600   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


The  Iris;  or.  Literary  Messenger.  New  York,  monthly, 
November  1840-October  1841. 

The  Knickerbocker.  New  York,  monthly,  January 
1833-December  1865.  Tide  varies:  The 
Knickerbocker;  or,  New  York  Monthly  Mi^azine, 
January  1833-December  1862. 

Ladies'  Companion.  New  York,  monthly.  May  1834- 
October  1844.  Title  varies:  Ladies'  Companion, 
a  Monthly  Magazine,  May  1834-April  1843; 
Ladies'  Companion,  and  Literary  Expositor^ 
May  1843 -October  i844. 

Ladies'  Repository.  Cincinnati  and  New  York, 

monthly,  January  1841-December  1867.  Tide 
varies:  Ladies  Repository,  and  Gatherings  of  the 
West,  January  1841-December  1848;  Ladies' 
Repository;  a  Monthly  Periodical, . . .  January 
1849-December  1862. 

Ladies'  Wreath.  New  York,  monthly.  May,  1846- 
January  1862. 

Literary  Gazette  and  American  Athenaeum.  New 
York,  weekly,  September  10, 1825 -March  3, 
1827.  Tide  varies:  New  Tork  Literary  Gazette  and 
Phi  Beta  Kappa  Repository,  September  10, 1825- 
March  4, 1826;  New  Tork  Literary  Gazette  and 
American  Athenaeum,  March  ii-Scptember  2, 
1826;  Literary  Gazette  and  American 
Athenaeum,  September  9, 1826-March  3, 1827. 

Literary  World.  New  York,  weekly,  February  6, 1847- 
December  31, 1853. 

Magazine  of  Useful  and  Entertaining  Kmrwlet^e. 
New  York,  monthly,  June  15, 1830-May  18 31. 
Tide  varies:  Mechanics'  and  Farmers' Magazine 
of  Useful  Knowledge,  June  15 -July  15, 1830. 

Mechanic's  Advocate.  Albany,  weekly,  December  3, 
1846-1848.  Succeeded  the  New  Tork  State 
Mechanic. 

Mechanics' Ma£iazine,  and  Journal  of  Public  Internal 
Improvement;  Demoted  to  the  Useful  Arts,  and  the 
Recording  of  Projects,  Inventions,  and  Discoveries 
of  the  Age.  Boston,  monthly,  February  1830- 
January  1836. 

Mechanics' Magazine,  and  Journal  of  the  Mechanics' 
Institute.  New  York,  monthly,  January  1833- 
August  1837. 

The  Minerva.  New  York,  weekly,  April  6, 1822- 

September  3, 1825.  Superseded  by  the  New  Tork 
Literary  Gazette  and  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Repository. 

Monthly  Chronicle  of  Events,  Discoveries,  Improvements, 
and  Opinions.  Boston,  monthly,  April  1840- 
December  1842. 

National  Magazine.  New  York,  monthly,  July  1852- 
December  1858. 

National  Police  Gazette.  New  York,  weekly, 

September  1845-August  31, 1867.  (Includes 
attacks  on  the  Art  Union.) 

New  Mirror.  New  York,  weekly,  April  8, 1843- 
September  28, 1844.  Supersedes  the  New  Tork 
Mirror  (1823-42).  After  about  a  year,  it  was 
discontinued  in  favor  of  a  daily  newspaper, 
the  Evening  J^irror,  and  its  adjunct,  the 
Weekly  Mirror. 

New  World.  New  York,  weekly,  June  6, 1840- 
May  10, 1845. 

New  Tork  Illustrated  Magazine  of  Literature  and  Art. 
New  York,  weekly,  September  20-December 
1845;  monthly,  January  1846-June  1847. 


New  Tork  Literary  Gazette.  New  York,  weekly, 
February  2-July  13, 1839. 

New  Tork  Literary  Gazette  and  Journal  of  Belles 
Lettres,  Arts,  Science  &c.  New  York,  semi- 
monthly, September  i,  1834-March  14, 1835. 

New  Tork  Mirror,  New  York,  weekly,  August  2, 

1823 -December  31, 1842.  Tide  varies:  New-Tork 
Mirror,  and  Ladies' Literary  Gazette,  August  2, 
1823-July  3, 1830;  superseded  h^New Mirror. 

New  Tork  Quarterly  Devoted  to  Science,  Philosophy  and 
Literature.  New  York,  quarterly,  1825-55. 

New  Tork  Review.  New  York,  quarterly,  March  1837- 
April  1842. 

New  Tork  Review,  and  Atheneum  Magazine.  New 
York,  monthly,  June  1825-May  1826. 

New  Tork  State  Mechanic.  Albany,  weekly, 
November  20, 1841-June  17, 1843. 

The  New-Torker.  New  York,  weekly,  March  26, 
1836-September  II,  1841. 

Niks' National  Register.  Washington,  D.C, 
Baltimore,  and  Philadelphia,  weekly, 
September  2, 1837-September  28, 1849. 

Niks'  Weekly  Register.  Baltimore,  weekly, 
September  7,  i8ii-August  26, 1837.  Tide 
varies:  Weekly  Register,  September  7, 1811- 
August  27, 1814. 

Opera  Glass,  Devoted  to  the  Fine  Arts,  Literature 
and  Drama.  New  York,  September  8- 
November  3, 1828. 

Peterson's  Magazine.  Philadelphia,  monthly,  January 
1842-December  1861.  Tide  varies:  Lady's 
World  of  Fashion,  January-December  1842; 
Ladfs  World,  January-May  i$4.y.  Artist  and 
Lady's  World,  June  1843;  Ladies' National 
Magazine,  July  1843-December  1848;  Peterson's 
Magazine,  January  1849-November  1892. 

Philadelphia  Album  and  Ladies'  Literary  Port 
Folio.  Philadelphia,  weekly,  April  26, 1826- 
December  27, 1834.  Tide  varies:  Album  and 
Ladies'  Weekly  Gazette,  June  7, 1826-May  30, 
1827;  Philadelphia  Album  and  Ladies' Literary 
Gazette,  June  6, 1827-July  3, 1830. 

Photographic  and  Fine  Art  Journal.  New  York, 
monthly,  January  1851-1860.  Title  varies: 
Photo£fraphic  Art-Journal,  January  1851- 
December  1853. 

Political  Economist.  Philadelphia,  weekly,  January  24- 
May  1, 1824. 

Port  Folio.  Philadephia,  1801-5, 1806-8, 1809-12, 
1813-15, 1816-25,  monthly,  July  1826- 
December  1827. 

Putnam's  Monthly.  New  York,  monthly,  January  1853- 
December  1857.  New  series,  tided  Putnam's 
Magazine,  January  1868-November  1870. 

The  Republic:  A  Monthly  Magazine  of  American 
Literature,  Politics,  and  Art.  New  York, 
monthly,  1851--52. 

Sar^enfs  New  Monthly  Magazine,  of Literature, 

Fashion,  and  the  Fine  Arts.  New  York,  monthly, 
January-June  1843. 

Sartain's  Union  Ma£fazine  of  Literature  and  Art.  New 
York  and  Philadelphia,  monthly,  July  1847- 
August  1852.  Tide  varies:  Union  Magazine  of 
Literature  and  Art,  July  1847-December  1848; 
Sartain's  Union  Magazine  of  Literature  and  Art, 
January  1849-August  1852. 


Spirit  of  the  Times.  New  York,  weekly,  December  10, 
1831-June  22, 1861.  Tide  varies:  Traveller  and 
Spirit  of  the  Times,  December  i,  1832-October  6, 
1833. 

The  Talisman.  New  York,  annually,  1828-30. 

Transaaions  of  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of 
New-Tork.  New  York,  irregularly,  1815-25. 

United  States  Democratic  Review.  Washington,  D.C, 
and  New  York,  monthly,  Oaober  1837- 
December  1851.  Tide  varies:  United  States 
Magazine,  and  Democratic  Review,  October 
1837-December  1851;  Democrat's  Review, 
January-December  1852;  United  States  Review, 
January  1853-January  1856. 

United  States  Review  and  Literary  Gazette.  Boston 
and  New  York,  monthly,  October  1826- 
September  1827. 

Washington  Quarterly  Magazine  of  Arts,  Science  and 
Literature.  Washington,  D.C,  quarterly,  July 
1823-April  1824. 

Working  Man's  Advocate.  New  York,  weekly,  Octo- 
ber 31, 1829-1836;  new  series,  1844-49.  Tide 
varies:  Workingman's Advocate,  October  31, 
1829-June  5, 1830;  New  Tork  Sentinel  and 
Working  Man's  Advocate,  June  9 -August  14, 
1830;  Workingman's Advocate,  August  21, 1830- 
August  10, 1833;  Radical,  in  Continuation  of 
Working  Man's  Advocate,  January  1841-April 
1843;  Workingman's  Advocate,  March  16- 
July  20, 1844;  People's  Rights,  July  24-27, 
1844;  Workingman's  Advocate,  August  3- 
October  5, 1844;  Subterranean,  United  with 
the  Workingman's  Advocate,  Oaober  12- 
December  21, 1844;  Workingman's  Advocate, 
December  28, 1844-March  22, 1845;  Toung 
America,  March  29, 1845-September  23, 1848. 

Books  and  Journal  Articles 

Abbott,  Jacob.  The  Harper  Establishment;  or.  How 
the  Story  Books  Are  Made.  New  York:  Harper 
and  Brothers  Publishers,  1855. 

Abdy,  Edward  S.  Journal  of  a  Residerux  and  Tour  in 
the  United  States  of  North  America,  from  April, 
1833,  to  October,  1834-  3  vols.  Lxjndon:  J.  Murray, 
1835. 

Adkins,  Nelson  F.  Fitz-Greene  Halleck,  an  Early 

Knickerbocker  Wit  and  Poet.  New  Haven:  Yale 

University  Press,  1930. 
Albion,  Robert  Greenhalgh.  The  Rise  of  New  Tork 

Port  (181S-1860).  New  York:  C  Scribner's  Sons, 

1939.  Reprint,  Boston:  Northeastern 

University  Press,  1984, 
Albis,  Jean  d'.  Haviland.  Paris:  Dessin  et  Tolra,  1988. 
Albis,  Jean  d'  and  Celeste  Romanet.  Laporcelaine 

de  Limoges.  Paris:  Sous  le  Vent,  1980. 
Allen,  Sue.  "Machine-Stamped  Bookbindings, 

1^7,4.-1^60? Antiques  115  (March  1979), 

pp.  564-72. 

Alsop,  Susan  Mary.  "Victoria  Mansion  in  Maine: 
Preserving  a  Rare  Gustave  Herter  Interior." 
Architectural  Digest  $1  (September  1994), 
pp.  46-56. 

American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts.  The  Charter 
and  By-laws  of  the  American  Academy  of  Fine 


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Whitman,  W2lt.  I  Sit  arul  Look  Out:  Editorials  from 
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American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts.  Papers.  The 

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chronologically  and  transcribed  and  translated 
most,  though  not  all  of  the  correspondence. 
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Davis,  Alexander  Jackson.  Collections  are  in  the 
Department  of  Drawings  and  Prints,  The 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York; 
the  Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library, 
Columbia  University,  New  York;  and  the 
Manuscripts  and  Archives  Division,  New  York 
Public  Library.  The  Museum  of  the  City  of  New 
York  and  The  New-York  Historical  Society 
have  selected  manuscripts  and  drawings. 

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University  Graduate  School  of  Business 
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Library,  The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art. 

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Index 


Italic  page  numbers  refer  to  illustrations; 
boldface  page  numbers,  to  appendixes  and 
tables  citing  multiple  names  and  addresses 
of  venues  or  firms.  Em  dashes  (— )  are 
used  to  indicate  subsubheads.  Figure  num- 
bers (figs.)  and  catalogue  numbers  (nos.) 
follow  the  page  numbers. 

Abbey  Church  of  Saint-Denis,  near  Paris, 
183 

Abbott,  Dr.  Henry,  79,  94-95 

Abbott,  Jacob, True,  firontispiece  to, 

The  Children's  Sofa^  308, 308;  fig.  251 
Abdy,  Edward  S.,  32 
Abolition  quilt,  sop;  no.  215 
Abraham,  Richard,  collection,  53,  75 
Academic  des  Sciences,  Paris,  227, 229n.8 
Academy  of  Music,  36, 45.  See  also  Prince 

of  Wales  BaU 
Achenbach,  Andreas,  92;  Clearing  Up— 

Coast  of  Sicily,  407;  no.  50 
Ackerman,  ]mic&,  James  Bogardus  Factory, 

184, 185;  fig.  145 
Ackermann,  Rudolph,  193, 196, 197; 

Repository  of  Arts,  Literature,  Fashions, 

Manufactures,  &'c.,  193, 197, 299-300; 

— ,  plate  from,  Gothic  Furniture,  zgg, 

300,  303n.97;  %■  244 
Ackermann  and  Company.  See  Havell, 

Robert  Jr.,  Colman,  WiUiam  A.,  and 

Ackermann  and  Company 
Acorn  and  Berry  pitcher,  333,  ^-40;  no.  257 
Adam,  Robert,  i7in.6 
Adams,  John,  2i9n.ii6;  bust  of,  by 

Browere,  138, 140, 140;  fig.  106 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  photographic  por- 
trait of,  by  Plumbe,  233 
Adams,  William  (pottery),  Staffordshire,  33c 
Adams,  William  (silversmith),  363, 367, 374; 

mace  of  the  United  States  House  of 

Representatives,  366, 367, 368;  fig.  301; 

presentation  vase  with  cover,  368,  s66\ 

no.  296 

advertisements,  54y,5yo,5tfi;  figs.  282, 287, 300 
advertising  broadsides,  ^34,  J47,  SU'-,  figs.  273, 

284,  no.  225 
African  Americans,  13, 17, 28, 30, 32;  depiaed, 

JO,  jpo,      47i\  fig.  25,  nos.  28, 40, 148 
Ahrenfcldt,  Charles,  343 
Akers,  Vzui,  Dead  Pearl  Diver,  80, 166 
Albert,  prince  consort,  247n.i5,  316 
Albion,  The,  61,  223n.i34 
Albro  and  Hoyt,  267 
ale  pitcher,  stoneware,  335;  fig.  274 
Allan,  John,  collection,  90,  211 
Allen,  John  K.,  71 
AUen,  Theodore,  72,  73 
All-Souls'  Church,  186, 187;  fig.  146 
Allston,  Washington:  American  Art-Union 

medal  depicting,      no.  292;  bust  of,  by 

Brackett,  150, 151;  fig.  112 
Alson,  G.  W,  collection,  80 
Altes  Museum,  Berlin,  174 
American  Academy  of  the  Fine  Arts,  38,  47, 

48,  49,  50-55,  56,  63,  66,  72,  75,  76,  77, 

83,  84,  86, 109, 136, 137, 138, 140-41  and 

n.23, 144, 148, 169, 192, 199,  210, 

2ii-i2n.8i 

American  and  Foreign  Snuff  Store  (Mrs. 
Newcombe's  Store),  66,  76 


American  Art-Union,  37, 56, 59, 66, 70, 77, 
78, 79,  80, 100, 119, 151, 152, 154, 155-57 
and  n.76, 160, 163, 192, 197, 201, 206-7 
and  n.68,  208,  209,  2im.75,  212,  213; 
building,  61,  64,  65;  lottery,  view  of,  by 
D'Avignon,  after  Matteson,  Distribution 
ofthe  American  Art-Union  Prizes,  206, 
207;  fig.  163;  medals,  jdj";  nos.  292-95; 
prints  published  by,  206  and  n.6o,  207, 
212;  — ,  Casilear,  after  Huntington,^ 
Sibyl,  206, 206;  fig.  162;  — ,  Doney,  after 
Bingham,  The  Jolly  Flat  Boat  Men,  206, 
207, 4S9\  no.  127;  seal,  s6s\  no.  294 

American  Daguerre  Association,  231 

American  Etching  Revival,  224 

American  Express  Company,  219, 220;  fig.  175 

American  Female  Guardian  Society,  66, 79 

American  Institute  of  Architects  (ALA), 
38n.229, 169, 187 

American  Institute  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  55,  <S6,  75,  76,  77,  78,  79, 149,  230, 
248,  250,  262,  264,  269,  275,  277,  283, 
284,  3i3n.i82,  331,  341,  345,  346nn.i03, 
105,  336,  350,  351,  352n.i29,  361,  362,  363, 
367, 368;  prize  medals  commissioned 
from  Fiirst,  363,  s6s;  no.  291;  scene  of 
annual  fair  at  Niblo's  Garden,  by  B.  J. 
Harrison,  249;  fig.  200 

American  Institution  of  Architects,  38  and 
n.229, 181, 187 

American  Journal  of  Science  and  Art,  191 

American  Metropolitan  Magazine,  57 

American  Museum  (Barnimi's  Museum),  7, 
25,  26,  56,  66,  76, 140,  219,  230,  231,  235, 
305n.i25;  caricature  of,  by  Weingartner, 
The  New  York  Elephant,  217,  219;  fig.  172 

American  paintings,  nos.  23-41 

American  Pottery  Manufacturing  Company, 
Jersey  City,  333-34  and  nn.32, 38,  336  and 
n.42;  Canova  plate,  334,  S43\  no.  262; 
covered  hot-milk  pot  or  teapot  and 
underplate,  $42;  no.  261;  pitcher  made 
for  William  Henry  Harrison's  presiden- 
tial campaign,  334,  S43\  no.  263;  Thistle 
pitcher,  333,  ^-42;  no.  259;  vegetable  dish, 
333,  S42\  no.  260.  For  predecessor  firm,  see 
Henderson,  D.  and  J.,  Flint  Stoneware 
Manufactory 

American  Repertory  of  Arts,  Sciences,  and 
Manufacturers,  229-30,  296n.63 

American  Revolution,  3, 4-5, 109, 120, 135 

American  school,  107,  207n.68 

American  sculpture,  nos.  55-69 

Ames,  James  Tyler,  157 

Ames  Manufacturing  Company,  157, 167 

Ameubkment  d'un  salon  (genre  Louis  XV), 
306, 307;  fig.  249 

Angell,  Joseph,  firm,  London,  364 

Anglo  American,  24 

Anglo-Italianate  style,  184-85, 187 

Annelli,  Francesco,  72, 76,  77;  The  End  of 
the  World,  77 

Ansolell,  Richard,  Dogs  and  Their  Game,  79 

Anthony,  Edward,  232 

Antietam,  batde  of,  240;  fig.  192 

"Antique"  ale  pitcher,  336, 33s;  fig.  274 

antique  dealers,  305  and  n.125 

Antiques  Movement,  303n.iio 

Apollo  Association  for  the  Promotion  of 
the  Fine  Arts  in  the  United  States,  35, 


66, 68, 76, 77, 80, 192,  201, 206.  See  oho 

American  Art-Union 
Apollo  Belvedere,  143 
Appleton,  D[aniel],  and  Company,  66; 

published  by,  3/,  302;  figs.  27,  246.  See 

also  Appleton's  bookstore 
Appleton,  George  S.  (publisher),  ^7;  no.  142 
Appleton,  William  H.,  mantel  purchased 

by,  262, 262,  264,  Si3\  fig.  212,  no.  220 
Appleton's  bookstore,  157, 157;  fig.  117 
Appleton's  Building,  66 
Appleton^s  Mechanics'  Mpigazine,  lithograph 

firom,  41;  fig.  35 
aquatint  engraving,  193-97,  i99 
Arcade  Baths,  66, 72, 75 
architectural  drawings  and  related  works, 

nos.  70-105 
Architectural  Iron  Works  of  the  City  of  New 

York  (Badger  firm),  30, 185;  catalogue,  zz, 

185;  fig.  18.  See  also  Badger,  Daniel  D. 
architecture,  14, 16-17, 20-23,  38, 126, 

169-87, 300 
Arcularious,  Jacob.  See  RieU,  Henry,  and 

Arcularious,  Jacob 
argand  lamps,  s63\  no.  289 
armchairs,  93, 284, 28s,  292, 293-94, 297, 

299, 299,  305,  310, 310, 312, 316,  $14,  S20, 

X24,  S26,  $27,  $34;  figs.  233,  237,  243,  253, 

259,  nos.  221, 231, 236B,  240B,  c,  248;  in 

parlor  of  Fiedler  family,  261, 305;  fig.  211 
Arnold,  Aaron,  collection,  78 
Arnold,  Edward  W.  C,  collection,  225 
Arnot,  David  H.,  lithograph  after.  Exterior 

ofthe  DUsseldorf  Gallery  (Church  of  the 

Divine  Unity),  S9,$9\  fig.  48 
Arrival  ofthe  Great  Western  Steam  Ship, 

I92n.i2 
Arsenal  (Central  Park),  103 
Arsenal  (Elm  and  Leonard  streets),  136 
Art  Conversazioni,  69 
Arthur,  T.  S.,  "Sparing  to  Spend,"  260-61 
artisan  republicanism,  12, 34  and  n.  19 3, 41, 

287 

artisan-type  houses.  Gay  Street,  1$,  16;  fig.  8 
Artists'  Fund  Society  of  New  York,  66-67, 
80, 81 

Artists'  Reception  Association,  69 
Art-Journal  Illustrated  Catalogue:  The 

Industry  cf  All  Nations,  i8$i,  348, 348; 

fig.  285 

Ashley,  Alfred.  See  Swepstone,  W.  H. 
Ashurnasirpal  II:  palace  of,  Nimrud,  97; 

relief  sculpture  of,  P7,  97-98;  fig.  68 
Asians,  32 

Aspinwall,  William  Henry,  loi,  103, 104-5; 

Gallery,  67,  80, 105, 10$,  106;  fig.  77 
Assyrian  antiquities,  P7,  97-98;  fig.  68 
Astor,  Caroline  Webster  Schermerhom, 

beverage  service  for  (Astor  service),  372 
Astor,  Charlotte  Augusta,  372  and  n.86 
Astor,  John  Jacob,  13, 16,  85, 103, 174, 372 
Astor,  John  Jacob  II,  house,  186 
Astor,  Lenox,  and  Tilden  Foundations,  97 
Astor,  William  Backhouse,  23, 106 
Astor,  William  Backhouse  Jr.,  372 
Astor  House  hotel,  7,  23,  32, 54, 174-75,  J'Tf, 
177, 181, 185, 269;  fig.  134;  ballroom, 
fashions  shown  in,  24$;  fig.  196;  unexe- 
cuted designs  for  (Park  Hotel  project), 
173, 174, 174, 175, 427;  fig.  133,  nos.  77,  78 


Astor  Place,  16;  view  toward,  489;  no.  181 
Astor  Place  Opera  House,  chandelier  for,  311 
Athenaeum  Building,  72 
Atkinson's  Casket,  map  from,  10;  fig.  6 
Atiantic  and  St.  Lawrence  Railroad,  117 
Atlantic  Souvenir,  engraving  from,  291', 
fig.  236 

Aubusson  carpets,  93, 267,  310;  carpet  styled 
after,  at  Grace  Hill,  307, 308;  fig.  250 

Aubusson-tapestry  panel,  310 

auctions  and  auction  houses,  47, 52, 57-58, 
67,  68,  69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  74,  75,  76,  77, 
78,  79,  80,  81, 303-5  and  n.122;  mock, 
20,  305 

Audubon,  J.  J.,  and  Chevalier,  J.  B.  (pub- 
Usher),  $2$;  no.  239 

Audubon,  John  James,  71, 77;  daguerreo- 
type of,  by  Brady,  231, 482;  no.  164;  — , 
lithograph  after,  by  D'Avignon,  219, 
230-31,4^2;  no.  165A;  Viv^arous Quadru- 
peds cf  North  America,  221.  See  also  Birds 
of  America 

Audubon,  John  Woodhouse,  208,  221,  222 

Audubon,  Victor,  221 

Aufermaim,  William,  67 

Augur,  Hczekiah,  141-44  and  n.29, 149; 
bust  zftcr  Apollo  Belvedere,  14.^,  Jephthah 
and  His  Daughter,  143,  /45;  fig.  109 

Austen,  David  Jr.,  67, 79 

Austen,  Jane,  249 

Austin,  Henry,  322 

Aztec  Children,  26, 26,  28;  fig.  21 

Bachelors'  Fancy  Ball  (1829),  283 

Bachmann,  John,  220;  BirdYEye  View  ofthe 
New  Tork  Crystal  Palace  and  Environs,  41, 
42,  316, 4<f7;  no.  141;  The  Empire  City, 
4,  221, 4^9;  no.  145;  New  Tork  City  and 
Environs,  221, 473\  no.  150 

Badger,  Daniel  D.,  iron  works,  22,  30;  Cary 
Building,  185;  cast-iron  components,  22, 
22;  fig.  18;  Haughwout  Building,  22, 
185, 439\  no.  98;  shutters  for  A.  T. 
Stewart  store,  184 

Baggott,  Joseph,  glasscutting  firm,  344, 
345,  346.  See  also  Jackson  and  Baggott 

Bailey,  John  L.,  fiimiture  auction,  303-5 

Bailey,  Nathaniel,  349n.ii8 

Bailey  and  Company,  Philadelphia,  373 

Baily,  Edward  Hodges,  140 

Bainbridge,  William,  gold  box  presented 
to,  359 

Baker,  Alfred  E.,  lithograph,  'The  Rose  of 

Long  Island,"  24-%,  24S;  fig.  199 
Baker,  Benjamin  A.,  A  Glance  at  New  Tofit,  33 
Baker,  John,  engraving  and  etching  by. 
Fisher  and  Bird's  Marble  Tard,  263, 263; 
fig.  214 

Baldus,  Edouard,  324;  Detail  ofthe  Pavilion 
Rohan,  Louvre,  Paris,  322,  324;  fig.  264 

Ball,  Black  and  Company,  361, 36$,  366,  372, 
374,  375;  figs.  299,  300;  earrings,  247; 
Moore  California  gold  tea  service,  372, 
372',  fig.  307;  pair  of  pitchers  by  Eoff 
and  Shepard,  jip,  361;  fig.  295 

Ball,  Henry,  365 

Ball,  Thomas,  Daniel  Webster,  160 
Ball,  Tompkins  and  Black,  154,  i55, 361,  363, 
364, 365-66,  367, 369n.75, 370;  retailed  by, 
Forbes  pitcher  and  goblet,  $72;  no.  306; 


INDEX  619 


— ,  Moore  California  gold  tea  service, 
370;  — ,  presentation  tea  and  coffee  serv- 
ice with  tray  (Lefferts  service),  361, 370, 
372,jf(5p;  no.  301 

ball  gowns,  250^  251,  253-54, 254^  255,  256, 
2jd,  2^7, 502,  S03\  figs.  202,  203,  206,  208, 
209,  nos.  204,  205 

Ballm^s  Fiaorid  Drawin0-Bj)om  Companion^ 
204,  212-13;  wood  engravings  from,  jo, 
i86\  figs.  26, 146 

balls,  253-57,  283.  See  also  Prince  of  Wales  Ball 

Ballston,  New  York,  112 

Baltimore,  i37n.8,  327,  340 

Bancroft,  Charles,  ewer  and  salver  presented 
to,  359 

bandboxes,  273,  274-75, 27S\  fig.  226 
Bangs,  67,  81 

Bangs,  Brother  and  Company,  67,  78,  79,  80 
Bangs,  Merwin  and  Company,  67,  81 
banknotes,  200-201  and  n.44, 44^,  44P; 

nos.  115, 116 
Bank  War,  367 
banquet  sofa,  296n.54 
Banvard,  John,  panoramas,  133 
Barbee,  William  Randolph,  The  Fisher  Girl, 

72, 161, 162;  fig.  122;  copy  after,  by  J. 

Rogers,  161 
Barbier,  Madame,  27-28 
Barboza,  Don  Juan  de,  depicted  in 

Trumbull,  Sortie  Made  by  the  Garrison  at 

Gibraltar^  46,  j/,  52;  fig.  38 
Barker,  Robert,  73 

Barnard  and  Dick,  engravings  in  Views  in 
New  Tork  and  Its  Environs,  33on.6 

Barnet,  William  Armand,  191 

Barnum,  P.  T.,  25,  26,  42,  66, 158,  219,  231, 
235,  314-15,  364;  daguerreotype  of, 
attributed  to  S.  or  M.  A.  Root,  25, 483; 
no.  168 

Barnum's  Museum.  See  American  Museum 

Barocci,  Federico,  206 

Barry,  Charles,  80, 184-85,  298 

Bartlett,  Truman  Howe,  148 

Bartolini,  Lorenzo,  93 

Bartolozzi,  Francesco,  91 

Bartow,  Edgar  John,  351-52 

basket,  silver,  j"<J2;  no.  288 

Bathe  at  Newport,  The,  120, 121;  fig.  87 

Battery,  the,  3;  depicted  on  wallpaper,  sio; 
no.  216;  New  York  Harbor  from,  192, 
4S2-S3'->  no.  121;  in  scene  by  Durand,  388; 
no.  25 

Battery  Place,  view  to  north,  238, 490;  no.  182 
Baudouine,  Charles  A.,  282,  289,  290, 
29m.28,  295,  3o6n.i37,  312-15  and  nn.175, 
177, 178,  320  and  n.214,  325;  armchair,  310, 
313,  319;  fig.  253;  lady's  writing  desk,  313 
and  n.i8o,  S2s;  no.  237;  label  from,  311,  313; 
fig.  254 

Baxter,  Charles,  The  Spanish  Maid,  79 
Beams,  F.  J.,  67 

Beaufils,  Renaissance  library  bookcase,  321, 

324  and  n.232;  fig.  263 
Beaumont,  J.  P.,  collection,  78,  79,  80 
Bedell,  Elizabeth,  281 
Beebe,  William,  67 
Beekman  property,  9 

Beerstraten,  Jan  Abrahamsz.,  Winter  Scene ^ 

404'-,  no.  45 
Belden,  E.  Porter,  10 
Bell,  Thomas,  76 

Bell,  Thomas,  and  Company,  67,  77 

Bellevue  institutions,  7, 13 

Belmont,  August,  65, 103, 105-6;  collection 

and  gallery,  65,  67,  80, 105, 106 
Belmont,  Mrs.,  255 
belt,  woman's,  498;  no.  198 


Belter,  J.  H.,  and  Company,  attributed  to, 
sofa,  320,  BJ;  no.  245 

Belter,  John  (Johann)  H.,  289, 305-6, 314, 
3i9-2on.209,  32inn.2i6,  217,  325 

Bembe,  Anton,  320  and  n.214, 325 

Bembe  and  Kimbel,  320, 322, 325;  armchairs 
for  the  United  States  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, 322;  parlor,  317,  320;  fig.  260 

Benecke,  Thomas,  Slei^hin^  in  New  Tork, 
468;  no.  144 

Benjamin,  Asher,  171 

Bennett,  William  James,  196-97;  engravings 
after,  by  Durand,  American  Landscape, 
Weehawken  from  Turtle  Grove,  201, 20i\ 
fig.  158;  — ,  The  Falls  of  Sawkill,  near 
Milford,  201;  after  Harvey,  frontispiece 
to  Harvey^s American  Scenery,  197,  ip8; 
fig.  155;  after  J.W.  li]\l,NewToHi,fivm 
Brooklyn  Heights,  197,  220, 460;  no.  128. 
See  zlsoMegarefs  Street  Views 

Bennington,  Vermont,  pottery.  See  United 
States  Pottery  Company 

Benton,  Sen.  Thomas  Hart,  photographic 
portrait  of,  by  Plumbe,  233 

Berkeley,  Bishop  George,  119, 12%  Alciphron, 
123;  depicted  in  Kensett,  Berkeley  Rock, 
Newport,  122,  123;  fig.  90 

Bernard,  Sen.  Simon,  332 

Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre,  Jacqvies-Henri, 
Paul  et  Vir^inie,  mantel  depicting  scenes 
from,  by  Fisher  and  Byrd,  103,  262, 262, 
264,  si3\  fig-  212,  no.  220 

Berrains'  House  Furnishings  Warerooms,  368 

Bethunc,  Dr.  George  Washington,  305 

b'hoys,  33-34,  207 

Biedermeier  style,  295 

Bien,  Julius,  220,  224  and  n.144;  Broadway, 
New  Tork,  from  Canal  to  Grand  Street, 
19, 19,  20,  31;  fig.  13.  See  also  Birds  of 
America:  chromolithographic  version 

Bierstadt,  Albert,  106 

Bigelow,  David,  History  of  Prominent  Mer- 
cantile and  Manufacturing  Firms  in  the 
United  States,  wood  engraving  from, 
l6s,36s\  fig.  299 

Bigelow,  Erastus,  267,  268 

Bigelow  Carpet  Company,  Massachusetts, 
272 

billheads,  270, 276;  figs.  221,  227 

binderies,  223-24.  See  also  books,  bound 

Bingham,  George  Caleb,  92;  Fur  Traders 
Descending  the  Missouri,  391;  no.  29;  The 
Jolly  Flatboatmen,  mezzotint  after,  by 
Doney,  206,  207, 4jp;  no.  127 

Birch,  Thomas,  no 

Bird,  Clinton  G.,  263 

Bird,  Clinton  G.  II,  263 

Bird,  Eliza,  263 

Bird,  Isabella  Lucy,  3i4-i5n.i90 
Bird,  Michael,  263 

bird's-eye  views,  220-21;  of  the  Crystal  Palace 
and  environs,  4<^7;  no.  141;  of  New  York 
fix)m  Brooklyn  Heights,  197^460;  no.  128; 
of  Trinity  Church,  182, 182;  fig.  142 

Birds  of  America,  from  Drawings  Made  in  the 
United  States  and  Their  Territories,  The, 
after  watercolors  by  J.  J.  Audubon, 
engraved  by  Havell  (1827-38),  197,  208, 
231;  hand-colored  lithographic  (octavo) 
version  after,  by  Bowen  (1840-44), 
222,  315,  S2s;  no.  239;  — ,  inscription 
page  from,  by  Nagel  and  Weingartner, 
220,  222, 315;  fig.  176;  chromolitho- 
graphic version,  by  Bien  (1858),  208, 
222;  — ,  Wild  Turkey  from,  208,  222, 472; 
no.  149 

Birmingham,  England,  291,  367 


Black,  William,  365.  See  also  Ball,  Tompkins 

and  Black 
Blackstone,  W.  Ellis,  I79n.36 
Blackwell's  (now  Roosevelt)  Island,  13 
Blake,  Daniel,  collection,  55,  76 
Blanchard,  Thomas,  i44n.29 
Bleecker,  James,  77, 297,  30on.76,  305-6n.i30 
Blcccker,  James,  and  Company  (Bleecker 

and  Van  Dyke),  67,  77,  78 
Blind  Man  and  His  Reader  Holding  the 

"^New  Tork  Herald,"  233, 486;  no.  175 
Bloomer,  Amelia,  248,  253 
Bloomer,  Elisha,  houses  built  for,  fashions 

shown  in  front  of,  244, 244;  fig- 195 
bloomers,  253 

Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works,  341,  342, 

342, 349;  fig.  277;  examples  of  cut  glass 

from,  341, 342;  fig.  278 
Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works  or 

Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works,  probably, 

decanter,  340,550;  no.  271 
Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works  or 

Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works  or  Jersey 

Glass  Company,  decanter  and  wine 

glasses,  343,50;  no.  276 
B'nai  Jeshurun  Synagogue,  169, 170;  fig.  129 
Boardman,  James,  341 
Bobo,  William,  20, 33 
Boch,  William,  and  Brothers,  Greenpoint, 

339;  pitcher,  339, 54^;  no.  269 
Bogardus,  James,  30,  41;  cast-iron  facades, 

Bogardus  factory,  184^  185;  fig.  145;  — , 

Laing  stores,  185, 438;  no.  97;  — ,  Milhau 

pharmacy,  22, 185 
Bogert  and  Mecamly's,  248, 248,  249n.i5; 

fig.  199 

Bohemian  glassware,  343, 348;  goblet 

depicting  City  Hall,  343, 544;  fig.  281 
Boker,  John  A.,  collection,  78 
Boker,  John  Godfrey  (formerly  Johann 
Gottfried  Bocker),  58-59,  62-63,  69 
Bolton,  John,  349n.ii9.  See  also  Bolton, 
William  Jay,  assisted  by  Bolton,  John 
Bolton,  William  Jay,  352  and  n.136,  353 
Bolton,  William  Jay,  assisted  by  Bolton, 
John,  Christ  Stills  the  Tempest,  for  Holy 
Trinity  Church,  Brooklyn,  183,  l$l,557\ 
no.  280 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  collection,  78 
Bond  Street,  16, 177 

Bonheur,  Rosa,  64,  92, 105, 212;  The  Horse 
Fair,  64,  65,  69,  80, 107, 133,  222, 408-9; 
no.  51;  — ,  lithograph  after,  by  Sarony,  221, 
222;  fig.  177;  portrait  of,  by  Dubufe,  64 

Bonnell  and  Bradley,  345 

bonnets,  250, 4PP,  500;  fig.  201,  nos.  199,  200 

bookcases,  293^  294-95  and  n.52,  j/4, 317, 
321,  324,  SIS,  S28;  figs.  239,  257,  263,  nos. 
223,  241;  "old  oak,"  310-11;  table-top, 
315-16,  S2s;  no.  238;  with  valences,  284 

book  colleaions,  90,  97,  202 

book  illustrations,  222-24 

books,  bound,  450, 454, 466, 470,  S2s;  nos. 
117, 122A,  137, 138-40, 146,  239 

boots,  250;  woman's,  498;  no.  198 

Bordley,  John  Beale,  after  Dubufe,  TTje 
Expulsion  from  Paradise  and  The  Temp- 
tation of  Adam  and  Eve^  56 

Boston,  37,  95,  no,  119, 141, 146, 149, 152, 
161, 169,  202,  205, 221,  244,  257,  287, 327, 
340;  Tremont  House,  174 

Boston  and  Sandwich  Glass  Company,  342 

Boston  Athenaeum,  52, 55, 147, 148, 149, 152 

Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  207 

Boston  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  92-93,  212 

Boston  Music  Hall,  organ  for,  323, 325; 
fig.  265 


Bostwick,  Zalmon,  368-69,  37on.78; 
pitcher  and  goblet,  369,  S67;  no.  298; 
rimmonim  (Torah  finials),  369, 37on.78, 
371;  fig.  305 

Bottischer,  Otto,  220;  Turnout  of  the 
Employees  of  the  American  Express  Com- 
pany, 219,  220;  fig.  175 

Boucher,  Francois,  324 

Boudet,  D.W.,La  Belle  Nature  and  Daphne 
de  I'Olympe,  56,  76 

Bouguereau,  Adolphe-William,  94, 102 

BouUe,  Andre-Charles,  33on.78 

bouquet  holders,  255, 502, 504;  nos.  204,  207 

Bourlier,  Alfred  J.  B.,  265 

Bourne,  George  Melksham,  67, 197-99 

Bourne's  Depository,  67 

Bowditch,  Nathaniel:  bust  of,  by  Frazee, 
147;  statue  of,  by  Hughes,  146 

Bowdoin  College,  Brunswick,  Maine,  351 

Bowen,  Henry  Chandler,  retreat  (Roseland 
Cottage),  furniture  for,  299 

Bowen,  John  T,  Philadelphia,  lithographs 
after  J.  J.  Audubon,  Viviparous  Quadru- 
peds of  North  America,  221.  Sec  also  Birds 
of  America 

Bowery,  the,  6, 7,  n,  20-21,  28, 31, 32-33, 
122 

Bowery  Boy,  A,ii,34\  fig.  29 
Bowery  Boys,  33 

Bowery  Theatre.  See  New  York  Theatre 

Bowling  Green,  6, 7, 135, 177 

boxes:  glass,  552;  no.  274;  gold,  359,  374-75, 

572;  no.  308,  See  also  bandboxes 
box  sofas,  295  and  n.54, 5/ (J;  no.  224 
Boyce,  Gerardus,  368  and  n.75;  footed  cup, 

368,570;  fig.  304 
Boyd,  John,  52,  75 

Boyd,  John  T.,  and  Company,  304n.i22 
Boydell,  John,  208 

Boydell,  John  and  Josiah,  Shakespeare 
Gallery,  American  edition,  208, 2ion.7i; 
engraving  from,  by  Sharp,  after  West, 
King  Lear,  208  and  n.70, 211, 477;  no.  156 
Boydell,  Josiah,  477;  no.  157 
Bracassat,  Jacques-Raymond,  105 
bracelets,  252;  hair,  505;  no.  209;  seed-pearl, 
of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  2S7^S0S\  fig.  209,  no.  211 
Brackett,  Edward  Augustus,  148-49, 151; 
Shipwrecked  Mother  and  Child,  37, 38,  78, 
79, 161, 162, 162;  fig.  123;  Washington 
Alkton,  ISO,  151;  fig.  112 
Bradbury,  Thomas,  and  Son,  367 
Brady,  D'Avignon  and  Company  (pub- 
lisher). See  Gallery  of  Illustrious 
Americans 
Brady,  John,  67 

Brady,  Josiah  R.,  169-70, 176;  B'nai 
Jeshurun  Synagogue,  169, 770;  fig.  129; 
Second  Congregational  (Unitarian) 
Church,  169, 170, 42s;  fig.  129,  no.  72. 
See  also  Thompson,  Martin  Euclid,  and 
Brady,  Josiah  R. 

Brady,  Mathew  B.,  230-31  and  n.i8,  232, 
233,  236,  24.0-4.1;  Abraham  Lincoln,  241, 
24/;  fig.  193;  Cornelia  Van  Ness  Roosevelt, 
240, 497;  no.  196;  Daniel  Webster,  230; 
Greenville  Kane,  239, 25^;  fig.  191;  Henry 
Clay^  230, 230;  fig.  181;  Henry  James  Sr. 
and  Henry  James  /t:,  233, 254;  fig.  184; 
The  Hurlbutt  Boys,  48s;  no.  170;  Jenny 
Lind,  483;  no.  166;  John  C.  Calhoun,  230; 
John  James  Audubon,  231-32, 4^2;  nos. 
164, 165A;  Martin  Van  Buren,  240-41, 
497;  no.  195;  photographs  for  Olmsted 
and  Vaux,  ^'Greensward'' Plan  frr  Central 
Park,  241, 49S\  nos.  192, 193;  Preinaugu- 
ration  Portrait  of  Mary  Todd  Lincoln,  257, 


620    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


2S7\  fig.  209;  Thomas  Cok,  35, 154, 230, 
481;  no.  161;  Touf^Boy,48s;  no.  171.  See 
also  GaUery  (flUustrious  Americans 

Brady,  William  B.,  368 

Braman,  Misses,  great-aunt  of,  ball  gown 
worn  by,  256,505;  no.  205 

Branch  Bank  of  the  United  States,  6^  7, 18, 
169, 170, 170,  i7h424;  fig.  129,  no.  71 

Brandis,  Charles,  67 

brass:  argand  lamps,  ^tfj;  no.  289;  gasolier, 
S7o;  no.  302 

Braund,  J.,  Illustrations  cf  Furniture,  Cande- 
labra, Musical  Instruments  from  the  Great 
Exhibitions  of  London  andParis^  321,  324; 
plates  fi:om,  ^ip,  321,  bzi^  324  and  n.232; 
figs.  261, 263 

Bray  and  Manvel,  368 

Bread  and  Cheese  Club,  no 

Breed,  John  B.,  279, 280 

Bremen,  Meyer  von,  105 

Bremer,  Fredrika,  15,  31, 243 

Breton,  Jules,  64, 102 

Brett,  John  Watkins,  54, 55,  64, 75, 76 

Brevoort,  Henry,  253 

Bricher,  Alfi*ed,  123 

Bridges,  William  (publisher),  6-7, 8-9;  fig.  5 
Bridport,  Hugh,  after  Fletcher,  Thomas 
(designer),  and  Fletcher  and  Gardiner 
(manufacturer),  Drawif^  of  One  of  the 
Covered  Vases  Made  Jbr  Presentation  to 
Governor  De  Witt  Clinton  in  March  1825^ 

355,iJtf;fig.  290 

BrinkerhofF,  James,  34m.78 

British  art,  64-65;  painting  exhibitions, 
64-65,  79,  80;  prints,  207-8, 211;  water- 
color  school,  193, 196 

British  floor  coverings,  267;  Brussels  car- 
pet, 267, 267\  fig.  219;  ingrain  carpet, 
297,  So6\  no.  212 

British  Museum,  97-98 

broadsides.  See  advertising  broadsides 

Broadway,  5,    7,  8, 11, 19-20, 23, 25, 28, 
31-32,  33,  34,  60, 13s,  183, 185, 187, 
229,  235,  238,  243,  244,  248,  259,  289, 
340,  351;  from  the  Bowling  Green,  196^ 
197;  fig.  154;  firom  Canal  Street  to  beyond 
Niblo's  Garden,  4SS'f  no.  123;  fi-om  Canal 
to  Grand  Street,  jp;  fig.  13;  from  Fulton 
to  Cortiandt  Street,  252;  fig.  205;  fi-om 
Liberty  Street,  31, 44S\  no.  109;  new 
paving  between  Franklin  and  Leonard 
streets,  234-35, 4^p;  no.  180;  parade  for 
the  Prince  of  Wales,  2ss\  fig.  207;  between 
Spring  and  Prince  streets,  226^  238, 239; 
fig.  190;  street  scene  (ca.  1834),  fig.  153; 
from  Warren  to  Reade  Street,  19;  fig.  14 

Broadway  Journal^  152 

Broadway  Sipfhts^  269, 2dp;  fig.  220 

brocatelle,  512;  no.  219 

Brodie,  George,  246-47;  mantilla,  247;  fig. 
198;  attributed  to,  mantilla  wrap,  246, 
499\  no.  199 

bronze:  girandole  set,  570;  no.  303;  medals, 
S6$\  nos.  292-95;  sculpture,  155-58, 156^ 
IS7^  160, 421^  42Z\  figs.  116, 118,  nos.  66, 
68 

Brooklyn,  83, 155, 289,  340, 342 

Brooklyn  Art  Association,  79 

Brooklyn  Daily  Eoffle,  233 

Brooklyn  Daily  Times^  336 

Brooklyn  Evening  Star,  343 

Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works,  340, 341  and 
n.75,  342,  343,  344,  345,  346, 348, 349, 350; 
advertising  broadside  for,  347\  fig.  284; 
glassware  displayed  at  the  Great  Exhib- 
ition, 346, 348, 348',  fig.  285;  trade  card 
of,  345;  fig.  279.  See  also  Bloomingdale 


Flint  Glass  Works  or  Brooklyn  Flint 

Glass  Works 
Brooklyn  Glass  Company,  340 
Brooklyn  Grocery  Boy  with  Parcel^  233, 4S6\ 

no.  173 

Brooklyn  Heights,  views  of  New  York  from, 
5, 189, /po,  197-99, 4<^o;  figs.  1, 147,  no.  128 

Brooklyn  Museum,  95, 98 

Brooks,  Adeline  Matilda  Creamer,  37on.78 

Brooks,  Edward  Sands,  37on.78 

Brooks,  Edwin  A.,  257n.43 

Brooks,  Mrs.  L.,  footed  cup  presented  to 
Mary  Lavinia  Brooks  by,  570;  fig.  304 

Brooks,  Mary  Lavinia,  footed  cup  pre- 
sented to,  570;  fig.  304 

Brooks,  Thomas,  315-16;  etag^re,  after  a 
design  by  Herter,  3i6n.i99,  317;  suite 
for  Roseland  Cottage,  299;  table-top 
bookcase,  3i4n.i88, 315-16,  S2S\  no.  238; 
attributed  to,  armchair,  299, 299^ 
3om.84;  fig.  243 

Brother  Jonathan,  305 

Browere,  John  Henri  Isaac,  67, 138-40; 
Charles  Carroll,  11%;  John  Adams,  138, 140, 
140;  fig.  106;  Thomas  Jefferson,  138, 140 

Browere's  Gallery  of  Busts  and  Statues,  67, 
140 

Brown,  George  Loring,  8i,  224;  The  Bay  and 
City  of  New  Tork  (The  City  and  Harbor  of 
NewTork),  81,  i27n.io8;  — ,  etching 
after,  Bay  of  New  Tork,  223^  224;  fig.  179; 
Cascades  at  Tivoli,  224, 462;  no.  131 

Brown,  Henry  Kirke,  78, 135, 151, 154-58, 
160, 165, 167;  Boy  and  Dq0, 155;  The 
Choosing  of  the  Arrow,  155  and  n.76, 157, 
is6;  fig.  116;  De  Witt  Clinton,  157^  157-58; 
fig.  118;  Filatrice,  157, 421;  no.  66;  Geoi^e 
Washington,  166, 167;  fig.  128;  Good 
Angel  Conducting  the  Soul  to  Heaven, 
IS4, 15s;  Flato  and  His  Pupils,  157, 157; 
fiig.  117;  Pitth,  154, 155,     fig- 115;  Thomas 
Cole,  35, 154, 155, 418;  no.  62;  William 
CuUen  Bryant,  100, 154, 418;  no.  61 

Brown,  T,  presentation  medal,  562;  no.  287 

brownstones:  fiimishings,  260;  row 
houses,  185 

Bruen,  George  W,  47, 48,  49 

Bnien,  Matthias,  bust  of,  by  Crawford, 
152 

Brussels  carpets,  267, 267, 268, 272;  fig.  219 
Bryan,  Thomas  Jefferson,  36, 67, 103-4, 

212, 2i3n.9i;  portrait  of,  by  Sully,  103, 

103, 212;  fig.  75 
Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian  Art,  36,  65,  67, 

79, 103-4 

Bryant,  William  CuUen,  no,  119, 141, 148, 
151, 154, 201;  bust  of,  by  H.  K.  Brown, 
100, 154, 418;  no.  61;  Poems,  no;  portrait 
of,  by  Morse,  381;  no.  6;  portrayed  in 
Durand,  Kindred  Spirits,  no,  392',  no.  30 

Buchan,  P.  G.,  151 

Buckham,  Dr.  George,  portrait  of,  by 

Inman,  383^  no.  12 
Buckham,  Mrs.  George  and  Georgianna, 

portrait  of,  by  Inman,  383',  no.  11 
Buffalo,  Saint  Paul's  Church,  351,  352n.i3i 
buffet  itagere.  See  etagere-sideboard 
buffets,     317-18;  fig.  258.  See  also  sideboards 
Bufford,  John  H.,  205;  lithographs,  Broad- 
way Sights,  269;  fig.  220;  — ,  Second 
Merchant^  Exchange,  after  Warner,  us', 
fig- 135 

"Buhl"  fiimiture,  93,  30on.78,  310,  321 

Bulfinch,  Charles,  169 

Bulkley,  Erastus,  292-93n.37, 317,  322.  See 

also  Bulkley  and  Herter;  Deming, 

Barzilla,  and  Bulkley,  Erastus 


Bulkley  and  Herter,  3i5n.i95, 317,  322;  book- 
case, 514,  3i5-i6nn.i97, 198,  317,  $28; 
fig.  257,  no.  241;  buffet,  31$^  3i6-i7n.20i, 
317-18;  fig.  258 

Bulletin  of  the  American  Art-Union,  66, 206, 
2nn.75 

Bullock,  WiUiam,  75 

Bulpin,  George  P.,  247 

Burckhardt,  Baron  Christian,  collection,  76 

Burford,  John  and  Robert,  75 

Burke,  Edmund  A.  See  Mettam,  Charles, 
and  Burke,  Edmund  A. 

Burnet,  John:  The  Blind  Fiddler,  after 
Wilkie,  2n,  212, 477;  no.  157;^  Practical 
Treatise  on  Painting,  in  Three  Parts,  212 

Bums,  James,  Washington  Crowned  by 
Equality,  Fraternity,  and  Liberty,  35 

Bums,  Robert:  statues  after  poem  of,  by 
Thom,  55, 144;  statue  of,  by  Thorn,  144 

Bums,  WiUiam,  300 

Bums  and  Brother,  possibly,  after  a  design 

by  Davis,  side  chair,  301, 525;  no.  235 
Burr,  Aaron,  10 

Burr,  David  H.,  Topographical  Map  of  the 
City  and  County  of  New  Tork,  5, 9, 
4S6-57\  no.  124 

Burr,  Edward,  pamre  (brooch  and  ear- 
rings), 313,  sos;  no.  210 

Burt,  Charles,  after  Woodville,  The  Card 
Players,  207 

Burt,  J.  M.,  collection,  65,  80 

Burton,  Charles,  Exchange  Pnom,  First 
Merchants' Exchange,  170, 171;  fig- 130 

Burton,  William  E.,  collection,  80 

Burton's  Gentleman's  Magazine,  230 

busts:  cameo,  J04;  no.  206;  marble,  142, 
146,  ISO,  IS9, 410, 412, 413, 4i4y  41S,  418, 
419, 420;  figs.  107,  ni,  112,  n9,  nos.  52, 
55-58,  61-65;  plaster,  8s,  I39-,  140, 410; 
figs.  58, 105, 106,  no.  53 

Butier,  Mrs.  Benjamin  F.,  275 

Butterfield,  William,  communion  service 
modeled  after  designs  by,  370,  xtt;  no.  304 

Byard,  Henry,  179 

Byerly,  D.  D.,  collection,  80 

Byrne,  Richard,  300, 302n.92;  after  a  design 
by  Davis,  hall  chair,  301,  302n.92, 523; 
no.  234 

Byron,  Lord,  56;  ChUde  Harold's  Pilgrimage, 
127;  Manfred,  127 

cabinetmaking,  287-325;  and  interior  deco- 
rating, 289, 312,  313,  322;  pattern  books, 
291, 292, 293-94,  296, 299-30;  and 
upholstery  services,  281-82.  See  also 
furniture 

cabinets:  portfolio  cabinet-on-stand,  302-3, 
S22;  no.  233;  reception-room,  2^tf,  324-25, 
S3s;  no.  249;  in  "Renaissance"  style,  309, 
324;  fig.  252.  See  also  bookcases;  buffets; 
etagere;  gun  case;  sideboards 

Cabus,  Joseph,  32on.2i4,  322,  323n.225,  325 

Cady,  Jesse,  288n.i3 

Cafferty,  James  H.,  and  Rosenberg, 
Charles  G.,  Wall  Street,  18, 3P8;  no.  38 

Calame,  Alexandre,  99, 105 

Calhoun,  John  C,  22on.ii7;  photographic 
portrait,  by  Brady,  230 

Callot,  Jacques,  93 

Calmady,  Charles  B.,  daughters  of,  portrait 
by  Maverick^  after  Lawrence,  191, 192; 
fig- 149 

Calyo,  Nicolino:  The  Hot-Corn  Seller,  28, 
30, 32, 197;  fig.  25;  New  York  Harbor 
scenes,  copies  after  prints  by  Havell, 
197;  View  of  the  Great  Fire  of  New  Tork, 
December  16  and  17,  i83S->  10,  28, 197, 446; 


no.  no;  View  of  the  Ruins  after  the  Great 

Fire,  10,  28, 197, 44^'-,  no.  in 
Cambridge  Camden  Society,  England,  370 
cameo  with  portrait  bust,  S04;  no.  206 
Campbell,  Colin,  23 
Campbell,  Thomas,  67 
Canaletto  (Giovanni  Antonio  Canal),  83, 

85, 123 

Canal  Street,  20;  at  Broadway,  4SS;  no.  123 
canape  tete  h  tete,  307,  S24\  no.  236A 
Canda,  Charlotte,  sculpture  of,  by  Launitz, 

I48n.5i 
Cann,  John,  363 

Cann  and  Dunn,  363;  pitcher,  363n.30 

Canova,  Antonio,  137, 1^'^;  Aerial  Hebe,  137; 
Creugas,  is?;  Damoxenes,  137;  George 
Washington,  i4in.23;  The  Graces,  137 

Canova  pattern,  334,  336n.4i,  S43\  no.  262 

capitalism,  12-13 

Cardelli,  Giorgio  (Pietro),  136 

carpets,  245, 259, 265-72, 289;  Aubusson, 
93, 267, 310;  Brussels,  267, 267, 268, 272; 
fig.  219;  ingrain,  260, 267, 268, 297,  $06, 
S07;  nos.  212, 213;  Persian,  271;  Venetian, 
267, 267, 268;  fig.  218;  Wilton,  267 

Carr,  James,  334,  336n.42 

Carracci,  Lodovico,  53 

Carroll,  Charles,  bust  of,  by  Browere,  138, 
140 

Carroll's  New  Tork  City  Directory,  272 

Carse,  Robert,  351  and  n.127 

Carse  and  Reed,  Brooklyn,  351 

Carse  and  West,  350, 35in.i27 

Carstcnsen,  J.  B.  See  Gildemeister,  Charles, 
and  Carstensen,  J.  B. 

carte  de  visite,  240 

Carter,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  Henry 
Augustus,  portrait  of,  attributed  to 
Kittell,  297-98, 298, 299;  fig.  242 

Carriidgc,  Charles,  336 

Cartiidge,  Charles,  and  Company,  Green- 
point,  336-38  and  n.45, 339:  doorplate 
depicting  New  York  Harbor,  337, 337; 
fig.  275;  pitcher  made  for  the  Claremont, 
337-38,  S48;  no.  268;  presentation 
pitcher  for  the  governor  of  New  York, 
337,547;  no.  267 

Cartiidge  retail  store,  345 

Carville,  G.  and  C.  and  H.,  firm,  195 

Cary  Building,  185 

Casilear,  John,  74, 200;  after  Huntington, 
A  Sibyl,  206, 206;  fig.  162 

cast  iron:  architectural  components,  22, 
22-23;  fig.  18;  building  facades  and  rem- 
nant, 184, 185, 438;  fig.  145,  no.  97;  furni- 
ture, 500,  301;  fig,  245;  mantels,  2(fe, 
262-63;  fig.  213;  rolling  shutters,  184 

Cast-Iron  District,  185 

Casde  Clinton,  6 

Castie  Garden,  7, 72, 76,  314,  315;  depicted 
on,  bandbox,  274, 27s;  fig.  226;  — , 
platter,  330,  S38;  no.  253;  — ,  wallpaper, 
Sio;  no.  216.  See  also  Lafayette  Fete 

Catherine  Street,  20 

Catherwood,  Frederick,  77;  panoramas,  38, 
73, 77.  See  also  Crawford,  Thomas,  and 
Catherwood,  Frederick 

Catlin,  George,  Indian  Gallery,  76 

Catskill  Mountain  House  hotel,  in,  112 

Catskills,  47-48, 48y  109,  no,  111-12, 120, 
126, 129, 387;  figs.  37,  98,  no.  23 

Cauldwell,  Ebcnezer,  345 

Causici,  Enrico,  136;  George  Washington 
(Baltimore  monument),  1370.8;  (model 
for  New  York  monument),  136-37  and 
n.8, 138-40 

cemeteries,  43, 261 


INDEX  621 


centerpieces,  silver,  364,  .?(J4,  373;  fig.  298 
center  tables,  291,  ^osn.iig,  307, 308  and 

n.140,  320,  si4^  S3i'->  fig.  250,  nos.  222, 

244;  depicted  in  paintings,  297-98, 2p5, 

383;  fig.  242,  no.  13 
Central  Park,  40,  42-45, 106,  221, 474; 

no.  151;  Greensward  Plan,  43-44,44-45, 

221, 24i,4ilf;  fig.  36,  nos.  192, 193;  Skating 

Pond,  43,  205, 205, 47^;  fig.  161,  no.  153 
Central  Park  Board  of  Commissioners,  154 
Central  Park  Museum  (the  Arsenal),  103 
Century  Association,  67,  92,  100 
Ceracchi,  Giuseppi:  Alexander  Hamilton^ 

afi:cr  Dixey,  144-45;  George  Washin^on, 

86, 410;  no.  52;  John  Jay^  147 
ceramics,  327-39;  nos.  250-70.  See  also 

earthenware;  porcelain;  stoneware 
Chair-Makers'  Society,  190,  287;  banner, 

287,  288\  fig.  234 
chairs,  2^3, 2pi?,  523;  figs.  232,  244,  no.  234; 

French,  296,  297,  SiS\  no.  226;  reuphol- 

stery  costs,  281.  See  also  armchairs;  side 

chairs 

'^chaise  de  fantasie  "  304,  307;  fig.  248 
chaises,  in  floor  plan,  306, 307;  fig.  249.  See 

also  side  chairs 
chaises  lejferes,  in  floor  plan,iod,  307;  fig.  249 
chalice,  370,  S7i'-,  no.  304 
Chambers,  Sir  William,  17m. 6 
Champlin,  Elizabeth,  ball  gown  worn  by, 

253-54, 2S4;  fig.  206 
Champney,  Benjamin,  119 
Channing,  William  Ellery,  120 
Chanou,  Nicolas-Louis-Edouard,  331.  See 

also  Decasse  and  Chanou 
Chapel  Street  row  houses  (Columbia 

College  houses),  177, 177, 179,  290, 432; 

fig.  137,  nos.  87,  88 
Chapin,  John  C,  The  Historical  Picture 

Gallery,  wood  engraving  fi-om,  i7i; 

fig.  308 

Chapman,  John  Gadsby,  38,  78,  204,  224; 
The  American  Drawin£i-Book,  204;  — , 
wood  engravings  fi-om.  Perspective  in  a 
Marine  Scene,  204, 204;  fig.  160;  —, 
A  Study  and  a  Sketchy  by  Durand,  204, 
462\  no.  132;  Davy  Crockett,  38;  The 
Illuminated  Bible,  204;  — ,  wood 
engraving  from,  Christ  Healin£[ 
Bartimeus,  203,  204;  fig.  159;  Italian 
Goatherd,  224, 470;  no.  147 

Charles  I,  king  of  England,  portrait  of,  89 

Charles  X,  king  of  France,  55 

Charleston,  South  Carolina,  197, 288,  291,  327 

Charmois,  Christophe,  321 

Charters,  Cann  and  Dunn,  363,  369n.75 

Charters,  Thomas,  363 

Chatham  Square,  6, 7,  20,  235-36, 305, 4S7', 
no.  178 

Chatham  Street,  20,  30,  235 

chaujfeuses,  in  floor  plan,  306,  307;  fig.  249 

Chazournes,  F.,  272 

Cheavens,  Henr\',  367 

Chester,  John  N.,  269 

Chester,  Stephen  M.,  269 

Chester,  Thomas  L.,  carpet  store,  268-69, 

269,  270;  fig.  220 
Chester,  W.  W.  and  T  L.,  268-69 
Chester,  William  W,  268-70 
Chevalier  and  Brower,  255 
Chevreul,  Michel-Eugene,  The  Principles  of 

Harmony  and  Contrast  of  Colours,  319 
Chicotree,  Pierre  (Peter  Chitry?),  367 
Childs,  John,  68 

Chinese  Assembly  Rooms,  68,  78,  79 
Chippendale,  Thomas,  3i5n.i96,  317 
Christofle,  C.  S.,  and  Company,  368 


Christy,  Charles  R.,  277 

Christy,  Constant  and  Company  Paper- 

Han£fin^s  Manufaaory,  276,  277;  fig.  228 
Christy,  Constant  and  Shepherd,  277 
Christy,  Shepherd  and  Garrett,  277, 278; 

fig.  229 

Christy,  Shepherd  and  Walcott,  277 

Christy,  Thomas,  275,  277 

Christy,  Thomas,  and  Company,  275,  277 

Christy  and  Constant,  275-77 

Christy  and  Robinson,  277 

chromolithography,  221-22,  224 

Church,  Frederic  E.,  57,  92,  97,  99,  loi, 
106, 119, 130, 163, 166-67;  The  Andes  of 
Ecuador,  61-62,  pp,  10 1;  fig.  70;  Beacon, 
offMount  Desert  Island,  105, 106;  fig.  78; 
Cotopaxi,  97;  The  Heart  of  the  Andes,  71, 
8q,  130-33, 132, 166,400-401;  fig.  IQI, 
no.  41;  The  Icebergs,  81, 131, 133;  fig.  100; 
Niagara,  61,  61,  64,  79,  80,  94,  222, 
223n.i34;  fig.  50;  Twilight  in  the  Wilder- 
ness, 94 

church  architecture,  181-83 

Church  of  the  Ascension  (Canal  Street), 
172, 172, 173, 176, 181;  fig.  132;  (Fifth 
Avenue),  181,  185 

Church  of  the  Divine  Unity,  63,  68,  69,  79, 
163-65.  See  also  Diisseldorf  Galler\^ 

Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  See  Holy 
Trinity  Church 

Church  of  the  Pilgrims,  Brooklyn,  183 

Church  of  the  Puritans,  183, 436',  no.  94 

cigar  smoking,  33-34,  i^;  fig-  31 

Cisco,  John,  4on.233 

City  Dispensary,  47, 55,  68,  76 

City  Hall,  6, 7,  8,  n,  135,      239, 44S,  492; 
fig.  103,  nos.  108, 186;  daguerreotypes 
of,  228,  234;  depicted  on,  commemora- 
tive handkerchief,  29;  fig,  24;  — ,  glass 
goblet,  343,  i44;  fig.  281;  — ,  pitcher,  jj^; 
no.  254;  — ,  wallpaper,  j-ro;  no.  216; 
gallery  in  (Governor's  Room),  35,  69; 
sculpture  for,  by  Browere,  138;  — ,  by 
Dixcy,  Justice,  135-36;  — ,  by  Frazee, 
John  Jay,  146, 147;  fig-  ni 

City  Hall,  New  York,  goblets  and  vases 
with  view  from,  342-44n.83, 343,344; 
fig.  281 

City  Hall  Park  (the  Park),  5,  6, 7,  8, 11, 19, 

136, 137, 140;  fig.  104 
City  Hotel,  305, 355 
City  Saloon,  68,  76 

Civil  War,  222, 325, 375;  photographs  of,  240, 

241;  fig.  192 
Civil  War  period,  112,  259,  349;  after,  17,  45, 

106,  224,  257,  259,  289, 303, 353;  by  the 

beginning  of,  5,  13,  19,  44,  227,  240,  364 
Claremont,  pitcher  made  for,  337-38,  S4S; 

no.  268 

Clarendon  Hotel,  271-72,  330 

Clark,  Benjamin,  pier  table  made  for,  294, 

295,  296-97  and  n.69;  fig.  241 
Clark,  John,  collection,  77 
Clark,  Richard,  carpet  mill,  268 
Clark,  W.  C.  R.,  and  Meeker  (publisher), 

474;  no.  152 
Clarke,  George  Hyde:  dishes  purchased  by, 

327,  334-36n.4i;  furniture  for  home, 

304n.i22 
Clark's  Broadway  Tailoring,  28 
Clarkson,  Elizabeth  Van  Horne,  Honey- 
comb quilt,  S08;  no.  214 
Clarkson,  Matthew  Jr.,  mansion  (C'larkson 

l^wn),  Brooklyn,  179,  291,433;  no.  89A,  B 
Claude  Lorrain  (Claude  Gellee),  93, 119,  209 
Clay,  Edward  W,  28;  Life  in  Philadelphia 

series,  193;  The  Ruins  of  Phelps  and  Peck^s 


Store,  19, 20,  20;  fig.  15;  The  Smokers,  33, 
3s;  fig.  31 

Clay,  Henr}^  22on.ii7,  367;  daguerreotype 
of,  by  Brady,  230, 230;  fig.  181;  proposed 
statue  of,  by  Crawford,  153  and  n.68; 
urn  presented  to,  368  and  n.66, 36P;  fig. 
302;  vase  presented  to,  368,  s66;  no.  269 

Clevenger,  Shobal  Vail,  149;  Indian  Warrior, 
14.9;  James  Kent,  149;  Julia  Ward  Howe, 
149;  Philip  Hone  (marble),  13,  84,  149, 
41s;  no.  58;  (plaster),  84,  8s,  149;  fig.  58 

Clews,  James  and  Ralph,  platter  depicting 
Lafayette's  arrival  at  Castle  Garden,  330, 
S38;  no.  253 

Clews  Pottery,  330,  33m. 20 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  3,  83, 189, 190,  287-88n.2, 
340, 355;  likenesses  of,  bronze  statue,  by 
H.  K.  Brown,  is7,  157-58;  fig.  118;  — , 
design  for  statue,  by  Hughes,  140;  — , 
life-mask  portrait  bust,  by  Browere,  138; 
— ,  portrait,  by  Morse,  ^,380;  no.  4;  — , 
print  by  Lumley,  474;  no.  152;  vases 
made  for  presentation  to,  355, 3s6,  358, 
361,  jj5;  fig.  290,  no.  281A,  B 

Clinton  Hall,  55,  68,  72,  77,  78, 140 

Clinton  Hall  Association,  140,  149 

Clinton  Monument  Association,  157 

Clive,  George,  family,  portrait  of,  by 
Reynolds,  J3, 54;  fig.  40 

clothing:  etiquette  of,  251-52;  manufacttire 
of,  249-51.  See  also  costumes  and  fashions 

Clover,  Lewis  P.  (publisher),  197,4^^0;  no.  128 

"Coburg"  wineglass,  345 n. 9 3 

CoflFee,  Thomas,  136 

Coffee,  William,  136 

cofifee  urn,  silver,  363,5^0;  no.  285 

Coflfm  family,  295n.50 

Golden,  Cadwallader  D.,  190;  pitcher  with 
arms  of,  327n.2.  See  dho Memoir 

Cole,  Thomas,  35, 47-50, 55, 57,  76,  78,  84, 
85,  87,  97,  loi,  109-12, 113, 114, 118, 119, 
123, 125, 126, 127, 130, 131, 141, 192-93, 197, 
2iy,An^el  Appearing  to  the  Shepherds,  55, 
76;  Aqueduct  near  Rome,  126,  127,  128; 
fig.  96;  The  Course  of  Empire  series,  76, 
87,  89,  i24~2s,  126-27,  211;  figs.  91-95; 
Distant  View  of  the  Slides  That  Destroyed 
the  Willey  Family,  White  Mountains, 
lithograph  after,  by  Imbert,  116, 192, 193 
and  n.i6;  fig.  150;  The  Dream  of  Arcadia, 
engraving  after,  by  Smillie,  207;  Kaaters- 
kill  Clove,  193;  Lake  with  Dead  Trees 
(Catskill),  48,4^,  50;  fig.  37;  likenesses 
of,  bust,  by  H.  K.  Brown,  35,  154, 155, 
418;  no.  62;  — ,  daguerreotype,  by  Brady, 
35,  154,  230,  4Sr,  no.  161;  — ,  portrait, 
by  Durand,  35,3^2;  no.  10;  — ,  portrayed 
in  Durand,  Kindred  Spirits,  57, 110, 392; 
no.  30;  The  Mountain  Ford,  94,  roo; 
The  Oxbow,  193;  Ruins  of  Fort  Putman, 
48;  scenes  from  Cooper,  The  Last  of 
the  Mohicans,  112  and  n.26;  — ,  Cora 
Kneeling  at  the  Feet  of  Tamenund,  no, 
112, 114, 388;  no.  24;  View  of  Florence  from 
SanMiniato,  127;  View  of  Kmterskill  Falls, 
48,  49, 50  and  n.9;  View  of  the  Moun- 
tain Pass  Called  the  Notch  of  the  White 
Mountains  (Crawford  Notch),  108, 116, 
117;  fig.  84;  View  of  the  Round-Top  in  the 
Catskill  Mountains,  110,3^7;  no.  23;  View 
of  the  White  Mountains,  116,  u6;  fig.  83; 
View  on  the  Catskill,  Early  Autumn,  88; 
The  Voyage  of  Life  series,  59, 73,  77, 89, 
94, 206-7, 233;  —, Manhood,  59,  88,  89,  94, 
206;  fig.  60;  — ,  Touth,  59,  60,  89,  94, 206; 
fig.  49;  — ,  engraving  after,  by  Smillie, 
207,  462;  no.  T30 


Coles,  Albert,  363, 370 

Collamore,  Davis,  and  Company,  327,  346 

CoUamore,  Ebenezer,  327 

collar,  woman's,  49S;  no.  198 

collectors,  83-107 

Collect  Pond,  5,  9,  30 

Colles,  James  C,  93,  290,  308, 309  and 
n.144, 311, 312;  house,  309-10;  — ,  fur- 
nishings for,  93,  309-10  and  n.156, 
312;  — ,  sofa  and  armchair  for,  310, 524; 
no.  236A,  B 

Colles,  Mrs.  James,  309,  310 

Collins,  Edward  K. :  California  gold  tea 
service  presented  to,  370, 372,372;  fig.  307; 
flatware  pattern  developed  for,  366 

Collins,  George,  house,  Unionvale,  entrance- 
hall  wallpaper  from,  sn;  no.  217 

Colman,  Samuel,  119 

Colman,  William  A.,  48,  49, 50,  60,  68,  68, 
73,  75,  78.  See  also  Havell,  Robert  Jr., 
Colman,  William  A.,  and  Ackermann 
and  Company 
Colonial  Revival  movement,  303 
Colonnade  Row.  See  La  Grange  Terrace 
colors:  for  costume,  254;  for  upholster)', 

319-20 
Colt,  Samuel,  312 

Colton,  J.  H.  (publisher),  456-57;  no.  124 
Columbia  College  houses.  See  Chapel 

Street  houses 
Columbian  Bank  Note  Company, 

Washington,  D.C.,  200 
Columbian  Lady's  and  Gentleman's 

Magazine,  149 
Columbus,  Christopher,  four-branch 

gasolier  with  central  figure  of,  S70; 

no.  302 

Comegys,  George  H.,  engraving  after,  by 
Sartain,  The  Artisfs  Dream,  2o6n.6o 

Commercial  Advertiser,  49, 52 

Commissioners'  Plan  of  1811,  6-9,  8-9, 
42-43, 44;  fig.  5;  "Remarks"  accompany- 
ing, 6-7, 12.  See  abo  New  York:  grid  plan 

Common  Council,  6, 10,  i37n.8,  138,  374; 
gold  box  presented  to  William  Bain- 
bridge  by,  359 

communion  services,  silver,  370,57/;  no.  304 

compotes,  glass,  55/;  no.  273;  for  the  White 
House,  348,556;  no.  279 

Concord  Street  Flint  Glass  Works,  348 

confortables,  305, 307 

Congregationalists,  183 

console,  in  floor  plan,  306, 307;  fig.  249 

Constable,  Arnold,  and  Company,  247; 
dresses  from,  250, 499;  fig.  202,  no.  199 

Constable,  John,  97, 112 

Constant,  Samuel  S.,  275,  277 

Constantine,  Eleanor  D.,  281,  282,  283 

Constantinc,  John,  273,  281,  282-83  and 
n.92.  See  also  Constantine,  Thomas,  and 
Constantine,  John 

Constantine,  John  [Jr.],  282,  283 

Constantine,  Thomas,  282 

Constantine,  Thomas,  and  Constantine, 
John,  chair  for  the  Speaker  of  die  Nordi 
Carolina  Senate,  282-83, 283;  fig.  232 

Continental  Bank  Note  Company,  200 

Cook,  Clarence,  44 

Cook,  Edmund  L.,  68 

Cooke,  George,  38,  68,  75;  after  Gcricault, 
Raft  of  the  Medusa,  54,  75 

Cooley,  57,  68,  71 

Cooley,  James  E.,  68,  78 

Cooley,  Kccse  and  Hill,  68,  78 

Cooley  and  Bangs,  67,  68 

Cooper,  Mrs.  Edward,  daguerreot)'pe  of, 
by  Gurney,  232, 483;  no.  167 


622    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Cooper,  Francis  W.,  37c.  See  also  Cooper 
and  Fisher 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  110, 125-26  and 
n.97, 127, 128, 141,  244;  bust  of,  by 
Greenough,  141, 142-^  fig.  107;  The  Cooper 
Vignettes^  illustrations  for,  by  Darky, 
223;  — ,  engraving  from.  The  Bee  Hunter^ 
222^  223;  fig.  178;  Excursions  in  Italy ^  126; 
The  Last  of  the  Mohicans^  110, 112;  — , 
scenes  from,  by  Cole,  no,  112  and  n.26, 
114,      no.  24;  The  Pioneers^  no;  The 
WeptofWish-ton-Wish,  166 

Cooper,  Peter,  68,  210,  21  an, 91 

Cooper,  Peter  (Pierre),  daguerreotype  of, 
by  Gurney,  232, 4*5;  no.  167 

Cooper  and  Fisher,  communion  service  for 
Trinity  Chapel,  370  and  n.8o,  S7i\  no.  304 

Cooper  Union  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science  and  Art,  67,  68,  73,  80,  210, 
212,  241 

Cooper  Vignettes,  See  Cooper,  James  Fenimore 
Copeland,  W.  T,  Staffordshire,  161, 331 
Copley,  John  Singleton,  97, 123 
copperplate  engraving,  191,  2om.44,  202 

and  n.51 
Cor,  A.,  collection,  77 
Corlears  Hook,  31 
Cornelius,  Robert,  228-29  and  n.8 
Coming,  Erastus  I,  347n.io6 
Corot,  Jean-Baptiste-CamiUe,  94 
Corporation  of  the  City  of  New  York, 

tray  presented  to  Charles  Rhind  by,  j^S, 

358-59;  fig.  294 
Corsair^  The^  227,  228 
corsets,  250,  253,  255 
Corwin,  Edward  Brush,  collection,  79, 

90-91,  92 

Cosmopolitan  Art  Association,  37, 40,  63, 
6s,  68,  69,  72, 160-61, 165;  fig.  53 

Cosmopolitan  Art  Journal,  68,  212;  engrav- 
ings fixjm,  2/,     i6i\  figs.  16, 52, 53, 121 

costumes  and  fashions,  243-57;  nos.  197-205. 
See  also  men's  costumes;  women's 
costumes 

couches,  297,  299n.74, 521;  no.  232 

Couture,  Thomas,  64 

couturiers,  256 

Cox,  J.  and  I.,  362,  363n.30,  367,  368,  37on.8i; 

pair  of  argand  lamps,  S63;  no.  289 
Cox,  Jameson,  pitchers  presented  to,  359-61 
Cox,  John,  362 

Cox,  John,  and  Company,  362-63 
Cox,  Joseph,  362 
Coxc,  D.  W.,  283 

Cozzcns,  Abraham  M.,  98,  loo-ioi 

Crate,  Hy.  J.  (printer),  474;  no.  151 

Crawford,  Abel,  115 

Crawford,  Ethan  Allen,  115 

Crawford,  Louisa  Ward,  154;  bust  of,  by  T. 
Crawford,  153-54, 160, 4/p;  no.  63 

Crawford,  Thomas,  93, 103, 148, 151, 152-54; 
The  Babes  in  the  Wood,  103, 152-53,  /^j; 
fig.  114;  Dancing  Girl  (Dancing  Jenny), 
80, 154;  Dying  Indian  Chief,  154;  Flora, 
102, 103, 152, 154;  fig.  74;  Genius  of  Mirth, 
152, 153,4/rf;  no.  59;  Geof^e  Washington 
(Virginia  commission),  153;  Louisa 
Ward  Crawford,  153-54, 160, 419',  no.  63; 
Matthias  Brum,  152;  Mexican  Girl  Dying, 
152, 153;  Mrs,  John  James  (Mary  Hone) 
Schermerhom,  152;  Orpheus,  152;  proposed 
statue  of  Henry  Clay,  153  and  n.68; 
William  Pa£fe,  148 

Crawford,  Thomas,  and  Catherwood, 
Frederick,  design  for  Washington  mon- 
ument, isi,  152;  fig.  113 

Crawford  family,  115 


Crawford  Notch,  White  Mountains,  108, 

115,  IIS,  n6,  Z17;  figs.  82,  84 
Cravi^ord's  inn,  White  Mountains,  115, 116 
Crayon,  Geoffrey.  See  Irving,  Washington 
Crayon,  The,  32,  36,  63,  88, 103, 104-6, 118, 
240, 322;  "Our  Private  Collection,"  98, 
99, 100,  lOI 
Crayon  Gallery  (Nichols  Gallery),  68,  80,  81 
"Cries  of  New  York,"  commemorative 

handkerchief,  28, 29, 32;  fig.  24 
crinoline  silhouette,  246, 254,  256;  fig.  197 
Crockett,  Davy,  portrait  of,  by  Chapman,  38 
Cropsey,  Jasper  F.,  99,  loi,  i27n.io8;  Four 

Seasons,  72,  80 
Grossman,  William  W,  368 
Croton  Aqueduct  (Croton  Waterworks), 
lo-ii,  19, 43, 180-81,  309,  367;  distrib- 
uting reservoir,  10, 41, 180-81, 316, 4-H\ 
no.  90;  High  Bridge,  10, 181, 43S\  no.  91; 
Manhattan  Valley  pipe  chamber,  181, 
43S',  no.  92 
Croton  Celebration  (1842),  11,  367-68 
crumber,  silver,  $68',  no.  299 
Crumby,  John,  68 

Crystal  Palace,  London,  22, 40, 41,  348.  See 
also  Great  Exhibition  of  the  Works  of 
Industry  of  All  Nations  (Crystal  Palace 
exhibition,  1851) 

Crystal  Palace,  New  York,  40-42, 4/,  66, 
68,  236, 316, 4^7;  fig.  35,  nos.  141, 142; 
window  shade  depicting,  41,  275,  $11; 
no.  218.  See  also  New-York  Exhibition  of 
the  Industry  of  All  Nations  (Crystal 
Palace  exhibition,  1853-54) 

cuffs,  woman's,  498\  no.  198 

Cummings,  Thomas  Seir,  67, 14in.25; 
Gustavm  Adolphus Rollins,  384;  no.  17; 
A  Mother's  Pearls  (Portraits  oftheArtisfs 
Children),  386;  no.  22.  See  also  Inman, 
Henry,  and  Cummings,  Thomas  Seir 

cup,  footed,  silver,  370;  fig.  304 

Currier,  Nathaniel,  195,  213,  220,  224; 
Awful  ConjUigratim  of  the  Steamboat 
^^Lexington," 213,  214,  220;  fig.  168;  litho- 
graph printed  by,  Maurer,  Preparing  jbr 
Market,  214,  217-18;  fig.  169 

Currier  and  Ives,  201,  213-18,  219,  220, 
224;  lithographs  printed  by,  Parsons, 
Central  Park,  Winter:  The  Skating  Pond, 
43, 205, 47J;  no.  153;  — ,  Worth,  Darktown 
Comics  series,  214 

curtains  and  draperies,  281,  282,  283, 
284-85 

Curtis,  George  William,  Lotus-Eating:  A 
Summer  Book,  120, 121-22, 123;  wood 
engraving  from,  by  J.  W.  Orr  (?)  after 
Kensett,  The  Cliff  Walk,  Newport,  121, 
122;  fig.  88 

Custom  House.  See  United  States  Custom 
House 

Dagoty  and  Honore,  Paris,  331 

Daguerre,  Louis-Jacques-Mand^,  227-28, 
229,  230,  234,  237 

daguerreotypes,  228-36  and  nn.3, 10,  25, 
30,  237, 239,  240,  316, 484, 487, 4S8, 489; 
nos.  169, 178-80;  portraits,  204-5,  228, 
230-33, 230, 232, 234, 480, 481, 482, 483, 48s, 
486;  figs.  181, 182, 184,  nos.  160-64, 
166-68, 170-76 

Dailey,  Catherine,  346 

Dailey,  William,  346 

Dakin,  James  H.,  175, 176  and  n.31,  i79n.4o; 
drawing  of  Lower  Broadway,  vase  scene 
after,  3  3  on.  6,  xj/;  no.  251.  See  also  Town, 
Ithiel,  Davis,  Alexander  Jackson,  and 
Dakin,  James  H. 


Danby,  Francis,  The  Opening  of  the  Sixth 
Seal,S4,  55,  76;  fig.  41 

Daniel  in  the  Lion's  Den,  40 

Darley,  Felix  Octavius  Carr,  223;  book  illus- 
trations, for  Cooper's  complete  works. 
The  Cooper  Vignettes,  223;  — ,  engraving 
fix>m.  The  Bee  Hunter,  222,221;  fig- 178; 
— ,  for  Irving,  Lift  of  George  Washington, 
223;  — ,  Sketch  Book  tales,  207, 223, 463', 
nos.  133, 134;  — ,  ioT]vLdd,Mafgaret,  223 

Dartois,  J.,  257n.46 

Dassel,  Herminia  Borchard,  home  of,  68, 80 
Daumier,  Honor^,  221 
David,  Henry,  370 

David,  Jacques-Louis,  55, 209;  Coronation  of 
Napoleon,  75 

Davidson,  David,  68 

D'Avignon,  Francis,  219,  230,  231;  after 
Matteson,  Distribution  of  the  American 
Art-Union  Prizes  at  the  Tabernacle,  206, 
207',  fig.  163.  See  also  Gallery  of  Illustrious 
Americans 

Davis,  Alexander  Jackson,  89,  90, 169-70, 
172, 173-74, 175  and  n.26, 176, 179, 180, 
181, 187, 192  and  n.14, 292n.36, 293n.45, 

299-  301  and  n.87;  architectural  designs, 
Des^n  fir  Improving  the  Old  Almshouse, 
35, 172, 42S'f  no.  73;  —,  First  Merchants' 
Exchange,  173;  426;  no.  76;  —,  Gothic 
Chapel,  University  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  187;  -,  Park  Hotel  (Later  Called 
Astor  House),  173, 174,^74, 175,427;  fig.  133, 
nos.  77, 78;  — ,  "Syllabus  Row,^  16, 179, 
430;  no.  84;  — ,  ^^errace  Houses,"  16, 173, 
179, 430;  no.  85;  — ,  United  States  Custom 
House,  28, 173, 428, 429;  nos.  79-81;  — , 
University  of  the  City  of  New  York  (now 
New  Tork  University),  Washington  Square, 
175, 176, 180;  fig.  136;  book,  Rural  Resi- 
dences, 180;  City  Hall  Park,  136, 137; 
fig.  104;  illustrations  of  others'  bwld- 
ings,  Arthur  Tappan  Store,  183, 183; 

fig.  144;  — ,  Elizabeth  Street  facade,  New 
Tork  (Bowery)  Theatre,  171, 172;  fig.  131; 
— ,  First  Merchants' Exchange,  19,  28, 
170,42^^,427;  nos.  74-75;  —,  Public 
Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork,  169, 170; 
fig.  129;  — ,  sec  also  Views  of  the  Public 
Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork;  resi- 
dential and  interior  designs,  brown- 
stone  double  house,  185;  — ,  Columnar 
Screen  Wall  between  Parlors,  179, 180; 
fig.  140;  — ,  Design  Drawing  for  Stained- 
Glass  Window,  351, 3S2;  fig.  288;  — ,  Greek 
Revival  Double  Parlor,  180,  291, 447; 
no.  112;  -,  Litchfield  ViUa  (Grace  Hill), 
Brooklyn,  264, 264,  265  and  n.14,  ^07, 
307-8, 351;  figs.  215,  250;  — ,  Ericstan 
(John  J.  Herrick  House),  Tarrytown, 
180,  301,  302-3nn.96,  97, 44iy  S23; 
nos.  102,  235;  — ,  Lyndhurst  (formerly 
Knoll),  Tarrytown,  264, 264,  265n.i5, 

300-  301,  302n.92,525;  fig.  216,  no.  234; 
— ,  Reed,  Luman,  house,  i7n.73,  211; 
— ,  Stevens,  John  Cox,  house,  180;  — , 
WaddeU,  William  C.  H.,  house,  14, 16, 
180;  fig.  7.  See  also  Town,  Ithiel,  and 
Davis,  Alexander  Jackson 

Davis,  Alexander  Jackson,  and/or  Geer, 
Seth,  La  Grange  Terrace  (Colonnade 
Row),  IS,  16  and  n.72, 175, 179  and  n.40, 
180, 43T'->  fig.  9,  no.  86 

Davis,  Horatio  N.,  305n.i30 

Day,  Thomas  Jr.,  275 

Dead  Rabbit,  A,  Si,34',  fig.  30 

Dead  Rabbits,  33 

De  Brakekleer  collection,  78,  79 


decanters,  glass,  341,  343, 34^,34S,sso,SS3\ 
fig.  285,  nos.  271, 276;  in  advertisement, 
345,345-;  fig.  282 

Decasse,  Henry,  336 

Decasse,  Louis,  331 

Decasse  and  Chanou,  331, 336;  mark  of,  331, 
332;  fig.  271;  tea  service,  331,  J3P;  no.  255; 
— ,  two  plates,  or  stands,  fixjm,  331, 332; 
fig.  270 

Declaration  of  Independence,  135, 138; 

painting  by  Trumbull,  200, 200;  fig.  157 
decorations  for  the  home,  259-25;  nos.  212- 

220.  See  also  carpets;  mantels;  upholstery; 

wallpaper 

decorators.  See  interior  decoration  and 

design  services 
Degrauw,  John,  hot-water  urn  presented 

to,  363-64,  S64;  no.  290 
Deiden,  Madame,  247 
De  Jongh,  James,  73 
Delacroix,  Eugene,  94,  99 
Dclaroche,  Paul,  63, 209;  Hemicycle, 

engraving  after,  209;  Marie  Antoinette 

on  Her  Way  from  the  Tribunal,  79; 

Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau,  37,  63, 64\ 

fig.  54;  Napoleon  Crossing;  the  Alps,  78; 

— ,  engraving  after,  by  Francois,  211, 

478',  no.  158 
Delarue,  Francois  (printer),  47/;  no,  148 
Delisser,  Richard  L.,  71 
Deming,  BarziUa,  and  Bulkley,  Erastus 

(Deming  and  Bulkley  firm),  288, 291, 

292-93n.37;  center  table,  291,  294,  j/4; 

no,  222 

Deming,  Bulkley  and  Company,  282 
Democrats,  11,  34n.i93,  43,  240 
Demorest,  (Madame)  Ellen  Curtis,  247, 249, 
253;  country  excursion  dress,  251;  fig.  204 
Demorest,  William  Jennings,  247, 249 
Dempsey  and  Fargis,  375 
department  stores,  184,  244,  245,  259 
Derby,  A.  T,  79 

Derby,  Chauncey  L.,  63,  68, 160 

Derby,  Henry  W,  63, 68 

De  Saireville  collection,  75 

Dessoir,  Julius,  262  and  n.8, 289, 305-6  and 
n.137,  3i2n.i77,  316,  318,  3i9-2on.209, 
322, 325;  sofa  and  two  armchairs  en  suite, 
318-19, 120,526,527;  no.  240A-C;  — , 
illustration  of  armchair  from  suite,  316, 
318,  319;  fig.  259 

Dewey,  Rev.  Orville,  158 

Dexter's  Store  (Elias  Dexter),  69,  81 

Diamond  Ball.  See  Prince  of  Wales  Ball 

diamonds,  255 

Diaper,  Frederick,  105, 181 

Dickens,  Charles,  244-;  American  Notes, 
30-31,  21$;  A  Christmas  Carol  in  Prose, 
223 

Dickie  and  Murray,  281  and  n.86 

Dietz,  Brother  and  Company,  girandole  set 

depicting  Louis  Kossuth,  570',  no.  303 
dining  rooms:  Elizabethan,  302;  glassware 

displays,  340;  Louis  XV-style,  310 
dioramas,  76 

Dioramic  Institute.  See  Marble  Buildings 
dishes;  earthenware,  ^42;  no.  260;  glass, 

552',  no.  275 
Dix,  John  Ross,  4on.233;  Hand-book  of 

Newport,  and  Rhode  Island,  120, 121, 123 
Dixey,  George,  47, 49, 50,  60 
Dixey,  John,  i$s;  Alexander  Hamilton,  after 

Ceracchi,  144-45;  Justice,  for  City  Hail, 

135-36 

Dixon,  James,  and  Sons,  tray  for  presenta- 
tion tea  and  coffee  service,  569;  no.  301 
Dobelman,  John,  349n.ii8 


INDEX  623 


Dodge,  Charles,  137 

Etodgc,  Edward  S.^John  Wood  Dod^e^  38s; 

no.  18 
Dodge,  Jeremiah,  137 
Dodge,  John  Wood:  Kate  Roselie  Dod^e^  38s; 

no.  20;  portrait  of,  by  E.  S.  Dodge,  38s; 

no.  18 

Dodge,  Kate  Roselie,  portrait  of,  by  J.  W. 
Dodge,  38s'y  no.  20 

Dodge,  S.  N.,  69,  80 

Dodworth,  Allen,  69 

Dodworth  Studio  Building,  61, 69, 79, 80 

Doeplcr,  Carl  Emil,  3i5n.i9i;  wood  engrav- 
ing after,  by  J.  W.  Orr,  The  Children's 
Sofa,  308, 308;  fig.  251 

Doge's  Palace,  Venice,  187 

Do-Hum-Mc,  grave  marker  for,  i48n.5i 

Domenidiino,  49,  86 

Donaldson,  Robert,  300;  window  bench 
made  for,  by  Phyfe,  292, 294, 300;  fig.  238 

Doney,  Thomas,  after  Bingham,  TTje  Jolly 
Flat  Boat  Men,  33, 206, 207, 4Jp;  no.  127 

Doolitde,  Isaac,  191 

doorplate  depicting  New  York  Harbor, 

337,357;  fig-  275 
Dorflinger,  Christian,  348-49  and  n.ii8, 350; 

tea  service  made  for,  349, 349;  fig.  286. 

See  also  Long  Island  Flint  Glass  Works 
Dorflinger,  Mrs.  Christian,  presentation 

vase  made  for,  348,  ssS'->  no.  278 
Dorflinger  Guards,  348,  349n.ii6 
Dorflinger  Works,  341 
Doric  order,  171-72  and  n.14, 173, 174, 176 
Dou,  Gerrit  ("Gerard  Dow"),  85 
Doughty,  Thomas,  99,  no 
Douglas,  Sen.  Stephen  A.,  statuette  of,  by 

Volk,  80 
Douglass,  A.  E.,  collection,  79 
Douglass,  David  B.,  10;  University  of  the 

City  of  New  York,  Washington  Square, 

176;  fig.  136 
Downing,  Andrew  Jackson,  36, 41, 43, 181, 

301-2,  318;  The  Architecture  of  Country 

Houses,  180, 212, 298, 302,502,  303n.io9, 

3i7n.203;  fig.  246;  Cottage  Residences, 

180;  Treatise  on  the  Theory  and  Practice  of 

Landscape  Gardenin0, 180 
Doyle,  John,  69 

Draper,  John,  228,  229n.9,  232, 234 

Draper,  Simeon,  69 

draperies.  See  curtains  and  draperies 

Drawing  Association.  See  New  York  Asso- 
ciation of  Artists 

drawing-room  chairs,  292, 299;  figs.  237, 
244 

drawing  rooms,  ftimishings,  290, 306, 307, 
308, 307-8,  310;  figs.  235,  249-51;  in 
painting  Family  Group,  297, 383;  no.  13. 
See  also  parlors 

Drayton,  James  Coleman,  372n.86 

dresses,  2S0, 251,  254,  257n.44, 49S,  499,  soo; 
figs.  202,  204,  nos.  198-200.  See  also 
ball  gowns 

dressmakers,  247, 249  and  n.28 

dressmaking  patterns,  247,  249 

dressoirs,  309-,  311,  322n.22i;  fig.  252.  See  also 
buffets;  sideboards 

Dripps,  Matthew  (publisher),  4tff;  no.  136 

druggets,  268, 272 

dry-goods  stores,  23, 245,  247,  259  and  n.2 
DuBois,  Mary  Ann  Delaficld,  148 
Dubufe,  Claude-Marie,  55-59,  73, 76, 209; 
Adam  and  Eve  paintings,  54-59,  76,  78; 
— ,  copies  after,  56;  — ,  engravings  after, 
by  Ryall,  55,  S7;  figs.  42, 43;  Circassian 
Slave,  56;  Don  Juan  andHaidee,  56; 
Portrait  of  Rosa  Bmheur,  64;  The  Prayer, 


59;  Princess  of  Capua,  56;  Saint  John  in 

the  Wilderness,  56 
Dudley,  Mrs.  Jonas  C,  mantilla  wrap  worn 

hy,  so3\  no.  205 
Duggan,  Peter  Paul,  American  Art-Union 

medals  designed  by,  $6$',  nos.  292,  294, 

295 

Dumke  and  Keil,  lithograph,  Broadway^ 

from  Warren  to  Reade  Streets,  19;  fig.  14 
Dummer,  George,  331,  342;  factories,  see 

Jersey  Glass  Company;  Jersey  Porcelain 

and  Earthenware  Company 
Dummer,  George,  and  Company  (retail 

store),  327  and  n.2, 34in.78, 342, 345 
Dumont  and  Hosack,  57, 69,  78 
Dunbar,  Samuel,  177 

Duncan,  Thomas,  The  Triumphant  Entry  of 
Prince  Charles  Edward  into  Edinbuf^h,  79 

Dunlap,  William,  48, 49, 50,  53, 55,  75,  84, 
85, 107,  no,  140, 141;  Christ  Healing  the 
Sick,  after  West,  56, 76;  Christ  on  Calvary, 
75;  Death  on  the  Pale  Horse,  75, 78;  History 
of  the  American  Theatre,  84;  History  of 
the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Arts  of  Design, 
84,  85,  86,  i4m.25, 143, 147n.48 

Dunn,  David,  363 

Duponchel,  Felix,  189 

Du  Pont,  Samuel  Francis:  pitcher  ordered 
by,  33on.i4;  presentation  table  service 
made  for,  373, 374;  fig.  309 

Durand,  Asher  B.,  48, 49, 55, 57, 83, 84, 87, 
88,  91,  92,  99, 106-7, 109, 114, 118-19, 
154, 160, 190, 199-200,  201,  202n.46, 
210,4^/;  no.  162;  The  American  Landscape 
projea,  201;  — ,  engravings  for,  after 
Bennett,  201, 201;  fig.      Ariadne,  after 
Vanderlyn,  199, 201, 205, 212,458',  no,  125; 
banknotes,  201, 448, 449;  nos.  115, 116; 
The  Beeches,  loi;  Dance  on  the  Battery 
in  the  Presence  of  Peter  Stuyvesant,  388; 
no.  25;  The  Declaration  of  Independence, 
after  Trumbull,  20c,  200;  fig.  157;  De 
Witt  Clinton,  after  Ingham,  3,  202, 4S4; 
no.  I22B;  Dover  Plains,  engraving  after, 
by  Smillie,  207;  Franconia  Notch,  loi; 
In  the  Woods,  88,393;  no.  31;  Kindred 
Spirits,  57,  no,  392;  no.  30;  Lafayette, 
254n.38;  "Letters  on  Landscape  P^ting," 
118;  Luman  Reed,  13, 382;  no.  9;Musidcra, 
90, 91;  fig.  6i;  Self-Portrait,  381;  no.  8; 
A  Study  and  a  Sketch,  204, 462;  no.  132; 
Thomas  Cole,  15,382;  no.  10;  The  Wife, 
after  Morse,  291,  292;  fig.  236 

Durand,  Cyrus,  201 

Durand,  John,  86;  Life  and  Times  of  A.  B, 
Durand,  106-7 

Durand,  Perkins  and  Company  (pub- 
lisher), 201, 448, 449;  nos.  115, 116 

Diirer,  Albrecht,  86,  92,  93,  96, 103,  211; 
Fall  of  Man  (Adam  and  Eve),  93,  P5,  211; 
fig.  64 

Duryee,  Col.  Abram,  service  presented  to, 
375,  i7S,  S73;  fig.  3IO,  no.  310 

Diisseldorf  Academy  artists  (Diisseldorf 
School),  59,  69,  78,  80,  99, 107 

Diisseldorf  Gallery  (Church  of  the  Divine 
Unity),  58-59,  JP,  60, 62-63,  ^5,  65,  68, 
69, 78, 80, 107, 154;  figs.  48, 52;  Powers, 
The  Greek  Slave,  at,  160, 161;  fig.  121 

Dutch  paintings,  75,  87;  prints,  211,  212 

Duteis  firm,  Paris,  247 

Duyckinck,  Evert,  349-5on.i20 

Duyckinck,  Evert  A.,  268, 274,  281,  283 

Duyckinck,  Mrs.,  284 

Dwight,  Theodore,  123;  Journal  of  a  Tour  in 
Italy,  123-25, 126, 128;  Northern  Traveller, 
112, 113-14, 115;  — ,  engraving  from,  by 


Maverick,!^  Geor^e,ii3, 113-14;  fig.  80; 
Sketches  of  Scenery  and  Manners  in  the 
United  States,  115, 116;  — ,  engraving 
from,  by  Wadsworth,  Avalanches  in  the 
White  Mountains,  iis,  116;  fig.  82 

Dwight,  Timothy,  4,  in,  112, 115 

Dyck,  Anthony  van,  86,  89 

earrings,  247;  in  parure,  sos;  no.  210 

earthenware,  330-31, 333-34,  336;  hot-milk 
pot  or  teapot  and  underplate,  S42;  no. 
261;  monument,  339,  S49;  no.  270;  pitch- 
ers, S38,  S43;  nos.  254,  263;  plate,  S43; 
no.  262;  platter,  j-3^;  no.  253;  vegetable 
dish,  S42;  no.  260 

Eastman,  Samuel,  116-17 

Easton's  Beach,  Newport,  121, 122, 123 

Ebbinghausen,  George,  3i2n.i77 

Eddy,  Oliver  Tarbell,  The  Children  of  Israel 
Griffith,  299n.72 

Eddy,  Thomas,  14 

edged  wares,  333-34,  S42;  no.  260 

Edmonds,  Francis  William,  The  New  Bonnet, 
398;  no.  39;  The  New  Scholar,  engraving 
after,  by  A.  Jones,  207;  Time  to  Go,  62, 
62;  fig.  51 

Eggleso,  A.,  282 

Egyptian  antiquities,  94-95, 229 
Egyptian  Revival  style,  10, 174, 180-81, 293 
Egyptian  sculpture,  Family  Group,  Possibly 

Im-Ka-Ptah  and  His  Family,  95,  P5; 

fig.  66 

Ehninger,  John  W,  Foray,  62 

Eidlitz,  Leopold,  181, 186 

electroplated  tablewares,  368 

elevators,  22  and  n.96 

Eliot,  William  H.,  174 

Elizabethan  Revival  style,  302,  302-3, 305, 

309n.i45;  fig.  246 
Elkington  and  Company,  Birmingham, 

England,  368 
Ellet,  Charles,  10 

Ellington,  George,  The  Women  of  New 
Tork,  257 

Elliott,  Gen.  George,  depicted  in  Trumbull, 
Sortie  Made  by  the  Garrison  at  Gibraltar, 
46,  SI,  52;  fig.  38 

Ellis,  J.  L.,  364,  372.  See  also  Tiffany,  Young 
and  Ellis 

Ellis,  Salathiel,  American  Art-Union  medal, 

Sds;  no.  293 
Eimes,  James,  181 

Elssler,  Fanny,  portrait  of,  by  Heidemans, 

after  Inman,  4S8;  no.  126 
Elysian  Fields,  Hoboken,  vase  depicting, 

328;  fig.  266 
embroidered  goods,  246-47,  252,  253 
Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  119 
"Empire  City,**  sobriquet,  189, 3i4n.i9o. 

For  prints  with  this  title,  see  Bachmann, 

John;  Lumley,  Arthur 
Empire  style,  253, 292.  See  also  Grecian  style 
Endicott,  George,  lithographic  firm,  195, 

217,  218-19;  after  Vennimzn,  Novelty 

Itvn  Works,  189, 21s,  217,  218;  fig.  170; 

after  Schmidt,  Park  Hotel,  17s;  fig.  134 
Endicott,  George  and  William  (G.  and  W. 

Endicott  firm),  n8;  after  "Spoodlyks" 

(possibly  George  T  Sanford),  Santa 

Clauses  Quadrille,  216,  218-19  and  n.n4; 

fig.  171 

Endicott  and  Company,  217, 218;  Christy, 
Constant  and  Company,  276;  fig.  228; 
Fanny  Elssler,  by  Heidemans,  after 
Inman,  2i8n.iio,  4^*;  no.  126;  ^» 
Interior  View  of  the  Crystal  Palace,  by 
Parsons,  4^7;  no.  142 


Endicott  and  Swett  (publisher),  broadside 
for  Joseph  Mceks  and  Sons,  296, 517; 
no.  225 

End  of  the  Rabbit  Hunt  pitcher,  333, 
334n.36,j4o;no.  256 

England,  125, 227, 267;  architecture,  171, 
176, 182, 184-85 

English:  cut-steel  necklace,  254;  fig.  206; 
man's  tailored  ensemble,  254, 4pS; 
no.  197;  platter  dcpiaing  Lafayette's 
arrival  at  Casde  Garden,  330,  $38; 
no.  253;  pitcher  dcpiaing  City  Hall,  8, 
330,  S3S;  no.  254;  probably,  "Cries  of 
New  York,"  commemorative  handker- 
chief, 28, 29, 32;  fig.  24;  — ,  pair  of 
argand  lamps,  563;  no.  289 

English  paintings,  87,  97,  99 

Enlightenment,  12, 24, 123 

Eno,  Amos  R,  collection,  225 

Eno's  Hotel,  265 

Eoff,  Edgar  Mortimer,  361, 374 

EofF,  Edgar  Mortimer,  and  Shepard, 
George  L,  (EofF  and  Shepard  firm), 
374;  pair  of  pitchers  presented  to  Julie 
A.  Vanderpoel,  359, 361;  fig.  295 

EofF,  Garret,  361;  tea  service  presented  to 
Charles  Rhind,  358 

EofF  and  Moore,  361 

EofF  and  Phyfe,  361  and  n.24 

Episcopal  chair,  299;  fig.  244 

Episcopal  Church,  182,  370 

Ericstan  (John  J.  Herrick  house),  Tarrytown, 
180, 301, 441;  no.  102;  chairs  associated 
with,  301,  iQ2n.96,S23;  no.  235 

Erie  Canal  (Grand  Canal),  3-4, 9, 10, 19, 
25, 44, 109,  no,  n2,  n4, 123, 189-90, 
227, 287, 288, 327, 331, 355, 361;  depicted, 
bas-reliefs  on  base  of  H.  K.  Brown, 
De  Witt  Clinton,  is?,  iS7;  fig-  n8;  — , 
views  by  J.  W.  Hill,  112, 444\  nos.  106, 
107;  opening  day  and  celebration,  see 
Grand  Canal  Celebration 

etagere,  320,  $32;  no.  246 

etag^re-sideboard  {ljuffet  ita^ht),  318,  $30; 
no.  243 

etchings,  224-25 

Eugenie,  empress  of  France,  247,  256, 312, 

318, 324;  gun  case  purchased  by,  319, 321; 

fig.  261;  portrait  of,  by  Winterhalter,  65, 

6$,  80, 312;  fig.  56 
Europe,  travel  to,  123.  See  also  Grand  Tour 
European:  fan,  2S4,  soi;  fig.  206,  no.  202; 

paisley  shawl,  500;  no.  200 
European  art,  50, 54, 62,  63,  75,  77,  88, 

98-99, 102, 103, 104, 105-6, 107;  prints, 

207, 2n-i2 
Evans,  Edward,  92 
Everett,  Edward,  161 
ewer  (pitcher),  silver,  355, 357;  fig.  291 
Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations. 

See  New  York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry 

of  All  Nations 
exhibitions  and  venues,  47-65, 66-74, 75-81 
Exposition  Universelle  (Paris,  1855),  312, 

320-21;  case  pieces,  i/p,  321,52/,  322n.22i, 

324  and  n.232;  figs.  261,  263;  silk  moir^, 

247 

fabrics:  dressmaking,  247;  upholstery,  282 
Faed,  Thomas,  79 
Fagnani,  Joseph,  collection,  80 
Faile,T.  H.,  88 
Falconer,  John  M.,  91-92 
Falcon  Glass  Works,  London,  345n.93 
fall-fix)nt  secretary,  296, 297n.68, 519;  no.  229 
Family  Group,  Possibly  Iru-Ka-Ptah  and  His 
Family  (Egypt),  95, 9S;  fig.  66 


624    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


fans,  2S4-,  SOI,  S03;  fig.  206,  nos.  202, 205 

Farmar,  Rev.  Samuel,  colleaion,  78 

fashion  and  costumes,  243-57;  nos.  197-205 

fashion  magazines,  247  and  n.i6 

fashion  plates,  249 

Fatzer,  C.  (printer),  473;  no.  150 

fauteuils^  305;  in  floor  pian,  306, 307;  fig.  249. 

See  also  armchairs 
Fay,  Augustus,  217;  Exterior  cfGoupil  &Co., 

Fine  Art  Gallery^  64;  fig.  55;  Temperance, 

but  No  Maine-Law,  217^  217,  219-20; 

fig- 173 

Fay,  Augustus,  and  Cogger,  Edward  P., 
wood  engraving  after  Wells,  All-Souls^ 
Churchy  186, 187;  fig.  146 
Faye,  Donnelly  and  Company,  274 
Faye,  Thomas,  firms,  274,  274-75, 276; 
fig.  227 

Federal  Hall.  See  United  States  Custom 

House 
Federal  period,  261,  292 
Fellows,  Hoffman  and  Company.  See  Starr, 

Fellows  and  Company  or  Fellows, 

Hoffman  and  Company 
Felton,  Mrs.,  32 

Fenton,  Christopher  Webber,  336n.42, 339 

Ferguson,  Herbert  Q.,  336 

Ferrero,  Madame  V,  247;  bonnet  from, 

247,250,  251;  fig.  201 
Ferrin,  Jane,  281 
Ferris,  John  H.,  264,  265 
Ferris  and  Taber,  264,  265 
Fiedler,  Ernest,  family,  portrait  of,  by 

Heinrich,  180,  261, 261, 305;  fig.  211 
Field,  Cyrus  West:  furnishings  for,  313; 

medals  and  presentation  boxes  honoring, 

374-75,572;  nos.  307, 308;  sections  of 

transatlantic  cable  authenticated  by,  375, 

S72;  no.  309 
Field,  David  Dudley,  313 
Field,  Henry  M.,  43 
Field,  Marshall,  store,  Chicago,  248 
Fifth  Avenue,  13, 16, 185, 187, 320, 491;  no.  185 
Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  185, 328, 330;  fig.  267 
Fillmore,  Millard,  248 
financial  panics.  See  Panic  of  1837;  Panic  of 

1857 

Finden,  Edward  Francis,  91 

fire  companies,  33 

Fire  Department  Fund,  315 

fires;  of  1776, 5;  of  1835,  see  Great  Fire 

fire  screen,  320,  S33;  no.  247 

First  Merchants'  Exchange  (1825-26),  18-19, 
28,  34, 169, 170-71, 170, 171  y  172, 173, 
175, 181,  214, 426^  427\  figs.  129, 130, 
nos.  74-76;  statue  for,  by  Hughes, 
Alexander  Hamilton^  34, 140, 141, 144; 
vase  depicting,  170,  328,  53on.6,  S37\ 
no.  251 

First  Meserole  House,  Home  ofAlmon  Ruff, 
Wallabout,  Brooklyn,  234, 23s;  fig.  185 

First  Presbyterian  Church,  185 

First  Reformed  Dutch  Church,  Brooklyn, 
176 

Fish,  Hamilton,  102-3, 152-53, 163, 165, 167; 
mantel  made  for,  by  Fisher  and  Bird, 
103, 262, 262^  264,  j/^;  fig.  212,  no.  220 

Fisher,  Henry,  273,  274 

Fisher,  J.  G.,  268 

Fisher,  John,  341, 342 

Fisher,  John  Thomas,  263 

Fisher,  Richard  (glassmaker),  34on.68,  341, 
342 

Fisher,  Richard  (silversmith),  370.  See  also 

Cooper  and  Fisher 
Fisher,  Richard  and  John,  glassworks.  See 

Bloomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works 


Fisher,  Robert,  secretary- bookcase,  293, 
294-95  and  nn.5Q,  52;  fig.  239 

Fisher,  Robert  C,  263 

Fisher,  Sidney  George,  4,  273 

Fisher  and  Bird,  137, 263,  263-64,  265  and 
nn.13, 14;  fig.  214;  mantel  depicting 
scenes  from  Paul  et  Vir£finie,  103, 262, 
262, 264,  si3\  fig-  212,  no.  220;  mantel  for 
Litchfield  Villa,  264, 264^  265;  fig.  215 

Fitch,  T,  and  Company,  69 

Five  Points  distria,  7,  28, 30-31, 32, 33; 
Gotham  Court,  17, 17;  fig.  11;  Old 
Brewery,  57;  fig.  27 

Five  Senses— No.  i,  Seeing,  25, 2s;  fig.  20 

Flagg,  George,  87 

Flandin,  Pierre,  51,  69 

flatware,  silver,  366;  Gothic-pattern,  367,  j(f^; 
nos.  299, 300 

Flaxman,  John,  140 

Flemish  art,  75,  81,  86,  87,  99,  211,  212 

Fletcher,  J.,  "Gladiatorial  Table,"  322n.222 

Fletcher,  Thomas,  355, 361;  presentation 
vase,      361-62;  fig,  296.  See  also 
Fletcher  and  Gardiner 

Fletcher  and  Gardiner,  Philadelphia,  361; 
pair  of  covered  presentation  vases  pre- 
sented to  De  Witt  Clinton,  355, 3S6, 358, 
361,  ss8;  fig.  290,  no.  281A,  B 

flint  glass,  term,  341 

flint  stoneware,  332-33  and  n.31, 338;  fig-  276. 

See  also  stoneware 
floor  coverings,  265-72.  See  also  carpets 
Florence,  Italy,  95, 126, 127, 135, 141 
Fly  Market,  8 
Fontaine,  Claude  G.,  83 
Foot,  Samuel,  chairs  made  for,  296,  287n.66 
Forbes,  Abraham  G.,  361 
Forbes,  Colin  van  Gelder,  355  and  n.5, 361 

and  n.19.  See  also  Forbes,  Colin  V  G., 

and  Son 

Forbes,  Colin  V  G.,  and  Son,  361  and  n.19; 

presentation  hot- water  urn,  361, 

363-64, s<^4'->  no.  290 
Forbes,  John  W,  355-58  and  n.5, 361  and 

n.19;  plateaus,  355-58  and  n.5, 3^7;  fig.  292 
Forbes,  William,  361;  pitcher  and  goblet,  S72; 

no.  306.  See  also  Forbes,  Colin  V  G., 

and  Son 

Forbes,  William  Garret,  355n.5, 361 
Forest,  Charles  de  la,  collection,  78 
fork,  silver,  s^8;  no.  300 
Forrest,  Edwin,  bust  of,  by  Browere,  138 
Forsyth,  John,  and  Mimee,  E.  W,  Bird^s- 

Eye  View,  Trinity  Church.,  182,  i82\  fig.  142 
Fort  Adams,  Newport,  122 
Fort  George,  112, 113 
Fort  Hamilton,  239, 494\  nos.  190, 191 
Fort  Ticonderoga,  112, 113 
Fort  William  Henry,  112 
Foster,  George  G.,New  Tork  by  Gas-Li^ht, 

31,  33,  40 

Fourdinois,  Alexandre-Georges,  320;  chair, 

324;  sideboard,  318, 321 
Fowler,  Crampton  and  Company, 

349n.ii8 
Fowler,  W.  C,  349n.ii6 
Fox,  Charles  Patrick,  248 
Fragonard,  Jean-Honore,  324 
France,  125,  228,  238,  267,  290,  311 
Francis,  Dr.  John  W,  83, 196 
Francois,  Alphonse,  after  Delaroche, 

Napoleon  Crossing  the  Alps,  211, 478; 

no.  158 
FrancophHia,  305 

Frank  Leslie^s  Gazette  of  Paris,  London  and 
New-Tork  Fashions,  wood  engravings 
from,  2S0, 2si;  figs,  201-4 


Frank  Leslie^s  Illustrated  Newspaper,  62,  64, 
95;  wood  engravings  firom,  54,  ^5, 2s6, 
37S;  figs.  29,  30,  45,  208,  310 

Frank  Leslie^s  Sunday  Me^azine,  wood 
engraving  from,  17;  fig.  11 

Franklin,  William  H.,  and  Son,  69,  78 

FrankKn  and  Mindum,  69 

Franklin  Institute  Fair,  Philadelphia,  345 

Franklin  Theatre,  40 

Franquinet,  William,  collection,  77 

Fraprie,  Stephen  T.,  373 

Frazee,  John,  34, 137-38, 140, 141  and  n.23, 
144, 146-48  and  nn.48,  49, 171,  262n.7; 
Daniel  Webster,  147;  John  Jay,  34, 146, 
147;  fig.  \n\  John  Marshall,  14.7;  John 
Wells  Memorial,  137;  Marquis  de  Lafayette, 
\y]\  Nathaniel  Bowditch,  147;  Nathaniel 
Prime,  147,4/3;  no.  56;  Self  Portrait,  138, 
i3P;  fig.  105;  United  States  Custom 
House,  147, 148;  Washington  monu- 
ment, design  for,  78, 152 

Frazee,  William,  137 

Frazee  and  Launitz  firm,  147-48 

Frazer's  Gallery,  69 

Fredricks,  Charles  DeForest,  232, 239  and 
n.36,  240;  Amos  Leeds,  Confidence 
Operator,  241,  305, 487;  no.  177;  attrib- 
uted to,  Fredricks^s  Photographic  Temple 
of  Art,  239, 496;  no.  194.  See  also  Holmes, 
Silas  A.,  or  Fredricks,  Charles  DeForest 

Fredricks's  Photographic  Temple  of  Art, 
239, 496;  no.  194 

French  chairs,  296,  297  and  nn.65,  66,  si8; 
no.  226 

French  fashions,  247,  256,  257, 502; 
no.  204 

French  fiimiture,  305, 307-9, 310, 312;  center 
table,  3O5n.i29,307,  308  and  n.140,  320, 
J5/;  fig.  250,  no.  244;  in  drawing  room 
at  Grace  Hill,  307, 308;  fig.  250;  floor 
plan  with,  306, 307;  fig.  249;  lady's  writ- 
ing desk,  313  and  n.i8o,  S2S\  no.  237;  sofa 
and  armchair,  by  Ringuet-Leprince,  93, 
307, 310,524;  no.  236A,  B 
French  Gothic  style,  183 
French  paintings,  64,  80,  81,  99,  208-9 
French  polishing,  295-96  and  n.6o 
French  porcelain,  527-28, 330, 332;  deco- 
rated pitchers,  328, 329,  330;  figs.  267, 
269;  decorated  vases,  195, 327-28, 328, 
330, 536,  S37;  fig.  266,  nos.  250-252;  din- 
ner services  for  White  House,  329, 330; 
fig.  268 
French  prints,  208,  211 
French  Renaissance  style,  185-86, 187 
French  Restoration  style,  297 
French  Revolution,  253 
French  taste,  305, 324 
French  textiles,  255-56,  j/2;  no.  219 
French  wallpapers,  272-74, 273,  275,  277, 

279, 280;  fig.  225 
Frere,  Charles-Edouard,  64,  92 
fretwork  {decoupure),  302,  303n.iQ8 
Fullerton,  W.  R.,  "Papier  Mache  Ware- 
Room,"  3i3n.i82,  315 
Fulton,  Robert,  52,  75,  83, 191,  2o8n.70; 

bust  of,  by  Houdon,  137, 410;  no.  53 
Fulton  Market,  8, 45i\  no.  120 
Fulton  Street,  5,  289, 45/;  no.  120 
Funk,  Peter,  Picture  Making  Establishment, 
69 

fiirniture,  93,  287-325;  nos.  221-238,  240- 
249;  gilded,  32in.2i6;  with  sculpted 
figures,  321-22  and  n.222;  secondhand, 
303-5  and  n.i22,  3o6n.i33 

Fiirst,  Moritz,  363;  prize  medals,  363,  s6s\ 
no.  291 


Gager,  A.  O.,  and  Company,  339 

Gainsborough,  Thomas,  105 

Gale,  William,  355,  363, 366, 373;  covered 
ewer  presented  to  the  owners  of  the 
bozi Mary  and  Hannah,  355  and  n.4, 
357,  359;  fig-  291 

Gale,  William,  and  Hayden,  Nathaniel 
(Gale  and  Hayden  firm):  Gothic- 
pattern  design  patented  by,  366-67,  s68\ 
nos.  299, 300;  urn  presented  to  Henry 
Clay,  368  and  n.66, 369;  fig.  302 

Gale,  William,  and  Moseley,  Joseph  (Gale 
and  Moseley  firm),  363;  coffee  urn,  363, 
s6o;  no.  285;  tureen,  361, 363  and  n.34; 
fig.  297 

Gale,  William,  and  Son,  373;  Gothic-pattern 
silverware,  367,  $68;  nos.  299,  300 

Gale,  Wood  and  Hughes,  373 

Gallery  of  Illustrious  Americans,  lithographs 
by  D'Avignon,  after  daguerreotypes  by 
Brady,  wixh  text  by  Ixster,  219  and  nn.ii7, 
118,230-31,4^2;  no.  165B;  Audubon 
portrait  from,  230-31,4^2;  no.  165A 

Gallery  of  Old  Masters  (Gideon  Nye  col- 
lection), 40, 58,  78, 158 

Gallier,  James,  173, 175-76, 181 

Gambart,  Ernest,  64,  69 

Garde-meuble,  ancien  et  modeme,  Le,  306  and 
n.138, 307;  plates  ivom,304,306, 306-7 
and  n.138,  jop,  311;  figs.  248,  249,  252 

Gardiner,  Baldwin,  327,  334-36n.4i,  345, 
361-62, 363,  367;  four-piece  tea  service, 
SS9;  no.  284;  tureen  with  cover  on 
stand,  s6r,  no.  286;  retailed  for  Fletcher, 
vase  presented  to  Hugh  Maxwell,  360, 
361-62;  fig.  296 

Gardiner,  Catherine  Peabody,  292n.35 

Gardiner,  Mrs.  David  Lyon,  256;  ball  gown 
worn  by,  253,  $02;  no.  204 

Gardiner,  Julia,  248, 248,  z^gn.zy,  fig.  199 

Gardiner,  Sidney,  355, 361.  See  also  Fletcher 
and  Gardiner 

Gardner,  Alexander,  240;  Antiaam  Battle 
Field,  240,  241;  fig.  192 

Garland,  The,  223 

garment  industry,  249-51 

Garrard,  R.  and  S.,  London,  364 

Garrett,  William,  277 

gasolier,  j7o;  no.  302 

Gasse,  N.,  Galileo  at  Florence,  79 

Gay,  Winckworth  Allan,  119 

Gaynor,  John  P.,  Haughwout  Building, 
21-22, 27, 22, 23, 185, 439;  figs.  16, 19, 
no.  98 

Gay  Street,  artisan-type  houses,  15, 16;  fig.  8 

Geer,  Seth,  177;  La  Grange  Terrace  (Colon- 
nade Row),  IS,  16;  fig.  9.  See  also  Davis, 
Alexander  Jackson,  and /or  Geer,  Seth 

Gelston  and  Treadwell,  bouquet  holder, 
S04\  no.  207 

Gem,  or  Fashionabk  Business  Directory,  313 

Gem  Saloon,  217,  219-20;  fig.  173 

General  Convention  of  the  Friends  of 
Domestic  Industry  (1831),  308 

Genin,  John  N.,  store,  32,  247,  248;  ball 
gown  from,  2sr,  fig.  203;  pedestrian 
bridge  across  Broadway,  32,32;  fig.  28 

Genings,  Michael,  69 

genre  scenes,  prints,  212 

gentility,  27-28, 36, 43 

George  III,  king  of  England,  equestrian 
statue  of,  by  Wilton,  135 

George  IV-style  riviere,  502;  no.  204 

Gericault,  Theodore,  Raft  of  the  Medusa, 
copy  after,  by  Cooke,  54 

German  immigrants,  13;  cabinetmakers, 
289,  290,  295,  305;  lithographers,  220 


INDEX  625 


German  paintings,  87,  99;  prints,  211 
Gerome,  Jean-Leon,  64,  94 
Gibbon,  Edward,  127 
Gibbs,  James,  i7in.6 
Gibney,  Michael,  366 

Gibson,  William,  318;  Stained  Glass  Works, 
350, 351, 35211.130;  fig.  287 

Gifford,  Sanford  Robinson,  loi,  112, 114, 
119, 123, 125, 128,  i3on.ii9;  Kaaterskill 
Clove,  110, 129, 130;  fig.  98;  LakeNemi, 
128-30  and  n.119,       no.  36;  On  the 
Roman  Campa0na,  a  Study,  128,  i28\ 
fig.  97 

Gignoux,  Regis-Francois,  105;  Nia^fara  by 
Moonlight,  80 

Gilbert,  Philo  B.,  366, 370 

Gilded  Age,  45, 120,  257, 325 

Gildemeister,  Charles,  and  Carstensen,  J.  B., 
Crystal  Palace,  41;  Ground  and  Gallery 
Plans^  41, 4i\  fig.  35 

Gillespie,  William,  Rome,  152 

Gilliland,  John  L.,  341, 342, 348.  See  also 
Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works 

Gilmor,  Robert  Jr.,  48, 50 

Giotto  di  Bondone,  103 

girandole  set,  s7o;  no.  303 

Girtin,  Thomas,  196 

Glances  at  the  Metropolis,  279 

glass,  339-53;  nos.  271-280.  See  also  glass- 
ware; stained  glass 

glasscutting,  341,  342,  344-46,  348 

glass  negatives,  239,  240 

glass  press,  340-41 

glassware,  327, 339-50;  Bohemian  (colored), 
343-44;  compotes,  j-j/,  jj(J;  nos.  273, 
279;  covered  box,  SS2\  no.  274;  decanter, 
5S0\  no.  271;  decanter  and  wine  glasses, 
SS3\  no.  276;  goblet  depiaing  City  Hall, 
343,3^;  fig.  281;  oval  dish,jj2;  no.  275; 
presentation  vase,  SSS\  no.  278;  product 
lines  and  exhibition  pieces  of  various 
glassworks,  342^  347, 346, 348;  figs.  278, 
283-85;  salt,  sso;  no.  272;  service  of  table 
glass  made  for  a  member  of  the  Weld 
family,  346, 347n.io6,  ij'^;  no.  277 

Gleason,  Elliot  P.,  Manufacturing 
Company,  349n.ii8 

Gleason's  Pictorial  Drawing-Room  Companion, 
202,  3i4n.i88;  wood  engravings  from, 
27, 32, 311, 317, 33S,  339;  figs.  22,  28,  255, 
260, 276 

Gleason-Tiebout  Company,  349n.ii8 

Glover,  John  B.,  69,  77 

gloves,  252, 2S4,  255;  fig.  206 

goblets:  glass,  544;  fig.  281;  silver,  j^J/,  57/, 

S72;  nos.  298, 305,  306 
Godey's  Lady's  Book,  18, 42,  228-29,  246, 

247  and  n.15,  253,  261,  268,  272;  wood 

engravings  from,  247, 369\  figs.  198,  303 
gold:  bouquet  holder,  ^02;  no.  204;  box, 

359;  medals,  jj-p,jf (J2, 5-72;  nos.  283A,  B,  287, 

307;  tea  services,  370, 372,372;  fig.  307 
Goldsmith,  Deborah,  The  Talcott  Family, 

267n.26 
Goltzius,  Hendrik,  83 
Goodhue  and  Company,  53 
Goodrich,  A.  T.  (publisher),  115;  fig.  82; 

visitors'  guides,  169, 172, 177 
Goodrich,  C.  R.  See  SiUiman,  Benjamin  Jr., 

and  Goodrich,  Charles  Rush 
Goodwin,  Francis,  Old  Town  Hall, 

Manchester,  England,  171 
Gordon,  Robert,  family  portrait  of,  by 

Guy,  3i8n.205 
Gorham  Manufacturing  Company, 

Providence,  Rhode  Island,  366, 375 
Gori,  Catherine,  265 


Gori,  Ottaviano,  184,  265, 266;  fig.  217 
Gori  and  Bourher,  265 
Gotham  Court ,  Five  Points,  17,  ^7, 30;  fig.  11 
Gothic  Furniture,  299, 300;  fig.  244 
Gothic-pattern  silverware,  367,  s68;  nos.  299, 
300 

Gothic  Revival  style,  152, 169, 172, 175, 176, 
180, 181-83, 186, 187,  264,  297,  298-301, 
316,  317,  350,  351-52,  363,  369,  370 

Goupil,  Adolphe,  208 

Goupil,  Leon,  208 

Goupil,  Vibert  and  Company,  58,  69,  78, 
208-9 

Goupil  and  Company,  59,  60,  63-64, 64, 
65,  69,  69,  70,  74,  79,  80,  81,  208-9, 
2imn.75,  77;  fig-  55 

Gouraud,  M.,  229  and  n.8 

Gouvello,  Marquis  de,  collection,  55,  76 

Governors  Island,  vases  depicting  New 
York  City  from,  195,  327-28  and  n.5, 528, 
33on.6, 536;  fig.  266,  no.  250 

Governor's  Room,  City  Hall,  69 

Gowans,  William,  69,  72 

Gowdy,  Thomas,  and  Peabody,  John,  urn 
presented  to  Henry  Clay,  368  and  n.66, 
369;  fig.  302 

Grace  Church  (Broadway  and  Rector), 
sculpture  for,  by  Frazee,7ci/;w  Wells 
Memorial,  137;  (Broadway  and  Tenth 
Street),  7, 168, 182-83, 437\  no.  95;  — , 
depicted  on  wallpaper,  sio\  no.  216 

Grace  Hill,  Brooklyn.  See  Litchfield  Villa 

Gracie,  William,  48, 50 

Gradual  Manumission  Act  (1799),  13 

Graham,  Curtis  Burr,  lithograph,  244\ 
fig.  195 

Graham,  Mr.  (blind  poet),  55, 144 
Grand  Canal  Celebration  (1825),  3,  25, 189, 
287,  358,  359,4jo-j-/;  nos.  117, 118;  com- 
memorative medals,  287,  i$Z,sS9\  nos. 
282A,  B,  283A,  b;  commemorative  volume, 
s^c  Memoir;  pitcher  presented  to  chairman 
of  Committee  of  Arrangements,  358, 3s8\ 
fig.  293;  tray  presented  to  admiral  of 
Grand  Aquatic  Display  fleet ,  358, 358-59; 
fig.  294 
Grand  Street,  20 

Grand  Tour,  123, 126, 130, 173,  211,  224,  303 
Granet,  Fran^ois-Marius,  Capuchin  Chapel, 
7S 

Granite  Buildings,  77 

Gray,  Henry  Peters,  154 

Greatbach,  Daniel,  334,  336n.42;  pitcher 
made  for  William  Henry  Harrison's 
presidential  campaign,  334,543;  no.  263; 
probably  modeled  by.  Thistle  pitcher, 
S42\  no.  259 

Great  Exhibition  of  the  Works  of  Industry 
of  All  Nations  (Crystal  Palace  exhibi- 
tion; London,  1851),  40,  41,  42, 162, 
219,  22on.ii7,  234,  236,  248,  3i4n.i89, 
316,  318,  321,  322n.222,  324,  331,  332n.22, 
339, 346-48, 370;  Brooklyn  Fhnt  Glass 
Works  exhibit,  346, 348, 348;  fig.  285 

Great  Fire  of  1835, 10, 10, 19,  28, 34, 145, 175, 
180,  197, 44<J;  fig.  6,  nos.  no,  in 

Grecian  ("modern")  style,  170-71, 173, 
292-98,  299,  320.  See  also  Greek  Revival 
style 

Greco-Roman  classicism,  176 

Greek  Revival  style,  28, 169, 171-73  and 
n.14, 175, 176, 177, 179, 180,  292;  double 
parlor,  180,  291, 447;  no.  112.  See  also 
Grecian  style 

Greek  War  of  Independence,  158, 166 

Greeley,  Horace,  158,  322,  339 

Greenfield,  John,  330,  33m. 20 


Greenough,  Horatio,  141  and  n.25, 148, 
151, 161;  Chanting  Cherubs,  54,  75, 141, 
143, 144,  i45n.38, 147;  fig.  108;  Geor^fe 
Washington,  36, 144,  i45n.39;/^f^w^^ 
Fenimore  Cooper,  141, 142;  fig.  107; 
Washington  monument,  model  for,  144 
Greenough,  Richard,  Toun£i  Shepherd  Boy 

Attacked  by  an  Ea0le,  79 
Greenpoint,  Brooklyn,  336, 339 
Greenpoint  Glass  Works,  348,  349n.ii8 
Greensward  Plan  of  1858.  See  Central  Park 
Greenwich  Bank  of  New  York,  engraving 
of  $1,000  bill  for,  by  Durand,  201, 448; 
no.  115 

Greenwich  Street,  32, 179 

Greenwich  Village,  13, 177;  artisan  and 

tenement  housing,  is,  16;  figs.  8, 10 
Green-Wood  Cemetery,  Brooklyn,  43, 148 

and  n.5 1, 261;  sculpture  for,  by  H.  K. 

Brown,  De  Witt  Clinton,  is?,  157-58; 

fig.  118 
Greiff,  Charles,  366 
GriflPen,  James,  70 

Grinnell,  Minturn  and  Company,  92 
Grotin,  Hugo,  40 

Grove  Court,  rear  tenements,  16,  17;  fig.  10 

Grund,  Francis  J.,  27,  43 

Gueret  Freres,  chimneypiece,  322n.222 

Guerin,  Pierre-Narcisse,  209 

Guidicini,  Giuseppi,  attributed  to,  painted 
wall  and  ceiling  decorations,  Victoria 
Mansion,  Portland,  Maine,  286 

Guilmard,  Desire,  306, 320;  "chaise  de 
fantasie/' 304, 307;  fig.  248;  "Renaissance" 
oak  sideboard,  324.  See  also  Garde- 
meuble 

gun  case,37P,  321;  fig.  261 

Gurley,  George  H.,  70.  See  also  Royal  Gurley 

Gurley  and  Hill,  70 

Gurney,  J.,  and  Son,  possibly,  ^'The  Heart 
of  the  Andes"  in  Its  Onffinal  Frame,  on 
Exhibition  at  the  Metropolitan  Fair,  130, 
132, 133;  fig.  lOI 

Gurney,  Jeremiali,  69, 231-33  and  n.24, 236, 
239;  Daguerreian  Gallery  of,  231-32, 233; 
fig.  183;  ^  Fireman  with  His  Horn,  33, 
233, 4^^;  no.  176;  The  KelU)£ig-Comstock 
Family,  232, 4^5;  no.  172;  Mrs.  Edward 
Cooper  and  Son  Peter  (Pierre)  Who  Died, 
232, 483;  no.  167;  Two  Girls  in  Identical 
Dresses,  232, 232;  fig.  182;  Toun^  Girl, 
232-33, 45(5;  no.  174 

Gurney,  Jeremiah,  and  Fredricks,  Charles 
DeForest,  firm,  239,  240 

Gutenberg  Bible,  97 

Guy,  Francis,  75 

Guy,  Seymour,  The  Contest  for  the  Bouquet: 
The  Family  of  Robert  Gordon,  3i8n.205 

Hagen,  Ernest,  295,  296-97n.65, 313,  314-15 

and  n.192 
Haig,  George  Ogilvy,  372  and  n.86 
Haight,  Richard  K.,  103, 152, 154 
hair  bracelet,  sos;  no.  209 
Hall,  Mrs.  Basil,  340 
Hall,  George  H.,  80 

Hall,  John,  Cabinet  Maker's  Assistant,  296 

and  n.63 
hall  chair,  301,523;  no.  234 
Halleck,  Fitz-Green,  110;  portrait  of,  by 

Morse,  3S0;  no.  5 
Halls  of  Justice.  See  New  York  Halls  of 

Justice  and  House  of  Detention 
Halsted,  Oliver,  70 

Hamilton,  Alexander:  bust  of,  by  Dixey, 
after  Ceracchi,  144-45;  portrait  of, 
by  Trumbull,  34, 378;  no.  i;  statue  and 


statuettes  of,  by  Hughes,  34, 140, 141, 

144-45,  ^45;  fig.  no 
Hamilton,  Col.  Thomas,  298, 30on.78 
Hamilton  Square,  152 
Hamson,  R.  N.,  and  Levy,  A.,  71,  75 
handbill,  345;  fig-  280 
handkerchief  See  "Cries  of  New  York" 
Hannington,  Henry,  351  and  n.127 
Hannington,  William  J.,  349n.ii9, 350, 351 

and  n.127,  352n.i29 
Hardenbergh,  John  P.,  279 
Harding,  George  M.,  70 
Harper,  James,  202  and  n.47 
Harper  and  Brothers,  202,  204,  224;  wood 

engravings  published  by,  121, 203, 308; 

figs.  88, 159,  251 
Harper's  New  Monthly  Magazine,  4,  23,  42, 

65;  wood  engravings  from,  18, 2s\  figs.  12, 

20 

Harper's  Weekly,  95, 106,  205;  wood  engrav- 
ings from,  37,  /05, 120, 20s,  243, 2SS\  figs. 
32,  77,  87, 161, 194,  207 

Harrington,  H.,  panorama  and  dioramas,  76 

Harrington,  W.  J.  and  H.,  71 

Harris,  Madame,  247,  257n.46 

Harrison,  Benjamin  ].,  Annual  Fair  of  the 
American  Institute  at  Niblo^s  Garden, 
249,  250;  fig.  200 

Harrison,  Gabriel,  234,  236;  California 
News,  234, 4S4;  no.  169;  Walt  Whitman, 
engraving  after,  by  Hollyer,  204-5  and 
n.57,  234,470;  no.  146;  attributed  to, 
Walt  Whitman  ("Christ  likeness"),  204, 
234, 4^/;  no.  163 

Harrison,  John  V.,Map  of  the  City  of  New 
Torky  Extending  Northward  to  Fiftieth 
Street,  5,4^55;  no.  136 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  pitcher  made  for 
presidential  campaign,  334,543;  no.  263 

Hart,  Charles,  219,  224 

Hart,  Henry  I.,  285  and  n.107 

Hartford  Carpet  Company,  268,  272 

Harvey,  George,  77, 197;  frontispiece  after, 
by  Bennett,  Harvey  's  American  Scenery, 
Representing  Di^erent  Atmospheric  Effects 
at  Different  Times  of  Day,  197, 198;  fig.  155 

Hasbrouck,  Levi,  152 

Haseltine,  William  Stanley,  loi,  119, 123 

Hasenclever,  Johann  Peter,  99 

hats,  247,  248,  250, 4p5;  nos.  197,  198 

hatters,  247,  248 

Haughwout,  E.  V,  330  and  n.ii 

Haughwout,  E.  V.,  and  Company,  21, 
22n.96,  23,  185,  327,  330  and  nn.ii,  13, 
14,  345,  346;  dinner  service  for  White 
House  exhibited  by,  330;  — ,  plates 
from,  32p;  fig.  268;  pitcher  decorated  by, 
328,  330;  fig.  267.  See  also  Haughwout 
and  Dailey;  Haughwout  Building 

Haughwout,  P.  N.,  and  Son,  330n.11 

Haughwout  and  Dailey,  330n.11, 339, 
346;  pitcher  decorated  by,  329,  330; 
fig.  269 

Haughwout  Building,  7,  21-22  and  n.96, 
21, 22,  23, 185, 439\  figs.  16, 19,  no.  98 

Havell,  Robert  Jr,  i27n.io8, 197;  Panoramic 
View  of  New  Tork  (Taken  from  the  North 
River),  197,  220,460-61;  no.  129;  Pano- 
ramic View  of  New  Tork,  from  the  East 
River,  197, 199;  fig.  156.  See  also  Birds 
of  America 

Havell,  Robert  Jr.,  Colman,  William  A.,  and 
Ackermann  and  Company  (publishers), 
460-61;  no.  129 

Haviland,  D.  G.  and  D.,  328, 330  and  n.8, 
345 

Haviland,  David,  33on.8 


626    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Haviland,  John,  174, 181;  Halls  of  Justice 
and  House  of  Detention,  14-15,  i74, 4291 
nos.  82,  83 

Haviland  Brothers  and  Company,  330  and 
n.8 

Hawley,  Amos,  70 

Hayden,  Nathaniel.  See  Gale,  William,  and 

Hayden,  Nathaniel 
Hayward,  W.,  collection,  76,  77 
H.  D.,  Bay  of  New  York  from  the  Battery^  192 

n.i2 

headdresses,  255,^02,503;  nos.  204,  205 

Heam,  George  A.,  256n.42, 257n.46 

Heger,  Heinrich  Anton,  Cathedral  at 
Halberstadt,  81 

Heidemans,  Henry,  after  Inman,  Fanny 
ElsslcTy  4SS;  no.  126 

Heinrich,  Francis  H.,  The  Ernest  Fiedler 
Family^  180, 261, 261,  305;  fig.  211 

Henderson,  D.  and  J.,  Flint  Stoneware 
Manufactory,  Jersey  City,  332-33  and 
nn.32,  33;  Acorn  and  Berry  pitcher,  333, 
540;  no.  257;  End  of  the  Rabbit  Hunt 
pitcher,  333,  334n.36,  j^;  no.  256;  Hercu- 
laneum  pitcher,  333, 336,  j^/;  no.  258; 
pitcher,  333,  m\  fig.  272.  For  successor 
firm,  see  American  Pottery 
Manufacturing  Company 

Henderson,  David,  332, 333  and  n.32, 334 

Henderson,  Howard,  308 

Henderson,  James,  332,  333,  334 

Henry,  Michael,  52, 75 

Henry,  Mr.,  New-York  Gallery  of  Fine 
Arts,  70,  74,  75 

"Henry  7th"  style,  309n.i45 

Herculaneum,  116, 123-24 

Herculaneum  pitcher,  333,  336,  J4i;  no.  258 

Hering,  George,  The  Village  Blacksmith,  80 

Hcrrick,  John  J.,  house.  See  Ericstan 

Herring,  James,  66, 202.  See  also  Longacre, 
James  Barton,  and  Herring,  James 

Herrman,  Mrs.  Peter,  wedding  gown  of, 
499;  no.  199 

Herter,  Gustave,  282,  289, 305-6, 316-18, 
32on.209, 321,  322-25;  bookcase,  ii4, 
3i5-i6nn.i97, 198, 317,52^;  fig-  257,  no.  241; 
buifet,  j/j,  3i6-i7n.20i,  317-18;  fig.  258; 
etagere,  3i6n.i99, 317;  organ  casework, 
323, 325;  fig.  265;  Victoria  Mansion 
(Morse-Libby  House),  interiors,  322-25 
and  nn.230,  237;  — ,  reception  room,  286, 
324;  — ,  reception-room  cabinet,  286^ 
324-25,555;  no.  249 

Herter  Brothers,  322n.222 

Hewitt  family,  261 

Heyvetter,  A.  d'  collection,  81 

Hicks,  Eliza,  155 

Hicks,  Henry,  152, 153 

Higgins,  A.  and  E.  S.,  267, 268,  270-71 

Higgins,  Alvin,  268 

Higgins,  Elias  S.,  268 

High  Bridge,  10, 181, 43S;  no.  91 

Hill,  Caroline,  195 

Hill,  Catherine,  195 

Hill,  Horatio,  70, 72 

Hill,  John,  iro-ii,  112, 193-95, 196  and 
n.24;  Broadway,  New  Tark,  after  Homor, 
5, 19,  31, 196, 235, 4SS;  no.  123;  City  Hall, 
after  Wall,  755, 136;  fig.  103;  Drawing 
Book  (f  Landscape  Scenery,  194;  Picturesque 
Views  of  American  Scenery,  after  Shaw, 
III,  194.  See  also  Hudson  River  Portfolio 

Hill,  Mrs.  John,  195 

Hill,  John  William,  195;  Broadway  and 
Trinity  Church  from  Liberty  Stmt,  19,  31, 
44S'y  no.  109;  Chancel  cf  Trinity  Chapel, 
447;  no.  113;  City  Hall  and  Park  Row,  44S'-, 


no.  108 ;  New  Tork,  from  Brooklyn  Heights, 
aquatint  after,  by  Bennett,  197, 220, 460; 
no.  128;  New  Tork  from  the  Steeple  of 
Saint  Paul's  Church,  aquatint  after,  by 
Papprill,  3, 220, 464\  no.  135;  View  on  the 
Erie  Canal  (1829),  112, 444\  no.  106; 
(1831),  444\  no.  107 

Hinckley,  Cornelius  T.,  Spinning,  369;  fig.  303 

Hinckley,  Thomas  Hewes,  99, 105 

Hitchcock,  DeWitt  Clinton,  Central  Park, 
Looking  South  from  the  Ohserpatory,  43, 
221, 474;  no.  151 

Hitchcock,  J.  R.  W.,92 

Hoare,  Bums  and  Dailey,  346 

Hoare,  John,  346, 350 

Hobart,  Bishop  John  Henry,  portrait  of, 
by  Hughes,  140 

Hobbema,  Meindert,  85 

Hoffman,  Martin,  and  Sons,  70 

Holdm's  Dollar  Magazine,  363 

Hollander,  Maria  Theresa  Baldwin, 
Abolition  quilt,  S09;  no.  215 

Hollyer,  Samuel,  after  daguerreotype  by 
G.  Harrison,  Walt  Whitman,  204-5  and 
n.57, 234, 470;  no.  146 

Holmes,  Silas  A.,  239  and  n.36 

Holmes,  Silas  A.,  or  Fredricks,  Charles 
Deforest,  attributed  to,  Broadway 
between  Spring  and  Prince  Streets,  226, 238, 
239;  fig.  190;  City  Hall,  New  Tork,  8, 239, 
492;  no.  186;  Fort  Hamilton  and  Long 
Island,  239, 494\  nos.  190, 191;  Palisades, 
Hudson  River,  Tonkers  Docks,  239, 494; 
no.  189;  View  down  Fifth  Avenue,  13, 16, 
491;  no.  185;  Washington  Monument,  at 
Fourteenth  Street  and  Union  Square,  16, 
239, 493\  no.  188;  Washington  Square  Park 
Fountain  with  Pedestrians,  239, 492;  no.  187 

Holy  Trinity  Church  (now  St.  Ann  and 
the  Holy  Trinity  Church),  Brooklyn 
Heights,  182, 183,  351-52  and  n.134,  353; 
fig.  143;  window  for,  Christ  Stills  the 
Tempest,  183,  353, 557;  no.  280 

home  decorations,  259-85;  nos.  212-220. 
See  also  carpets;  mantels;  upholstery; 
wallpaper 

Home  Journal,  17,  27,  36,  239,  274,  279,  303, 
315,  368 

Home  of  American  Statesmen,  237 
Homer,  Winslow,  205;  Prisoners  from  the 

Front,  94;  after,  April  Showers,  243, 243; 

fig.  194;  — ,  The  Ladies' Skating  Pond 

in  the  Central  Park,  New  Tork,  205, 205; 

fig.  161 

Hone,  Philip,  13, 18, 27,  35, 48, 50,  83,  84, 
136, 140, 153  and  n.68, 158,  229,  303-5, 
355;  busts  of,  by  Browere,  138;  — ,  by 
Clevenger,  (marble),  13,  84, 149, 41s;  no. 
58;  — ,  by  Clevenger  (plaster),  84,  Ss, 
149;  fig.  58;  collection,  71, 78,  84-85; 
"Dress,"  27 

Honore,  Edouard,  331 

hoop  skirts,  253, 254-55 

Hope,  Thomas,  291;  Household  Furniture 
and  Interior  Decoration,  291, 292n.36, 
293,  294;  — ,  plate  from,  Drawing-Room, 
290,  291;  fig.  235 

Hoppin,  William  J.,  206 

Homor,  Thomas:  Broadway,  New  Tork,  19s, 
196;  fig.  153;  — ,  aquatint  after,  by  J.  Hill, 
5, 19,  31, 196,  235, 4ss;  no.  123;  New  Tork 
Harbor,  196 

Hosack,  David,  54,  83,  84, 136;  portrait 
bust  of,  by  Browere,  138 

Hosier,  Abraham,  Hall  of  the  Roger  Morris 
or Jumel  Mansion,  84, 84;  fig.  57 

hot-milk  pot,  silver,  5<*p;  no.  301 


hot-water  kettle  on  stand,  silver,  5dp;  no.  301 
hot-water  um,  silver,  361,  363-64,  sH\ 
no.  290 

Houdon,  Jean-Antoine,  137;  George  Washing- 
ton, 167;  Rnbert  Fulton,  137, 410;  no.  53 

Houghton  family,  350 

housing,  16-18, 176-80, 290-91 

Houston  Street,  5, 177 

Hovey,  Charles  Mason,  Fruits  of  America, 
222 

How,  Calvin  W,  and  Company,  272 
Howe,  Julia  Ward,  89;  bust  of,  by  Clevenger, 
149 

Howland,  William  (?),  trade  card  for  Leavitt, 
Delisser  and  Company,  sS;  fig.  44 

Hubard,  William  James,  70;  Gallery,  70 

Hudson  River  Portfolio,  after  watercolors  by 
Wall,  engraved  by  J.  Hill,  iio-ii,  194-96 
and  n.2o,  197;  New  Tork  from  Governors 
Island,  no,  448;  no.  114;  — ,  vase  with 
scene  after,  195,  327n.5,  S36'->  no.  250; 
New  Tork  fivm  the  Heights  near  Brooklyn, 
197-99;  — ,  original  watercolor,  3;  fig.  i; 
New  Tork  fivm  Weehawk,  199;  — ,  origi- 
nal watercolor,  i27n.io8;  Palisades,  no, 
i94i  195;  fig.  152;  — ,  probable  proof  for, 
196;  View  near  Hudson,  no,  m;  fig.  79 

Hudson  River  School,  106, 109,  no,  112, 
113, 114, 122, 128-30, 195, 197 

Hudson  Square  (Saint  John's  Square),  5, 6, 7 

Hueston,  Samuel  (publisher),  4(^6;  no.  140 

Hughes,  Arthur,  64 

Hughes,  Charles,  373.  See  also  Wood  and 
Hughes 

Hughes,  Jasper  W,  373.  See  also  Wood  and 
Hughes 

Hughes,  Robert  Ball,  140-41  and  n.23, 
144-46, 147, 151, 161;  Alexander  Hamilton 
(large  marble),  34, 140, 141, 144-45; 
— ,  (statuettes),  145,  i4S;  fig-  no;  Ameri- 
can Art-Union  medal  depicting  John 
Trumbull,  s6s;  no,  295;  Bishop  John  Henry 
Hobart  Memorial,  140;  John  Trumbull, 
141, 414;  no.  57;  Nathaniel  Bowditch, 
146;  Uncle  Toby  and  Widow  Wadman, 
55, 76, 144  and  n.37;  Washington  Irping, 
replicas  of,  145 

Huguenot  Historical  Society,  New  Paltz,  152 

Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  131, 133;  Cosmos, 
132;  Personal  Narrative  of  Travels  to  the 
Equinoctial  Regions  of  America,  131-32; 
portrait  of,  by  Schrader,  130, 131;  fig.  99 

Humphrey,  George  S.,  270, 271.  See  also 
Peterson  and  Humphrey 

Humphrey,  G.  S.,  and  Company,  271 

Hunt,  John  Samuel,  367n.6i 

Hunt,  Richard  Morris,  73, 74,  97, 186, 187; 
Lenox  Library,  97;  Thomas  P.  Rossiter 
House,  186, 44i\  no.  loi 

Hunt,  William  Holman,  64 

Hunt  and  Roskell,  London,  364 

Huntington,  Daniel,  57,  78,  97, 105, 154, 
155, 163;  Pilgrim's  Progress,  77;  A  Sibyl, 
engraving  after,  by  Casilear,  206, 2o6\ 
fig.  162 

Hurlbutt  boys,  daguerreotype  of,  by 

Brady,  485;  no.  170 
Hutchings,  Edward  Whitehead,  289, 

3i2n.i77,  316,  322,  323n.227,  35in.i27 
Hyatt,  George  E.  L.,  267-68 

Ibbotson,  Henry  L.,  3i3n.i82, 315 
Illinois  State  Capitol,  Springfield,  174 
Illustrated  American  Biography,  The,  by 
A.  D.  Jones,  wood  engravings  from, 
2S8, 270, 280, 36s;  figs.  222,  230,  231,  300 
illustrated  gift  books,  221-22 


Illustrated  News,  wood  engraving  from,  143; 
fig.  108 

illustrated  newspapers,  202 

Imbert,  Anthony,  189-90, 192  and  n.14, 
193, 214;  Design  for  Improving  the  Old 
Almshouse,  after  Davis,  35, 172, 425;  no.  73; 
Distant  View  of  the  Slides  That  Destroyed 
the  WUley  Family,  White  Mountains, 
after  Cole,  116, 192, 193;  fig.  150;  Life 
in  New  York  series,  193;  — ,  No.  4y 
Inconveniemy  cf  Tight  Lacing,  Saint  John's 
Park,  28, 2*,  193;  fig.  2y,  Mr.  John  Roul- 
stone  cfthe  New  Tork  Riding  School,  193, 
193;  fig.  151.  See  2\'&o  Memoir;  Views  of  the 
Public  Buildings  in  the  City  ofNew-Tork 

immigrants,  13, 28,  30, 43, 181,  220, 260, 
262, 289, 290 

Independent,  The,  277 

Indiana  State  Capitol,  Indianapolis,  173 

"Infernal  Regions"  panorama,  38 

Ingham,  Charles  Cromwell:  De  Witt 
Clinton,  engraving  after,  by  Durand,  3, 
202, 4S4;  no.  122B;  The  Flower  Girl,  88, 
394;  no.  32;  Gulian  Crommelin  Verplanck, 
381;  no.  7 

ingrain  carpets,  260, 267,  268,  297,  S06,  $07; 
nos.  212,  213 

Inman,  Henry,  77,  97;  Dr.  George  Buckham, 
383;  no.  12;  Fanny  Elssler,  lithograph  after, 
by  Heidemans,  4SS;  no.  126;  Gallery  of 
Portraits  of  American  Indians,  after 
King,  76;  Georgianna  Buckham  and 
Her  Mother,  383;  no.  ii;  hot-water  um 
with  decoration  after  a  design  by,  361, 
363-64, 5d4;  no.  290 

Inman,  Henry,  and  Cummings,  Thomas 
Scir,  Portrait  of  a  Lady,  384;  no.  15 

Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  63,  68,  69,  80.  See 
also  Cosmopolitan  Art  Association 

intaglio  prints,  211-12, 213 

interior  decoration  and  design  services:  by 
cabinetmakers,  282,  289,  310, 312, 313, 
322;  by  professional  decorators,  273-74, 
282,  3i2n.i74;  by  upholsterers,  282,  284 

International  Art  Union,  59, 63, 69,  70,  78, 
80, 208-9 

Irish,  the,  11, 13,  28,  33,  43,  260 

Irish  wedding  veil,  soi;  no.  201 

iron  foundries,  189 

Irving,  Washington,  84,  no,  197;  A  Histoty 
ofNew-Tork  (under  the  pseudonym 
Diedrich  Knickerbocker),  no,  223-24, 
466;  no.  137;  — ,  scene  from,  by  Durand, 
388;  no.  25;  "The  Legend  of  Sleepy 
Hollow,"  illustrations  of,  by  Darley, 
207,  223, 463;  no.  134;  Life  of  George 
WashtTjgton,  engravings  for,  by  Darley, 
223;  likenesses  of,  bust,  by  Hughes,  145; 
portrait,  by  Jarvis,  380;  no.  3;  "Rip  Van 
Winkle,"  no;  — ,  illustrations  of,  by 
Darley,  207,  22^,463;  no.  133;  The  Sketch 
Book  cf  Geoffrey  Crayon,  no;  Tales  of  a 
Tmveller,  scene  from,  by  Quidor,  3S9; 
no.  26 

Irving,  William,  and  Company,  70,  79 

Isabcy,  Jean-Baptiste,  94 

Italian,  probably,  mantel  with  caryatid  sup- 
ports, 260,  261;  fig.  210 

Italianate  style,  184-85, 186,  308,  320 

Italian  immigrants,  262 

Italian  marble,  262  and  n.7 

Italian  Opera  House,  20 

Italian  paintings,  86,  87 

Italian  Renaissance  masters,  prints  of,  211, 
212,  224 

Italy,  109, 123-30, 148, 149, 262;  scenes  of, 
126, 128, 397, 407;  figs.  96, 97,  nos.  36, 50 


INDEX  627 


Ives,  Chauncey  Bradley,  73,  77, 149, 151; 

Ruth,  149, 420;  no.  64 
Ives,  James,  213.  5^^  also  Currier  and  Ives 

Jackson,  Andrew,  240;  bust  of,  by  Powers, 
34,  40, 158, 412;  no.  55;  cameo  portrait 
bust  of,  cut  by  Jamison,  so4'',  no.  206 

Jackson,  James,  284 

Jackson,  Thomas  R.,  186 

Jackson,  William,  344 

Jackson  and  Baggott,  344-45  and  n.90, 
34S',  fig-  282;  possibly  cut  by,  decanter 
and  wine  glasses,  343,  SSS;  no.  276 

James,  Henry,  60,  62-63, 104, 177; 
daguerreotype  of,  by  Brady,  233, 234; 
fig.  184 

James,  Henry  Sr.,  233;  daguerreotype  of,  by 

Brady,  233, 234;  fig.  184 
Jameson,  Anna,  89 

Jamison,  George  W.,  cameo  portrait  bust 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  S04;  no.  206 

Jarves,  Deming,  342 

Jarves,  James  Jackson,  Italian  Sights  and 
Papal  Principles,  128 

Jarves  collection,  80 

Jarvis,  John  Wesley,  Washington  Irving,  380; 
no.  3 

Jaudon,  Mrs.  Samuel,  309 

Jay,  John,  bust  of,  by  Frazee,  after 

Ceracchi,  34, 146, 147;  fig.  iii 
Jay,  Peter  Augustus,  141 
Jeanselme,  Joseph,  3i8n.205, 324 
Jeanselme  and  Son:  Louis  XIII  gun  case, 

319,  321;  fig.  261;  "Renaissance"  cabinet, 

524 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  136, 169, 194,  2i9n.ii6; 
bust  of,  by  Browere,  138, 140 

Jenkins  collection,  80 

Jennens,  Bettridge  and  Sons,  3i3n.i82, 315 

Jersey  City,  331-32,  340 

Jersey  Glass  Company,  Jersey  City,  341, 
342,  343,545,  34-9;  fig.  280;  compote, 
342,  ssi\  no.  273;  covered  box,  342,  SS2\ 
no.  274;  oval  dish,  342,^^2;  no.  275;  salt, 
342,^^0;  no.  272.  See  also  Bloomingdale 
Flint  Glass  Works  or  Brooklyn  Flint 
Glass  Works  or  Jersey  Glass  Company 

Jersey  Porcelain  and  Earthenware  Company, 
Jersey  City,  331-32  and  n.28 

Jervis,  John  B.,  10;  Croton  Aqueduct,  10, 
i9,i,Distnbutin£f  Reservoir,  10, 181,454; 
no.  90;  Hi^fh  Bru^e,  10, 181, 45J;  no.  91; 
Manhattan  Valley  Pipe  Chamber,  181, 
43S\  no.  92 

jewelry,  247,  252,  253,  255;  nos.  206-11; 
bracelets,  252,  sos\  nos.  209,  211;  cameo, 
J04;  no.  206;  necklaces,  2^4,  joijjof; 
fig.  206,  nos.  205,  211;  panares,  253, 254, 
255, 2S7,  313,  J04,  Sos;  figs.  206,  209, 
nos.  208,  210 

Jews,  the,  20,  285 

Johnson,  David,  112, 113, 114, 119;  Study, 
North  Conway,  New  Hampshire,  118, 119; 
fig.  86 

Johnson,  Eastman,  99,  loi;  Ne£iro  Life  at 

the  South,  ioi-2,jpp;  no.  40 
Johnson,  John,  230 
Johnston,  Frances  CoUes,  312 
Johnston,  John  Taylor,  93-94, 100, 312; 

house,  ballroom  decor,  312 
Johnston,  William,  177 
Jones,  A.  D.  See  The  Illustrated  American 

Biography 

Jones,  Alfred:  engravings,  after  Edmonds, 
The  New  Scholar,  207;  — ,  after  Leutze, 
The  Ima^e  Breakers,  207 

Jones,  Anthony  W,  66,  76 


Jones,  Ball  and  Company,  Boston,  373 
Jones,  Edmund,  pitcher  presented  to, 

337-38,  S48;  no.  268 
Jones,  Low  and  Ball,  vase  presented  to 

Daniel  Webster,  373 
Jones  Wood,  43 
Jordan  and  Norton,  70 
Journeay,  James,  collection,  80 
Jouvenet,  Jean,  209 

Judd,  Sylvester,  Margaret,  illustrations  for, 

by  Darley,  223 
Jumel,  Eliza,  83-84 
Jumel,  Stephen,  83 
Jumel  (now  Morris-Jumel)  Mansion, 

83-84,  84;  fig.  57 

Kaaterskill  Clove,  no,  in,  129, 130, 193;  fig. 
98 

Kaaterskill  Falls,  no,  n2;  view  of,  by  Cole, 
48,  49,  50 

Kalf,  Willem,  after,  Still  Life  with  Chinese 

Sugarbofwl,  Nautilus  Cup,  Glasses,  and 

Fruit,  404;  no.  46 
Kane,  Elisha  Kent,  Araic  Explorations,  133 
Kane,  Greenville,  ambrotype  of,  by  Brady, 

239, 25p;  fig.  191 
Karr,  Daniel.  See  Phyfe,  Duncan,  and  Karr, 

Daniel 
Kaufmann,  Theodore,  79 
Kearny,  Philip,  149 
Keckley,  Ehzabeth,  257 
Keefe,  Philip,  70 
Keese,  John,  70 
Kelbley,  Joseph,  70 
Kellogg,  Elijah  C,  70 
Kellogg,  Minor,  158 

Kellogg,  Nancy,  portrait  of,  by  Whitehome, 
38s;  no.  19 

Kellogg- Comstock  family,  232;  daguerreo- 
type of,  by  Gurney,  232, 48s;  no.  172 

Kellum  and  Son,  366 

Kemble,  Gouverneur,  86 

Kensett,  John  F,,  62,  74,  92,  99,  loi,  105, 
112,  n3, 114, 119, 122-23, 128, 195,  200; 
Beacon  Rock,  Newport,  122, 397;  no.  37; 
Berkeley  Rock,  Newport,  122, 123;  fig.  90; 
Forty  Steps,  Newport,  121, 122;  fig.  89; 
illustrations  for  Curtis,  Lotus-Eating, 
121, 122;  — ,  The  CliffWalk,  Newport, 
wood  engraving  after,  by  J.  W.  Orr  {}), 
121, 122;  fig.  88;  Lake  George,  113, 114; 
fig.  %\\  Mount  Washington  from  the  Valley 
of  Conway,  steel  engraving  after,  by 
Smillie,  118,  U9\  fig-  85;  Shrewsbury 
River  series,  195;  White  Mountain 
Scenery,  100,  loi;  fig.  72 

Kensington  Glass  Works,  Philadelphia,  345 

Kent,  James,  bust  of,  by  Clevenger,  149 

Kermit,  Robert,  glassware  purchased  by,  342 

Kerr,  J.  K,  327 

kettle,  silver,  j<5p;  no.  301 

Kiddush  goblets,  silver,  572;  no.  305 

Kidney,  Edmund,  374 

Kimbel,  Anthony,  305-6  and  n.  13 7, 320  and 
n.214,  325;  A  Parlor  View  in  a  New  Tork 
Dwelling  House,  317, 320;  fig.  260.  See 
also  Bembe  and  Kimbel 

Kimbel,  Wilhelm,  307n.i39 

Kimbel  and  Cabus,  320-2m.2i4,  323n.225,  325 

King,  A.  (printer),  4S8;  no.  125 

King,  James  Gore,  147 

King,  M.  W,  282 

King,  ThomsiS,  Modem  Style  of  Cabinet 

Work  Exemplified,  292,  299n.74 
King,  Thomas  Starr,  The  White  Hills,  118, 119 
Kirkland,  Caroline  M.,  13,  23,  27 
Kiss,  August,  Amazon,  160, 161 


Kittle,  Nicholas  Biddle,  attributed  to, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  Henry  Augustus 
Carter,  297-98, 298,  299;  fig.  242 

Kleindeutschland,  289,  305, 3i2n.i74 

Kleynenberg  collection,  77 

Knapp,  Joseph,  222.  See  also  Sarony,  Major 
and  Knapp 

Kneeland,  Horace,  151;  George  Washington, 
157 

Knickerbocker,  Diedrich.  See  Irving, 

Washington 
Knickerbocker,  The,  55,  229 
Knickerbocker  circle  and  culture,  13, 47, 

nGn.6, 127, 145,  224, 309 
Knickerbocker  Gallery,  The,  224, 4^6;  no.  140 
Knoedler,  Michael,  63-64,  69,  70,  208 
Knoedler,  Michael,  and  Company,  69,  70 
Knoll,  Tarrytown.  See  Lyndhurst 
Koeble,  Joseph,  70 
Koehler,  Sylvester  R.,  92-93 
Koekkoek,  Barend  Cornefius,  99, 105 
Kohler,  Christian,  62 
Kollner,  Camp  and  Company  (printer), 

46s;  no.  136 
Kossuth,  Louis,  girandole  set  depicting, 

570',  no.  303 
Kraus  collection,  59 

Labrouste,  Henri,  185 

lace  goods,  245,  247,  252,  255,  256,  257, 501; 

no.  201 
Ladd,  Franklin  R.,  73 

Ladd,  William  R,  368;  trophy  pitcher,  368, 
567;  no.  297 

lady's  writing  desk,  313  and  n.i%o,s2s; 
no.  237 

Lafarge  Building,  58,  78 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  137,  248,  255, 358; 
balls  in  honor  of.  New  York,  see 
Lafayette  Fete;  — ,  Virginia,  254  and 
n.38;  busts  of,  by  Browere,  138;  — ,  by 
Frazee,  137;  platter  depicting  arrival  at 
Castle  Garden,  110,538;  no.  253;  portrait 
of,  by  Morse,  34, 379;  no.  2;  products 
inspired  by,  33mn.i9,  20;  reception 
committee  for,  silver  tray  presented  to 
chairman  0^,358,  358-59;  fig.  294 

Lafayette  Fete  (Castle  Garden,  1824),  253, 
255,  257;  ball  gown  worn  to,  253-54, 254; 
fig.  206 

Lafever,  Minard,  35, 171, 173, 175-76, 180, 
181, 183;  Beauties  of  Modem  Architecture, 
175, 176  and  n.31, 180;  Church  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  Brooklyn,  182, 183, 351-52; 
fig.  143;  First  Reformed  Dutch  Church, 
Brooklyn,  176;  Modem  Builders'  Guide, 
176;  Washington  monument,  design 
for,  152;  Toung  Builders  General 
Instructor,  171, 173, 176 

Lafosse,  Jean-Baptiste-Adolphe,  after 
Mount,  The  Bone  Player,  471;  no.  148 

La  Grange  Terrace  (Colonnade  Row),  7,  is, 
16, 175, 179  and  n.40, 180,  261, 431;  fig-  9, 
no.  86 

Laing,  Edgar  H.,  stores,  7, 185;  cast-iron 

spandrel  panel  from,  185, 43S;  no.  97 
Lairesse,  Gerard  de,  209 
Lake  Champlain,  no,  112 
Lake  George,  109,  no,  n2-i4, 113, 114, 120, 

126;  figs.  80,  81 
Lambert,  George,  70 
Landscape  Gallery,  70,  76 
landscape  painting,  109-33;  prints  after, 

192-93,  201 
Lane,  Fitz  Hugh,  204;  New  Tork  Harbor,  2, 

3,  204, 396;  no.  35 
Lang,  Louis,  74,  99 


Langenheim,  William  and  Frederick, 
New  York  City  and  Vicinity  from  Peter 
Cooper's  Institute  toward  Astor  Place, 
489;  no.  181 

Latro,  Joseph  Capece,  collection,  68,  76 

Latrobe,  Benjamin  Henry,  169, 181 

Latting,  Waring,  Observatory,  42;  view 
from,  42,  221, 468;  no.  143 

Lauderback,  David,  i79n.36 

Launitz,  Robert  E.,  147-48  and  n.51, 151; 
Charlotte  Canda,  T48n.5i;  grave  marker 
for  Do-Hum-Me,  Green- Wood  Ceme- 
tery, i48n.5i;  New  York  Firemen's 
Monument,  I48n.5i 

Laurens  Street  (now  West  Broadway),  17, 31 

I^w  Buildings,  70 

Lawrence,  Martin,  233-34, 236 

Lawrence,  Thomas,  105;  The  Daughters  of 
Charles  B.  Calmady,  lithograph  after,  by 
Maverick,  191, 192;  fig.  149 

Layard,  Austen  Henry,  97 

Leavitt,  57,  68,  70-71,  71 

I^avitt,  Delisser  and  Company,  70; 

salesroom,  57,  S8;  fig.  45;  trade  card,  57, 
58;  fig.  44 

Leavitt,  George  A.,  71 

Leavitt,  George  A.,  and  Company,  70 

leavitt,  Jonathan,  71 

Leavitt,  Strebeigh  and  Company,  70 

Le  Brun,  Charles,  209 

Lecomte,  Narcisse,  after  Scheffcr,  Dante 
and  Beatrice,  209,209;  fig- 165 

Lee,  James,  167 

Leeds,  57,  65,  68,  71,  78,  79 

Leeds,  Amos,  photographic  portrait  of,  by 
Fredricks,  241, 305,4^7;  no.  177 

Leeds,  Henry  H.,  72, 3i2n.i78, 322 

Ixeds,  Henry  H.,  and  Company,  71,  78,  79, 
80,  81 

Lefferts,  Marshall,  presentation  tea  and 

coffee  service  for,  370,  ^72,569;  no.  301 
Lefoulon,  Michel,  336 
Leftxel,  Hector,  324 
Le  Gray,  Gustave,  237 
Lemonge,  Joseph,  ji 
Lenox,  James,  97-98  and  n.52 
Lenox,  Robert,  97 

Lenox  Collection  of  Nineveh  Sculptures, 
97-98 

Lenox  Library,  97,  98 

Leonardo  da  Vinci,  93, 105,  210,  2n;  The 
Last  Supper,  engraving  after,  by  Morghen, 
210, 2/0;  fig.  166;  Virgin  of  the  Rocks,  53 

Le  Prince,  Jean-Baptiste,  193 

Leseur,  William,  191 

Leslie,  Charles  Robert,  85,  97,  99;  Slender, 

Shallow,  and  Anne  Page,  84-85 
Leslie  and  Hooper,  wood  engraving  after 

Waites,  250;  fig.  202 
Lessing,  Karl  Friedrich,  62 
Lester,  Charles  Edwards.  See  Gallery  of 

Illustrious  Americans 
Le  Sueur,  Eustache,  209 
Leupp,  Charles  M.,  71,  81,  98,  99-100, 154, 

155 

Leutze,  Emanuel,  57,  62,  loi,  209,  2nn.75; 
Columbus  before  the  Queen,  10 1;  The 
Court  of  Henry  VIII,  78;  The  Image 
Breakers,  engraving  after,  by  A.  Jones, 
207;  Mrs.  Schuyler  Burning  Her  Wheat 
Fields  on  the  Approach  of  the  British,  100, 
395;  no.  34;  Washington  Crossing  the 
Delaware,  78, 100,  loi,  209;  fig.  71 

Levy,  Philip,  71 

Levy  and  Spooner,  71,  77 

Levy's  Auction  Room  (Aaron  Levy),  71,  76, 
77 


628    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Lewis,  McKee  and  Company,  Cincinnati, 
297n.68 

Lexinpfton  disaster,  2/5,  214,  220;  fig.  168 
Liberty  Place  firms,  369-70 
Liberty  Street,  5;  view  from,  44S'^  no.  109 
libraries,  residential,  301.  See  also  book  col- 
lections 

Lienard,  Michel,  Louis  XIII  gun  case,  jip, 

321;  fig.  261 
Lienau,  Dedef,  i8i,  185;  HartM.  Shiff 

House,  185-86, 440;  nos.  99, 100 
Life  in  New  York  series.  See  Imbert, 

Anthony 
life  masks,  138 

lighting:  argand  lamps,  S63;  no.  289; 

gasolier,^7o;  no.  302 
Lily,  The,  248 

limestone  (ancient)  sculpture,  pj,  p/;  figs.  66, 
68 

Limoges,  328, 330,  331;  probably  fi:om,  pair 
of  vases  with  scenes  from  Uncle  Tom^s 
Cabin,  330,  S37;  no.  252 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  241;  necklace  and 
bracelets  purchased  by,  2/7,  Sos;  fig.  209, 
no.  211;  photographic  portrait  of,  by 
Brady,  241, 241;  fig.  193 

Lincoln,  Mary  Todd,  247,  257;  necklace  and 
bracelets  purchased  for,  sos;  no.  211;  pho- 
tographic portrait  of,  by  Brady,  257, 2^7; 
fig.  209;  tableware  ordered  for  the 
White  House,  glass  compote,  348,  ss6; 
no.  279;  — ,  porcelain  service,  330 

Lind,  Jenny,  222, 248, 314-16, 364;  daguerre- 
otype of,  by  Brady,  483;  no.  166;  table-top 
bookcase  made  for,  by  Brooks,  3i4n.i88, 
315-16,  S2s;  no.  238 

Litchfield,  Edwin  Clark  and  Grace  Hill 
Hubbard,  364,  308;  house,  see  Litchfield 
ViUa 

Litchfield  Villa  (Grace  HiU),  Brooklyn: 
drawing  room,  305n.i29, 307-,  307-8  and 
n.140;  fig.  250;  — ,  center  table  from, 
sosn.129, 307^  308  and  n.140,  320, /i/; 
no.  244;  mantels,  264, 264,  265  and 
n.14;  fig.  215;  stained  glass,  351 

Literary  World,  36-37,  38,  41,  56,  204, 
206-7,  207 

Lithographic  Office,  71 

lithography,  189, 190-93,  212,  213-222,  224 
and  n.144,  225 

Livesay,  Robert.  See  West,  Benjamin,  and 
Livesay,  Robert 

Livingston,  Edward,  83 

Livingston,  Robert,  83, 137 

Locust  Lawn  (Hasbrouck  house).  New 
Paltz,  152 

Loewenherz,  S.  L.,  71 

London,  61, 193,  207-8, 236,  244,  259,  287, 
288, 367;  architectural  models,  171, 
184-85;  see  also  Crystal  Palace,  London 

London  Art  Journal,  207,  212 

London  Great  Exhibition  (Crystal  Palace 
exhibition,  1851).  See  Great  Exhibition 
of  the  Works  of  Industry  of  All  Nations 

Longacre,  James  Barton,  190,  202 

Longacre,  James  Barton,  and  Herring, 
James  (publishers),  National  Fortrait 
Gallery  of  Distinguished  Americans,  201, 

202,  205,  4S4\  no.  I22A,  B 

Longfellow,  Henry  Wadsworth,  119 
Long  Island  Flint  Glass  Works,  Brooklyn, 
348,  349  and  n.ii8;  compote  made  for 
the  White  House,  ^4%,ss6;  no.  279; 
presentation  vase  for  Mrs.  Christian 
Dorflinger,  348,  SSS\  no.  278;  tea  service 
depicting,  14%  349;  fig.  286 
Longworth,  Nicholas,  148-49 


Longworth's  city  directory,  169, 177,  294, 

3i7n.203,  362 
Lord,  G.  W.,  and  Company,  71 
Lord  and  Carlile,  Philadelphia,  71 
Lord  and  Taylor,  247, 259  and  n.2 
Lossi,  Carlo,  after  Titian  (Tiziano  Vecelli), 

Bacchus  and  Ariadne,  211, 476;  no.  155 
Loudon,  J.  C,  36,  300,  ^01;  An  Encyclopedia 
of  Cottage,  Farm,  and  Villa  Architecture 
andFumiPure,  300,  3om.87,  303n.97;  — , 
wood  engraving  from.  Cast  Iron  Table 
Supports  Designed  by  Robert  Mallet,  300, 
301;  fig.  245 
"Louis  XIII  style,"  gun  case,  31P,  321; 
fig.  261 

Louis  XrV  style,  295,  297, 303,  305, 309, 

310,  313,  318;  sofa  and  armchairs,  316, 

318-19,  S26,  S27\  fig.  259,  no.  240A-C 
Louis  XV  style,  293, 303,  310, 313, 320, 324; 

floor  plan,  306, 307;  fig.  249 
Louis  XVI  style,  295,  310,  312,  321 
Louis-Philippe,  king  of  France,  256 
Louis-Philippe  period,  296,  310 
Louvre,  312, 324;  museum  holdings,  97-98, 

210;  Pavilion  de  la  Bibliotheque,  186; 

Pavilion  Rohan,  322,  324;  fig.  264 
Lower  East  Side,  5 
Lucas,  Fielding,  194 
Lucas  van  Leyden,  211,  212 
Ludlow,  E.  H.,  and  Company,  71, 78, 80, 81 
Lumley,  Arthur,  The  Empire  City,  4, 474\ 

no.  152 
Lutz,  Valentine,  71 
Lyceum  Buildings,  56,  78 
Lyceum  Gallery  (Lyceum  of  Natural 

History),  57-58,  71,  77,  78, 158,  i73n.23 
Lyman,  68,  71,  71,  77 
Lyman,  Lewis,  and  Company,  71 
Lyman  and  Rawdon,  71,  78 
Lyndhurst  (formerly  Knoll),  Tarrytown, 

265n.i5;  interior  designs  for,  by  Davis, 

300-301;  — ,  hall  chair,  301,  302n.92,  S23; 

no.  234;  — ,  mantels,  264, 264;  fig.  216 
Lyon,  silk  from,  255-56 
Lyrique  Hall,  71,  80 

McComb,  John  Jr.,  i70-7in.6 
McComb,  John  Jr.,  and  Mangin,  Joseph- 
Francois,  City  Hall,  135-36 
McCrea,  Jane,  166 

mace  of  the  United  States  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, 366, 367  and  n.56, 368;  fig.  301 
McGavin,  W.,  71 

McKinney,  Colonel,  collection,  74 
McKinney,  Mary  B.,  281 
Maclise,  Daniel,  Sacrifice  of  Noah,  79 
McMurran  home,  Natchez.  See  Melrose 
McNevin,  John,  wood  engraving  by,  2ss; 

fig.  207 
McQuillin,  Bernard,  71 
Madison,  Dolley,  254 
Madisonian,  24-25 
Madison  Square,  5, 13 
Magnus,  Charles,  220 
Magoon,  Rev.  Elias  L.,  collection,  98,  99 
Maiden  Lane  firms,  362, 369 
Major,  Henry  B.,  220 

Major,  Richard(?),  Porcelain  and  Flint  Ware, 

Exhibiting  at  the  Crystal  Palace,  338, 339; 

fig.  276 
Malibran,  E.,  272-73 
Mallet,  Robert,  cast-iron  table  supports 

designed  by,  300,  301;  fig.  245 
Manchester,  England,  Old  Town  Hall,  171 
Mangin,  Joseph-Francois.  See  McComb, 

John  Jr.,  and  Mangin,  Joseph-Francois 
Manhattan  Company,  10  and  n.38, 11 


Manhattan  Island:  population  (1825),  4,  83, 
342;  — ,  (1861),  83;  reshaping  of,  9; 
water  courses,  s;  fig.  2 

manners,  and  fashion,  251-53 

Manning,  John  L.  and  Susan  Hampton, 
house.  See  Millford  Plantation 

mantels,  103,  261-65, 260, 261, 262, 264,  Si3\ 
figs.  210-13,  215,  no.  220;  study  for,  264, 
264;  fig.  216 

Mantilla  Emporium,  247 

mantillas,  246,  247, 247, 499 ^ S03\  fig.  198, 
nos.  199,  205 

manufactory,  term,  361 

Manufacturing  and  Mercantile  Union, 
pitcher  presented  to  the  governor  by, 
337,  J47;  no.  267 

Mapleson,  Thomas  W.  G.,  Lays  of  the 
Western  World  and  Songs  and  BaUads  of 
Shakespeare,  222 

maps:  Commissioners'  Plan  of  1811, 8-p; 
fig.  5;  Great  Fire  of  1835, 10;  fig.  6;  City 
of  New  York  to  Fiftieth  Street  (1851),  5, 
46s;  no.  136;  New  York  setdement  (1820), 
6;  fig.  3;      (i860),  7;  fig.  4;  topography 
of  the  City  and  County  of  New  York 
{iBs6),4S(^-S7;  no,  124;  water  courses 
of  Manhattan,  s;  fig-  2 

Marat,  Jean-Paul,  portrait  of,  100 

Marble  Buildings  (Dioramic  Institute),  47, 
55,  66,  71,  76 

marble  mantels,  103,  261-62, 263-65;  with 
caryatid  supports,  260,  261, 261;  figs.  210, 
211;  with  figural  supports,  264, 264; 
fig.  215;  with  scenes  from  Bemardin  de 
Saint-Pierre,  Paul  et  Virginie,  103, 262, 
262,  264,^15;  fig.  212,  no.  220 

Marble  Palace.  See  Stewart,  A.  T,  store 

marble  sculpture,  loi,  102, 143,  IS3,  iSS-,  1^2, 
163, 164, 411, 416, 417^  423;  figs.  73,  74, 
109, 114, 115, 122-25,  nos.  54, 59,  60,  69; 
busts,  142, 146,  ISO,  IS9, 410, 412, 413, 414, 

4IS-,  418,419-,  420;  figs.  107,  III,  112,  119, 

nos.  52, 55-58,  61-65;  relief  medallions, 

i6s;  figs.  126, 127.  See  also  marble  mantels 
marble-working  industries  and  supplies,  137, 

138, 259,  261,  262  and  n.7,  263, 264-65 
Marcotte,  L.,  and  Company,  312 
Marcotte,  Leon,  282,  289-90,  3ion.i56,  311, 

312.  See  also  Ringuet-Leprince  and  L. 

Marcotte 

Marie- Antoinette,  queen  of  France,  312 
Marley,  Daniel,  305  and  n.125 
Marochetti,  Baron  Carlo,  Geoi^e  Washington, 
160 

Marquand,  Henry  G.,  154 
Marquand,  Isaac,  365 

Marquand  and  Brothers,  363;  presentation 

medal,  S62;  no.  287 
Marquand  and  Company,  364,  365,  367; 

basket,  365,5^2;  no.  288 
marquetry,  291.  See  also  "Buhl"  ftimiture 
Marshall,  John,  bust  of,  by  Frazee,  147 
Marsh  and  Tingle.  See  Tingle  and  Marsh 
Martin,  John:  Judgment  series,  79, 133;  — , 

The  Plains  of  Heaven,  engraving  after,  by 

Mottram,  133, 479\  no.  159 
Martineau,  Harriet,  113, 115 
Mary  and  Hannah  (boat),  ewer  presented 

to  owners  of,  355  and  n.4,5i'7,  359; 

fig.  291 

Mason,  George  C,  Newport  Illustrated,  120 
Masonic  Hall,  26, 55,  66,  71, 169, 170; 
fig.  129 

Matteson,  T.  H.,  engraving  after,  by 
D'Avignon,  Distribution  (f  the  American 
Aft-  Union  Prizes  at  the  Tabernacle, 
Broadway,  New  York,  206, 207;  fig.  163 


Matthews  and  Rider  (bookbinders),  j2j; 
no.  239 

Maurer,  Louis,  215, 217-18;  Preparing  frr 

Market,  214,  217-18;  fig.  169 
Maverick,  Peter,  190, 191-92, 199-200; 

The  Daughters  of  Charles  B.  Calmady, 

after  Lawrence,  ipi,  192;  fig.  149;  Lake 

Geotge,  113, 113;  fig.  80 
Maverick  and  Durand,  200 
Maxwell,  Hugh,  vase  presented  to,  360, 

361-62;  fig.  296 
May  and  Company,  257n.46 
May  Day  (Moving  Day),  18, 18, 303;  fig.  12 
Mayer,  E.,  and  Son,  330 
Mayer,  John,  33in.2i 
Mayer,  Thomas,  336n.4i 
Mayo,  Rev.  A.  D.,  165 
Mead,  Dr.  Henry,  331, 332  and  n.25 
Mead,  William,  and  Company,  71 
Meade,  Mrs.  Richard  Worsam,  86 
Meade,  Richard  Worsam,  collection,  72, 

75,  86 
Meade  Brothers,  237 
Mechanics'  Institute  of  the  City  of  New 

York,  72,  76, 156,  362,  363,  367;  prize 

medals  commissioned  from  Fiirst,  363 
Mechanics^  Magazine  and  Register  of 

Inventions  and  Improvements,  363 
medallions,  marble,  i6s',  figs.  126, 127 
medals,  S62;  no.  287;  American  Art-Union 

issues,  s6s',  nos.  292-95;  American 

Institute  prize  medals,  363,  ^(Jf;  no.  291; 

Grand  Canal  Celebration  commemora- 

tives,  287,  358,  SS9\  nos.  282A,  283A; 

transadantic  cable  commemorative,  375, 

S72;  no.  307 
Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  birth  tray  of,  by 

Scheggia,  103, 402;  no.  42 
Medici  family,  95;  arms  of,  402;  no.  42 
Meeks,  J.  and  J.  W,  289,  302;  portfolio 

cabinet-on-stand,  302-3  and  n. 107,  ^22; 

no.  233;  attributed  to,  chair,  307n.i39; 

possibly  by,  side  chair,  304,  306-7; 

fig.  247 
Meeks,  John,  325 
Meeks,  Joseph,  281, 3oon.79 
Meeks,  Joseph,  and  Sons,  288,  289, 

295nn.52,  53,  296,  298,  30onn.76,  80; 

broadside  for,  281, 296, 298, 517;  no.  225; 

center  table  at  Melrose,  298, 30on.8o; 

pier  tables,  ca.  1830, 294,  295  and  n.53, 

297;  fig.  240;  — ,  ca.  1835,  295,  296,  297, 

S18',  no.  227 
Meeks,  Joseph  W,  325 
Megarey,  Henry  J.  (pubhsher),  194, 195, 

197, 464',  no.  135.  See  also  Hudson  River 

Portfolio;  Megarefs  Street  Views 
Megarefs  Street  Views  in  the  City  of  New 

Tork,  aquatints  by  Bennett,  197; 

Broadway  from  the  Bowling  Green,  196, 

197;  fig.  154;  Fulton  Street  and  Market,  8, 

197, 4Si\  no.  120;  South  Street  from 

Maiden  Lane,  5, 197, 4Si'->  no.  119 
Meissonier,  Ernest,  94, 105 
Melrose  (McMurran  home),  Natchez, 

Mississippi,  center  table  at,  298, 

30on.8o 

Memoir,  Prepared  at  the  Request  of  a  Commit- 
tee of  the  Council  of  the  City  of  New  Tork, 
and  Presented  to  the  Mayor  of  the  City,  at 
the  Celebration  of  the  Completion  of  the 
New  Tork  CaneUs,  by  Colden  (author), 
Robertson  (artist),  and  Imbert  (printer), 
189-90  and  n.3, 193, 4So;  no.  117;  litho- 
graphs from,  Imbert,  Chair-Makers' 
Emhlems,  190,  287, 288;  fig.  234;  — , 
Imbert,  after  Robertson,  Grand  Canal 


INDEX  629 


Celebration:  View  of  the  Fleet  Preparing  to 
Form  in  Line,  3, 189-90,450-5/;  no.  118 
Menger's,  72,  80 

men's  costumes,  244, 244, 24s,  251,  252,  254, 

498\  figs.  195, 196,  no.  197 
Mercantile  Library  Association,  149,  367; 

sculpture  for,  by  Clevenger,  Philip 

Hone,  149, 4IS'-,  no.  58 
Merchants'  Exchange,  24, 17in.8;  as  a  venue, 

34,  72,  79, 147.  See  also  First  Merchants' 

Exchange;  Second  Merchants'  Exchange 
Merchant's  House  Museum  (Tredwell 

house),  177 
Merle,  Hugues,  102 
Mesangere,  Pierre  de  la.  Collection  de 

meubles  et  objects  devout,  295-96n.54 
Meserole  House,  2^5;  fig.  185 
metal-plate  engravings,  202,  204 
Metella,  Cecilia,  tomb  of,  127 
Metropolitan  Hotel,  185 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  45,  86,  90, 

92,  93,  96,  99, 103, 104, 107,  225,  261 
Mettam,  Charles,  and  Burke,  Edmund  A., 

The  New-Tork  Historical  Society,  35, 186, 

442;  no.  104 
Metz,  Conrad,  after  Michelangelo,  Detail 

from  the  "Last  ftidgmmt^^  211, 2//;  fig.  167 
Mexican  War,  prints  of,  2/<S,  220;  fig.  174 
Michelangelo,  211;  Last  Judgment,  etching 

after,  by  Metz,  2n,  211;  fig.  167;  Last 

Supper,  work  offered  as,  86;  sibyls,  206 
Michelin,  Francis,  after  Crawford  and 

Catherwood,  Proposed  Colossal  Statue  of 

Washin£fton,  151, 152;  fig.  113 
Middle-Tint  the  Second.  See  Browere,  John 

Henri  Isaac 
Middleton  and  Ryckman,  pair  of  slippers, 

JO/;  no.  203 
Mignot,  Louis  Remy.  See  Rossiter, 

Thomas,  and  Mignot,  Louis  Remy 
Milhau,  Dr.  John,  pharmacy,  22, 185 
Miller,  Alfred  J.,  77 

Miller,  Gov.  Stephen  D.,  table  for,  291, 514; 
no.  222 

Miller,  Thomas  J.,  and  Morris,  William  L. 
Jr.,  72 

Miller,  William  L.,  spandrel  panel  from 
Edgar  H.  Laing  stores,  43S\  no.  97 

Millford  Plantation  (John  L.  Manning 
house).  South  Carolina,  furniture  for, 
297;  armchairs,  284, 28s,  297,  305,520; 
fig.  233,  no.  231;  couch,  297,52/;  no.  232; 
nested  tables,  297,520;  no.  230 

milliners,  247 

Mills,  72 

Mills  and  Minton,  72,  75 

Mimee,  E.  W.  See  Forsyth,  John,  and 

Mimee,  E.  W. 
miniature  portraits,  nos.  14-22;  and  the 

daguerreotype,  232-33  and  n.25 
Minton  pottery,  Staffordshire,  331 
mirrors:  for  CoUes  house,  310;  at  Gem 

Saloon,  2/7,  220;  fig.  173.  See  also  pier 

mirrors 
mitts,  woman's,  498;  no.  198 
Mobile,  Alabama,  197, 340 
"modern"  style.  See  Grecian  style 
"modern  French"  style,  369,  370 
Moffat,  Dr.,  house,  parlor  sliding  door,  179, 

180;  fig.  141 
monumental  sculpture,  135, 136.  See  also 

Washington  Monument 
Mooney,  Thomas,  289  and  n.,  304-5n.i22 
Moore,  Charles  Herbert,  i27n.io8 
Moore,  Clement  Clarke,  9, 182;  A  Visit 

from  Saint  Nicholas,  scene  from,  by 

Weir,  3^p;  no.  27 


Moore,  John  C,  361, 364, 37o;  Four 
Elements  centerpiece,  364  and  n.44, 
364^  I7l\  fig-  298;  presentation  tea  and 
coffee  service  (Lcfferts  beverage  serv- 
ice), 370,  yji,s69\  no.  301;  presentation 
tea  service  for  Edward  K.  Collins,  370, 
372,572;  fig.  307 

Moore,  John  C,  and  Son,  370-72;  for 
Tiffany  and  Company:  Astor  beverage 
service,  372;  — ,  service  presented  to 
Colonel  Abram  Duryee,  375, 575, 573; 
fig.  310,  no.  310 

Moore,  T.  M.,  and  Company,  72,  75 

Morgan,  Edwin  D.,  163 

Morgan,  Homer,  72,  78 

Morgan,  Matthew,  290-91,  309  and  n.148, 
311 

Morgan,  Mrs.,  255 

Morghen,  Raphael  (Raffaelo),  91;  after 

Leonardo  da  Vinci,  The  Last  Supper, 

210, 2/0 ;  fig.  166 
Morning  Courier  and  New-Tork  Enquirer, 

42, 53 
Morning  Herald,  253 
Morris,  Mr.,  38 
Morris,  William  L.  Jr.,  72 
Morris  and  Kain,  137 
Morris-Jumel  Mansion,  83-84,  84\  fig.  57 
Morris's  National  Press,  231,  309 
Morse,  Ruggles  Sylvester  and  Olive  Ring 

Merrill,  325;  mansion,  see  Morse-Libby 

House 

Morse,  Samuel  F.  B.,  3,  35,  38, 50,  52,  83,  84, 
85,  97, 141, 143,  i44n.29, 148, 160, 171, 
210,  227-28,  230,  232,  234,  236,  352n.i36; 
De  Witt  Clinton,  3, 380;  no.  4;  Fitz-Gftene 
Halleck,  380;  no.  5;  Gallery  of  the  Louvre, 
76;  Head  of  a  Young  Man,  228, 229; 
fig.  1^0;  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  34,  i/p; 
no.  2;  The  Wife,  engraving  after,  by 
Durand,  2p/,  292;  fig.  236;  William 
Cullen  Bryant,  381;  no.  6;  Toung  Man, 
^z%,48o\  no.  160 

Morse-Libby  House  (Victoria  Mansion), 
Portland,  Maine,  322-25  and  nn.230, 
237;  reception  room,  z86,  324;  reception- 
room  cabinet,  286, 324-25,  S35\  no.  249 

Morss,  John,  177 

Morton,  John  Ludlow,  iion.8;  portrait  of, 

by  N.  Rogers,  384^  no.  16 
Mosaic  Picture  of  the  Ruins  of  Paestum,  76 
Moseley,  Joseph,  363.  See  also  Gale, 

William,  and  Moseley,  Joseph 
Mott,  Dr  Valentine,  house,  257;  fig.  189 
Mottram,  Charles,  after  Martin,  The  Plains 

of  Heaven,  m^479'',  no.  159 
Mould,  Jacob  Wrey,  4on.233, 181, 186;  All- 
Souls'  Church,  186, 187;  fig.  146 
Mount,  William  Sidney,  37,  63,  87,  88,  91, 
99,  209,  2iin.77,  212;  Bargaining  for  a 
Horse,  82,  87,  87;  fig.  59;  The  Bone  Player, 
lithograph  after,  by  Lafosse,  47/;  no. 
148;  California  News,  234;  — ,  related 
daguerreotype,  by  G.  Harrison,  234, 484; 
no.  169;  Eel  Spearing  at  Setauket  (Recol- 
lections of  Early  Days— 'Fishing  along 
Shore'^),39o;  no.  28;  Farmers  Nooning, 
88;  Just  in  Tune,  21m. 77;  The  Power  of 
Music,  79,98, 100;  fig.  69;  — ,  lithograph 
after,  by  Noel,  63, 208,  209;  fig.  164 
Mount  Chocorua,  114 
Mt.  St.  Vincent  buildings.  Central  Park,  103 
Mount  Washington,  115, 116, 117, 118, 118, 

119, 131;  fig-  85 
Moving  Day  (May  Day),  i8, 18;  fig.  12 
Mozier,  Joseph,  149, 151-52;  Diana,  151-52, 
420;  no.  65 


Mr.  Brown  Visits  a  Piaure  Faaory,  36, 37; 
fig.  32 

Munroe,  Alfred,  and  Company,  257;  fig.  188 

Murillo,  Bartolome  Esteban,  85,  86;  Four 
Figures  on  a  Step  (A  Spanish  Peasant 
Family),  $^,403;  no.  44;  The  Immaculate 
Conception,  104^  104-5,  /05;  figs.  76,  77 

Murray,  Ameha  M.,  quoted,  248 

Musee  Napoleon,  Paris,  66 

Museum  and  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts,  25, 
73,75 

Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York,  294, 

236-37,  255n.4i 
muslin,  253;  ball  gown,  253-54,  ^54;  fig.  206 

Nadar  (Gaspard-Felix  Tournachon),  221 
Nagel  and  Lewis  (printer),  468;  no.  144 
Nagel  and  Weingartner,  219;  inscription 

page  for  Audubon,  Birds  of  America, 

220,  222, 315;  fig.  176 
Naples,  126 

Napoleon,  100,  256;  portrayed  by  David, 
55,  75,  209;  portrayed  by  Delaroche, 
Napoleon  at  Fontainbleau,  37,  63, 64\  fig. 
54;  — ,  Napoleon  Crossing  the  Alps,  78;  —, 
engraving  after  Napoleon  Crossing  the 
Alps,  by  Francois,  211, 478;  no.  158 

Napoleon  III,  128,  256, 312, 318,  322n.22i, 
324;  gun  case  purchased  for,  319, 321; 
fig.  26 

Napoleonic  Wars,  123 

Nassau  Street,  5 

National  Academy  of  Design,  36, 38, 47, 50, 
52,  55,  56-57,  59,  60,  61-62,  64,  65,  66, 
67,  68,  69,  72,  72,  73,  75,  76,  77,  78,  79, 
80,  81,  84,  86,  88,  89,  92,  100,  lOl,  105, 
136,  138, 140,  141,  143,  144,  148,  149-51, 
153,  154,  155,  158,  169,  171,  172,  183,  186, 
192,  210,  227,  228;  building,  186-87, 445; 
no.  105 

National  Advocate,  47 

"National  Gallery  of  Paintings,"  38 

National  Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished 
Americans.  See  Longacre,  James  Barton, 
and  Herring,  James 

National  Register.  See  Niles'  Weekly  Register 

National  Sculpture  Society,  149 

National  Theatre,  20 

Native  Americans,  25  and  n.127,  26, 112, 155, 

is6, 162, 163, 164, 165;  figs.  116, 124, 125 
Neal,  Alice  B.,  24 

Neale,  W.  (printer),  455, 460-61;  nos.  123, 129 

necklaces:  cut-steel,  253, 254;  fig.  206;  pearl- 
work,  505;  no.  205;  seed-pearl,  of  Mrs. 
Lincoln,  257, 505;  fig.  209,  no.  211 

Neoclassical  style,  137, 138, 140, 152, 153, 
292,  297-98,  363,  364.  See  also  Grecian 
style;  Greek  Revival  style 

Newark  Museum,  103 

New  Bowery  Theatre,  172  and  n.15.  See  also 
New  York  Theatre 

Newcombe,  Mrs.  George,  Store,  66 

New  England,  109, 110, 117, 273, 340, 341, 
343 

New  England  Glass  Company,  Massa- 
chusetts, 341,  345,  348;  covered  cut- 
glass  urn,  341 

New  Jersey,  289 

New  Mirror,  303, 305, 364 

New  Orleans,  9, 38, 175,  244,  288,  298,  340, 
351;  Trinity  Church,  351,  352n.i30 

New  Paving  on  Broadway,  between  Franklin 
and  Leonard  Streets,  The,  19,  234-35, 4^i'; 
no.  180 

Newport,  p/,  109, 119-23, 120, 121, 122,397; 

figs.  62,  87-90,  no.  37 
newspapers,  illustrations  for,  202 


Newton,  Gilbert  Stuart,  85;  Old  Age 
Reading  and  Touth  Sleeping,  84-85 
New  World,  11 

New  York:  as  an  architectural  center,  169; 
daguerreotype  street  views,  234-36, 4^7, 
489;  nos.  178, 180;  grid  plan,  20,  43,  169, 
176-77, 179;  — ,  see  also  Commissioner's 
Plan  of  1811;  as  an  industrial  center,  for 
furniture  manufacturing,  287;  — ,  for 
glasscutting,  344;  — ,  for  shipbuilding, 
137;  institutions  for  the  poor,  13;  as  a 
painting  subject,  127;  population 
(1820),  287-88;  -,  (1825),  4,  83,  288; 
(1850),  4;  — ,  (1855),  288;  — ,  (i860), 
288;  — ,  (1861),  83;  as  a  port,  3, 120, 189; 
— ,  see  also  New  York  Harbor;  as  a  print- 
making  center,  189,  205,  207-8;  settle- 
ment (1820),  5,  6;  fig.  3;  — ,  (i860),  5, 7, 
30;  fig.  4;  views  of,  on  porcelain  vases, 
327-28,  328,  S36;  fig.  266,  no.  250;  — , 
prints,  189, 190, 199,  220-21, 460-61, 464, 
468, 473, 469',  figs.  147, 156,  nos.  128, 129, 
135, 143,  145,  150;  water  supply,  9-11; 
— ,  see  also  Croton  Aqueduct.  See  also 
Brooklyn;  "Empire  City";  Manhattan 
Island;  maps 

New  York  Academy  of  Arts,  66,  199 

New-Tork  American,  56 

New  York  Association  of  Artists  (Drawing 
Association),  50,  72 

New-York  Athenaeum,  47,  72,  76 

New  York  Bay,  223;  fig.  179.  See  also  New 
York  Harbor 

New-Tork  Book  of  Prices,  294,  295,  297 

New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce,  374 

New  York  City  from  Govemors  Island,  vase 
depicting,  327-28,52^,  33on.6;  fig.  266 

New  York  City  Pottery,  336n.42 

New-Tork  Commercial  Advertiser,  145,  284 

New-Tork  Daily  Advertiser,  355 

New-Tork  Daily  Times,  61 

New-Tork  Daily  Tribune,  158,  322, 368 

New-York  Ecclesiological  Society,  370 

New  York  Etching  Club,  224 

New  York  Evening  Post,  9, 50, 54,  no,  365, 
368, 369 

New-York  Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All 
Nations  (Crystal  Palace  exhibition, 
1853-54),  40-42,  68,  79, 103, 133, 158-60, 
185,  219,  236-37,  248,  3i4n.i89,  316, 
338-39,  346-48, 17^-71, 4S8;  no.  179; 
catalogue,  see  Silliman,  Benjamin  Jr., 
and  Goodrich,  Charles  Rush,  World  of 
Science,  Art,  and  Industry;  exhibits  and 
awards,  carpeting,  268;  — ,  ceramics, 
329, 330, 55^,  338-39, 54p;  figs.  268,  276, 
no.  270;  — ,  clothing,  247,  250;  — ,  fur- 
niture, 132,  133,  312,  313,  574,5/5,  316 
and  n.199, 317-18,525;  figs.  102,  257,  258, 
no.  241;  — ,  glassware,  343,  345,  346; 
fig.  283;  — ,  machinery,  25(J,  237;  fig.  186; 
— ,  mantelpieces,  265;  — ,  photography, 
236;  — ,  piano,  32in.2i8;  — ,  prints,  209; 
— ,  sculpture,  153, 154, 158-60, 160, 236, 
237;  figs.  120, 186;  — ,  silver,  364;  — , 
stained  glass,  349n.ii9,  350,  352n.i29; 
— ,  upholstery,  284-85.  See  also  Crystal 
Palace,  New  York 

New  York  Female  Moral  Reform  Society, 
66 

New-York  Galler)^  of  the  Fine  Arts,  59,  66, 

68,  72,  72-73,  77,  78,  79,  88,  89,  I55 
New  York  Glass  Works.  See  Bloomingdale 

Flint  Glass  Works 
New  York  Halls  of  Justice  and  House  of 

Detention  (The  Tombs),  7,  14-15, 31, 

174, 429;  nos.  82,  83 


630    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


New  York  Harbor,  2,  3, 5,  9, 126, 189,  Jpo, 

192, 196, 197,  m-,  204, 220, 337, 5J7, 396^ 

4S0-SI,4S2-S3, 460-61;  figs.  1, 147, 156, 

275,  nos.  35, 118, 121, 129 
New  Tork  Herald,  40,  288 
New-York  Historical  Society,  35, 47, 67, 72, 

72,  87,  94-95,  98, 104, 135, 144, 149, 154, 

I92n.i4,  232, 236-37;  btiilding,  186, 442; 

no.  104 

New  Tork  in  i8ss^  29, 50;  fig.  26 
New  York  Institution,  53,  66,  72 
New-York  Long  Room,  69, 70, 72 
New  York  Marbleized  Iron  Works,  263 
New  York  Mechanical  and  Scientific 

Institute,  34in.75 
New-Tork  Mercantile  Register,  264, 277,  369 
New-York  Mirror,  55, 56, 86, 145, 147, 169, 

199, 201, 219  and  n.114, 23s,  283, 288, 345 
New-Tork  Mirror,  and  Ladies^  Literary 

Gazette,  24;  wood  engraving  from,  169, 

770;  fig.  129 
New  York  Monument  Association,  144 
New  York  Philharmonic,  27 
New  York  Public  Library,  10,  97, 102,  225 
New-Tork  Review,  85 

New-Tork  Rmew,  andAthmmmMsx^azine, 
no 

New  York  Riding  School,  193,  in\  fig.  151 
New-York  Rotunda,  6, 7, 38, 55, 56, 72, 
72r-73,  75,  77, 155, 169,  m,  424;  fig.  129, 
no.  70;  panorama  for,  by  Vanderlyn, 
Palace  and  Gardens  of  Versailles,  38,  jp, 
72;  figs.  33,  34 
New-York  School  of  Design  for  Women, 
68,73 

New  York  Society  Library,  26, 56,  72,  73, 

77,  78, 105,  270 
New  York  State,  13, 40-41, 135,  i44 
New  York  State  prisons,    13, 14 
New  Tork  Sun,  photograph  from,  341, 342; 

fig.  278 

New  York  Theatre  (rebuilt  as  Bowery 
Theatre),  20, 171-72  and  nn,i4, 15, 172; 
fig.  131 

New-Tork  Times,  239,  246,  255 
New  York  University,  7, 74-  See  also 

University  of  the  City  of  New  York 
New  York  Yacht  Club  regatta,  trophy 

pitcher  for,  368,  s67\  no.  297 
Niagara  Falls,  views  of,  38,  79,  80, 237.  See 

also  Church,  Frederic  E.:  Niagara 
Niblo,  William,  26-27,  73 
Niblo's  Garden,  7,  26-27, 27, 66,  72, 73, 76, 

78, 249^  362;  figs.  22, 200 
Nicholas  II,  czar  of  Russia,  23 
Nichols,  G.  W,  Gallery.  See  Crayon 

Gallery 
Nichols,  George  Ward,  68 
Nicholson,  Michael  Angelo,  The  Practical 

Cabins-Maker,  Upholsterer,  and  Complete 

Decorator,  295n.5i 
Nicholson,  Peter,  171, 176 
Nicolay,  Albert  H.,  7^,  79 
Niles,  Hezekiah,  331,  332n.28,  344 
Niles^  Weekly  (later  National)  Register,  10, 

229,  306n.i32,  331,  332-33,  344,  363 
Nineveh  Marbles,  97,  97-98;  fig.  68 
Noah,  Mordecai  Manuel,  148 
Noel,  Alphonse-Leon,  after  Mount,  The 

Power  of  Music,  63, 208,  209;  fig.  164 
North  Carolina  State  Capitol,  Raleigh, 

173-74;  draperies,  282,  283;  Speaker's 

chair,  282-83, 283;  fig.  232;  statue  by 

Canova,  George  Washin^n,  i4in.23 
North  Conway,  New  Hampshire,  118, 118, 

119;  fig.  86 
Northern  Renaissance  prints,  197,  211, 212 


North  River,  189;  panoramic  view  from,  197, 

460-61;  no.  129.  See  also  Hudson  River 
Notch  (Crawford  Notch),  White  Mountains, 

108, 115,  iiS->  116, 117;  figs.  82,  84 
Novelty  Iron  Works,  21s,  218;  fig.  170 
nudes,  55n.29, 155  and  n.76, 158, 199, 201 
Nimns  and  Clark,  piano,  320,  32in.2i8,^2p; 
no.  242 

Nye,  Gideon,  collection,  57-58,  71,  78,  80, 
148 

Oakley,  C.  W,  72 

Oatman,  Olive,  166 

Ogden,  Ferguson  and  Company,  330 

oilcloths,  265, 267, 268, 272 

Old  Almshouse,  6, 7, 35, 172, 42s;  no.  73 

Old  Brewery,  The,  30, 31;  fig.  27 

"Old  French"  styles,  297,  303,  316, 320.  See 

also  Louis  XIV  style;  Louis  XV  style; 

Rococo  Revival  style 
old  masters:  auctions  and  exhibitions,  49, 

50,  51, 55, 56,  75,  76,  77,  78,  80;  dubious, 

fi:audulent,  or  copied,  37, 40, 53, 85, 86, 93 
"old  oak"  furniture,  310-11, 309;  fig.  252 
Olmsted,  Frederick  Law,  and  Vaux,  Calvert, 

Greensward  Plan  for  Central  Park,  43-44, 

44~4S,  221,  241, 49S;  fig.  36,  nos.  192, 193 
Olyphant,  Robert  M.,  collection,  100,  loi 
Opera  House  (Astor  Place),  chandelier  for, 

311 

organ,  323, 325;  fig.  265 

Ornamental  Iron  Furniture  company,  315 

Orr,  John  William,  wood  engravings: 
Antique  Apartment— Elizabethan  Style, 
302;  fig.  24-6;  Armchair,  316;  fig.  259; 
Buffet,  31s;  fig.  258;  The  Children's  Sofa, 
after  Doepler,  308;  fig.  251;  Genin'sNew 
and  Novel  Brit^e,  Extending  Across 
Broadway,  32;  fig.  28;  Oak  Sideboard  by 
Rochefbrt  and  Skarren,  132;  fig.  102;  per- 
haps by.  The  Cliff  Walk,  Newport,  after 
Kensett,  121, 122;  fig.  88 

Orr,  Nathaniel,  wood  engravings:  Interior 
of  Peterson  and  Humphrey's  Carpet  Store, 
258,  270, 270;  fig.  222;  Interior  View  of  the 
Cosmopolitan  Art  Association,  Norman 
Hall,  d^5;  fig.  53;  Interior  View  of  the 
DiisseldorfGalkry,  63;  fig-  $^;  A  Parlor 
View  in  a  New  Tork  Dwellin£[  House,  317, 
320;  fig.  260;  Service  of  Plate  Presented 
by  the  Citizens  of  New  Tork  to  Edward  K 
Collins,  372;  fig.  307 

Orr,  Nathaniel,  and  Company,  wood 
engraving.  Salesroom,  Main  Floor, 
Hau^hwout  Buildin^f,  21;  fig.  16 

Osborne,  John  H.,  355n.4 

Osier,  F.  and  C,  firm,  Birmingham, 
England,  348 

Ostade,  Adriaen  van,  85,  92,  93 

Otis,  Bass,  191;  after  Dubufe,  Expulsion 
from  Paradise  and  The  Temptation  of 
Adam  and  Eve,  56 

Otis,  Elisha,  22n.96 

Ovington  Brothers,  327 

Paestum,  mosaic  picture  of  the  ruins  of,  76 
Paff,  Michael,  71, 73, 76,  85-86,  89 
PafFs  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts,  49, 73, 85, 86 
Page,  William,  166;  bust  of,  by  Crawford, 
148 

Painters'  and  Sculptors'  Art  Union,  59 
Painting  Rooms,  71 

paintings,  see  American  paintings;  foreign 
paintings;  landscape  painting;  miniature 
portraits;  portraits.  See  also  entries  for 
specific  nationalities,  e.£j.,  English  paintings; 
French  paintings;  Spanish  paintings 


paisley  shawl,  joo;  no.  200 
Palagi,  Filippo  Pelagio,  292n.35 
palazzo  style,  184-85, 186 
Palisades,  126,      195, 239, 494;  fig.  152,  no. 
189 

Palladian  style,  170 

Palmer,  Erastus  Dow,  35, 79, 102, 162-67; 
Evening,  165, 16$;  fig.  127;  Indian  Girl 
or  The  Dawn  of  Christianity,  103, 134^ 
164^  165;  fig.  12$; Morning,  163, 165,  i6s; 
fig.  126;  Sprif^,  165;  The  White  Captive, 
35, 40,  80, 103, 165-66,423;  no.  69 

Palmer,  Faimy,  215, 217 

Palmer,  Fanny  and  Seymour,  Church  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  Brooklyn,  182, 183;  fig.  143 

Panic  of  1837,  89,  i45, 181, 185,  202,  294, 
303,  304n.i22,  309 

Panic  of  1857, 60, 212,  265,  271, 280,  322 

Panini  (or  Pannini),  Giovanni  Paolo,  55, 76; 
Modem  Rome,  55, 406;  no.  48 

Panorama  Building,  ^ 

panoramas,  38,  40,  56,  75,  76,  77,  79, 132-33 
and  n.126;  New  York  Harbor,  197, 199^ 
220,4^0-61;  fig.  156,  no.  129;  prints,  189, 
192;  Versailles,  38, 39,  72;  figs.  33, 34 

Panorama  Saloon,  40 

pantograph,  189 

paper  dressmaking  patterns,  247,  249 
paper  hangings.  See  wallpaper 
paper  photography,  237,  240 
papier-mache  goods,  313-14  and  nn.180, 

182, 315;  worktable,  312, 314;  fig.  256 
Papprill,  Henry,  after  J.  W.  Hill,  New  Tork 

fivm  the  Steeple  of  Saint  Paul's  Church,  3, 

220, 464;  no.  135 
parasol,  499;  no.  199 

Pares,  Francis  [and  Company],  274^5  and 
n.6i 

Pares  and  Faye,  274, 275 
Parian  ware,  22, 331, 339;  in  ceramic  monu- 
ment, 339, 54^;  no.  270;  reproductive 

sculpture,  160, 161 
Paris,  236,  238,  244, 256,  259, 287,  288,  290, 

309, 328 
Paris  Diorama  theater,  227,  228 
Paris  Exposition  Universelle  (1855).  See 

Exposition  Universelle 
Paris  Industrial  Exposition  (1849),  3i8n.205 
Park,  The.  See  City  Hall  Park 
Parker,  Ann,  83-84 
Parker,  Harvey  D.,  92-93 
Park  Hotel.  See  Astor  House  hotel 
Park  Place  House,  68,  73,  75,  i43 
Park  Row,  235, 44S,  487;  nos.  108, 178 
parks,  42-43.  See  also  Central  Park 
Parliament,  Houses  of,  England,  298 
parlors:  by  Bembe  and  Kimbel,  317,  320; 

fig.  260;  of  Fiedler  family,  261, 305; 

fig.  211;  Greek  Revival  style,  180, 447; 

no.  112;  in  Morse  painting,  291,  292; 

fig.  236.  See  also  drawing  rooms 
Parris,  Alexander,  181 
Parsons,  Charles,  217;  Central  Park, 

Winter:  The  Skating  Pond,  43, 205, 47S; 

no.  isy,An  Interior  View  of  the  Crystal 

Palace,  41,  316, 467;  no.  142 
Parthenon,  New  York,  73 
panares,  255, 257,  S04,  SOs;  fig.  209,  nos.  208, 

210;  necklace  from,  254;  fig-  206 
patens,  370,  sTi;  no.  304 
Patent  Office,  Washington,  D.C.,  174 
Paulding,  James  Kirke,  New  Mirror  fitr 

Travellers,  112 
Paulding,  Philip  R.,  264, 300;  house 

(Knoll),  see  Lyndhurst 
Paulding,  Mayor  William,  264;  house 

(Knoll),  see  Lyndhurst 


Pauline,  Madame,  40 

Paxton,  Joseph,  41 

Payne,  John  Howard,  22on.ii7 

Peabody,  John.  See  Gowdy,  Thomas,  and 

Peabody,  John 
Peabody,  Joseph,  292n.35 
Peale,  Charles  Willson,  Philadelphia 

Museum,  12, 25, 42, 73 
Peale,  Rembrandt,  62, 73,  85;  Court  of 

Death,  62,  66,  79,  222;  portraits  of 

Washington,  62 
Peale,  Rubens,  25, 73 

Peale's  New  York  Museum  and  Gallery  of 

the  Fine  Arts,  25,  73, 75 
Pearl  Street,  19, 259,  340,  355 
Pearson,  Isaac  G.,  i7n.73;  Reed  house,  16, 

i7n.73,  87;  Ward  house,  16, 1711.73 
Pearson,  J.,  72,  7^ 
Pearson  and  Gurlcy,  70 
Peele,  John  Thomas,  99 
Peircc,  B.  K.,^  Half  Century  with  Juvenile 

Delinquents,  wood  engraving  from,  31; 

fig.  27 
pelerine,  498;  no.  198 
Pell,  W.  F.,  and  Company,  3O5n.i30 
Pellatt,  Apsley,  345n.93 
Pelletreau,  Bennett  and  Cooke,  358;  pitcher 

presented  to  Richard  Riker,  358, 3S8; 

fig.  293 

Pelletreau,  Maltby,  struck  by:  Grand  Canal 

Celebration  medal,  358,  sS9y  no.  282A; 

pitcher  presented  to  Richard  Riker,  358, 

3S8;  fig.  293 
Penniman,  J.,  lithograph  after,  by  Endicott, 

Novelty  Iron  Works,  189, 21s,  217,  218; 

fig.  170 

Penniman,  James,  house,  Elizabethan  din- 
ing room,  302 

Penny,  Virginia,  287 

Pepoon,  Marshall,  73,  81 

Perkins,  Jacob,  201  and  n.44 

Perry,  Commodore  Matthew  C,  220 

Persian  rugs,  271 

Peters,  Harry,  214-15 

Peterson,  E.  A.,  and  Company,  271 

Peterson,  Edwin  A.,  271 

Peterson,  George  F.,  270,  271 

Peterson,  Humphrey  and  Ross,  271 

Peterson  and  Humphrey,  2s8,  268, 270, 
270-71,  272n.45;  figs.  221,  222 

Peterson's  Magazine,  319 

Pettich,  Chevalier,  80 

Pfeiffer,  John,  73 

Phelps,  Isaac  Newton,  149 

Phelps  and  Peck's  Store,  ruins  of,  20; 
fig- 15 

Phenix  Bank,  171-72, 176, 359 

Phidias,  ^'Yankee"  version,  143 

Philadelphia,  3, 4,  9, 20, 37, 109-10, 119, 
169, 174, 181,  202,  205, 221,  236,  244, 
257,  273,  287,  327,  340,  345,  355 

Phillips  and  Bagster  Pottery,  Staffordshire, 
334n.33 

Photographic  Art-Journal,  234  and  n.30 
photography,  227-41;  nos.  160-196;  glass 
negatives,  239;  Talbof s  paper-print 
process,  237.  See  also  daguerreotypes 
Phyfe,  283-84 

Phyfe,  Duncan,  283,  284,  289, 296-97  and 
n.67,  298n.69,  305,  313,  325;  auction  ftir- 
niture  purportedly  by,  304n.i22,  305; 
chairs  for  Samuel  Foot,  296, 297n.66; 
pier  table  for  Benjamin  Clark,  294, 295, 
296-97  and  nn.67, 69;  fig.  241;  suite,  for 
Robert  Donaldson,  294;  — ,  window 
bench  from,  292, 294, 300;  fig.  238; 
suite,  for  Lewis  Stirling,  297,  298n.70 


INDEX  631 


Phyfe,  Duncan,  and  Karr,  Daniel,  presenta- 
tion boxes  for  Grand  Canal  Celebration 
medals,  287,  SS9;  no.  282B 

Phyfe,  Duncan,  and  Son,  298n.69,  30on.76; 
Millford  Plantation  commission,  284, 
297;  — ,  armchair,  297,  299~30on.75, 
S20;  no.  231;  — ,  couch,  297,  299n.73,j27; 
no.  232;  — ,  six  nested  tables,  297,  j'2o; 
no.  230;  pier  table  for  Eliza  Phyfe  Vail, 
297-980.69 

Phyfe,  Duncan,  and  Son  and  Phyfe  and 
Brother,  attributed  to,  armchair  for 
Millford  Plantation,  284,  zSs^  305;  fig.  233 

Phyfe,  Duncan,  and  Sons,  298n.69 

Phyfe,  George  W.,  283, 284 

Phyfe,  Isaac  M.,  281,  283,  284 

Phyfe,  J.  and  W.  E,  283,  284 

Phyfe,  James,  283,  284,  298n.69 

Phyfe,  James  Duncan,  284 

Phyfe,  John,  283 

Phyfe,  John  G.,  283,  284 

Phyfe,  R.  andW.  E,284 

Phyfe,  Robert,  283,  284 

Phyfe,  William,  283,  298n.69 

Phyfe,  WiUiam  M.,  361 

Phyfe  and  Brother,  273,  284;  upholstery 
goods  and  decorations  for  Millford 
Plantation,  284;  — ,  armchair,  284,2^5, 
305;  fig.  233 

Phyfe  and  Company,  284 

Phyfe  and  Jackson,  284 

pianos,  315, 320, 52^;  no.  242 

Pierce,  Franklin,  372;  seal  of,  plates  with, 
32p,  330;  fig.  268 

pier  mirrors,  297,  2990.72,  j/p;  no.  228 

Pierrepont,  Henry  Evelyn,  house,  Brooklyn 
Heights,  186, 322,44^;  no.  103 

pier  tables,  2p4,  295,  296-97,  sr8\  figs.  240, 
241,  no.  227 

Pietro  da  Cortona,  83 

Pine  Orchard,  Catskills,  iii,  H2 

Pingat,  Emile,  ball  gown  by,  256,  257  and 
n.41 

Pintard,  John,  13 

Piranesi,  Roman  scenes,  etchings  of,  90 

pitchers,  ceramic:  earthenware,  j'5^,j'43; 
nos.  254,  263;  porcelain,  32^,  32P,  330, 
337-39,  S47,  S48;  figs.  267,  269,  nos.  267- 
269;  stoneware,  333, 333, 33S,  S40,  S4i,  542, 
S46\  figs.  272,  274,  nos.  256-259,  266 

pitchers,  silver,  3S8^  359^  567, 569, 573;  figs.  295, 
293,  nos.  297,  301,  310;  with  matching 
goblets,  i(^7, 57/,  J"72;  nos.  298, 305, 306 

Pitt,  William,  sculpture  of,  by  Wilton,  135, 
I4in.23 

Pittsburgh,  339n.59,  340 

Pius  IX,  pope,  128 

Plassman,  Ernst,  3i6n.i98;  buffet  possibly 
carved  by,  3/5,  3i6-i7n.20i,  318;  fig.  258 

plaster  sculpture,  145, 422\  fig.  no,  no.  67; 
busts,  85, 139^  140, 410;  figs.  58, 105, 106, 
no.  53 

plateaus,  silver,  355-58, 357;  fig.  292 

plates:  earthenware,  545;  no.  262;  porcelain, 

329, 332;  figs.  268,  270 
Piatt,  George,  273-74,  282,  318,  322 
Piatt,  Mr.,  Store,  71,  76 
Piatt  and  Brother,  369-70 
platter,  earthenware,  330, 53S;  no.  253 
Plazanet,  Madame,  247 
Plumbe,  John,  233;  James  K.  Polk,  233;  John 

Quincy  Adams,  233;  Senator  Thomas 

Hart  Benton,  233 
Plymouth  Glass  Works,  I49n.ii8 
Pocock,  William,  171 
Poe,  Edgar  Allan,  308-9 
pohtical  prints,  219-20 


Polk,  James  K.,  portraits  of:  by  Brady,  231; 
by  Plumbe,  233 

Pollard,  Calvin,  177;  Parlor  Sliding  Door, 
Dr.  Moffafs  House,  179^  180;  fig.  141; 
Washington  monument,  design  for,  152 

Pompeii,  116, 123-24 

Pomroy,  Harriet,  281 

Pontormo  (Jacopo  Carucci),  105 

porcelain,  327-30, 331-32, 336-39;  Crystal 
Palace  exhibits  (London,  1851),  35^,  339; 
fig.  276;  doorplate,  557;  fig-  275;  pitchers, 
328,  329,  330,  547, 548;  figs.  267,  269, 
nos.  267-269;  plates,  52p,  352;  figs.  268, 
270;  tea  service,  539;  no.  255;  vases,  32(5, 
327-28, 328, 536, 537;  fig.  266,  nos.  250- 
252.  See  also  Parian  ware 

portfolio  cabinet-on-stand,  302-3,522; 
no.  233 

portraits,  nos.  1-22.  See  also  daguerreo- 
types: portraits 

Pettier,  Auguste,  316-17 

Pettier  and  Stymus,  282 

Poussin,  Nicolas,  40,  90, 103, 209 

Powell  and  Company  (printer),  459',  no.  127 

Power,  L.,  and  Company,  73,  75 

Powers,  Hiram,  38,  78, 103, 148, 149, 151, 
158-60, 161, 162;  Andren^ Jackson,  34,  40, 
158, 412;  no.  55;  Eve  Tempted,  at  the 
Crystal  Palace,  158, 160;  fig.  120;  Fisher 
Boy,  40, 107, 103, 158;  fig.  73;  Greek  Slave, 
38, 40, 41,  72,  78,  79,  80, 103, 158  and 
n.79, 160, 162, 165-66, 4/7;  no.  60;  — , 
at  the  Crystal  Palace,  158, 160, 236,  237; 
fig.  186;  — ,  replica  at  the  Diisseldorf 
Gallery,  160, 161;  fig.  121;  Proserpine,  40, 
158, 159'-)  fig.  119;  Washington  at  the 
Masonic  Altar,  80 

Pratt  (later  Pratt  and  Hardenbcrgh),  ^77-79 

Pratt,  Henry  Cheever,  114 

Pratt,  J.  H.  and  J.  M.,  279 

Pratt,  James  H.,  279 

Pratt,  John  M.,  279 

Praxiteles,  158 

precious-metals  trades,  355-75.  See  also 
gold;  silver 

Pre-Raphaelites,  64 

present  plain  style,  295 

Prevost,  Victor,  2-^6-^9;  Alfred  Munroe  and 
Company,  237, 237;  fig.  188;  Battery  Place, 
Looking  North,  238, 4Po;  no.  182;  Daniel 
Appleton^s  Bookstore,  157, 157;  fig.  117; 
Display  of  Machinery  at  the  Crystal  Palace, 
236,  237;  fig.  187;      Valentine  Mott 
House,  237, 237;  fig.  189;  Hiram  Powers's 
"Eve  Tempted"  at  the  Crystal  Palace,  158, 
160;  fig.  120;  Hiram  Pon^ers^s  '^Greek  Slave'' 
at  the  Crystal  Palace,  158, 160, 236,  237; 
fig.  186;  Jeremiah  Gumey's  Da^uerreian 
Gallery,  232, 233;  fig.  183;  Lookin£i North 
toward  Madison  Square  from  the  Rear 
Window  of  Prevosfs  Apartment,  238, 491; 
nos.  183, 184;  Ottaviano  Gori's  Marble 
Establishment,  237,  265, 266;  fig.  217; 
W  and  J.  Shane  Carpet  Warehouse . . . 
and  Solomon  and  Hart  Upholstery  Ware- 
house, 271, 277;  fig.  223 

Prime,  Mary  Trumbull,  95 

Prime,  Nathaniel,  bust  of,  by  Frazee,  147, 
4/3;  no.  56 

Prime,  William  Cowper,  94,  95-97;  por- 
trait of,  by  Schlegel,  96;  fig.  67 

Prince  of  Wales  Ball  (Diamond  Bail; 
Academy  of  Music,  i860),  253, 255-57; 
mantilla  wrap  worn  to,  499\  no.  199; 
women's  evening  toilettes  worn  to,  253, 
256, 256,502,503;  fig.  208,  nos.  204,  205 

print  collections,  88,  90-93,  210-13 


Printin£i  the  Paper,  interior  views  of  Christy, 
Shepherd  and  Garrett,  277, 278;  fig.  229 

printing  trade,  189,  205,  224 

prints,  bindings,  and  illustrated  books, 
189-225;  nos.  114-153.  See  also  entries  for 
specific  processes  and  applications,  e.g.,  aqua- 
tint engraving;  banknotes;  lithography; 
reproductive  prints;  wood  engraving 

prisons,  13, 14.  See  also  New  York  Halls  of 
Justice  and  House  of  Detention 

promenades,  43, 252 

Pruyn,  Schaick  Lansing,  347n.io6 

public  gardens,  26-27 

public  monuments,  135, 136 

Pugin,  A.  C,  Gothic  Furniture,  299 

Pugin,  A.  W.  N.,  182,  298,  299, 301;  Gothic 
Furniture  in  the  Style  of  the  Fifteenth 
Century,  300;  True  Principles  of  Pointed 
or  Christian  Architecture,  182 

punch  bowl,  stoneware,  54s;  no.  265 

Putnam,  G.  P.,  and  Company  (publisher), 
732, 223, 315, 316, 329, 346, 364, 372;  figs.  102, 
258,  259,  268,  283,  298,  307;  Irving,^ 
History  ofNew-Tork,  223-24, 466;  no.  137 

Putnam,  George  P.,  Tourist  in  Europe,  123; 
as  publisher,  see  Putnam,  G.  P.,  and 
Company 

Putnam's  Kaleidoscope,  61 

Putnam's  Monthly,  5,  209,  288 

pyrography,  146 

Quaker  ball  gown,  256  and  n.42 

Quidor,  John,  The  Money  Diners,  389;  no.  26 

quilts,  508, 509;  nos.  214,  215 

Raeburn,  Sir  Henry,  97 

Railing,  Madame,  247 

Randel,  John  Jr.,  6-8;  This  Map  of  the  City  of 

New  York  and  Island  of  Manhattan  as  Laid 

Out  by  the  Commissioners,  6-8,  8-9;  fig.  5 
Ranney,  William  T,  69,  80 
Raphael,  86, 92, 93, 103, 206, 2u;Ajieration,  53; 

Madonna  of  the  Baldachino,  141;  tapestries 

after  cartoons  of,  76 
Raphael,  school  of,  105 
Read,  Joseph,  35m.  127 
Read,  T.  Buchanan,  Spirit  of  the  Waterfall,  80 
ready-to-wear  clothing,  249-51 
reception  room,  286 

reception-room  cabinet,  324-25, 286, 535; 
no.  249 

Redmond,  S.,  parasol,  499;  no.  199 

Reed,  Luman,  13, 35, 37,  73,  86-87,  88,  89, 
193,  210-11,  212;  gallery  and  collection, 
59,  72,  73,  87,  88,  89,  93,  211;  glassware 
purportedly  owned  by,  343,  j'j3;  no.  276; 
house,  16, 17n.73,  87,  290-91;  portrait 
of,  by  Durand,  13,3^2;  no.  9 

Rees,  Thomas  A.,  327,  328, 33onn.7,  8 

Reform  Club,  London,  185 

Regency  style,  171,  291,  340,  342,  343,  345 

Regnault,  Henri,  209 

Reichard's  Art  Rooms,  55,  73,  77 

Reinagle,  Hugh:  Belshazzar's  Feast,  75; 
Masonic  Hall,  169 

Rembrandt  van  Rijn,  86,  92,  93, 103,  212, 
228;  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds,  92;  Descent 
from  the  Cross,  gz,  p2;  fig.  63;  Ruising  of 
Lazarus,  92;  Saint  Jerome  Reading  in  a 
Landscape,  211,  212, 476;  no.  154 

Renaissance  Revival  style,  316, 324, 353; 
bookcase,  32/,  324;  fig.  263;  dressoir,309, 
311;  fig.  252.  See  also  Italianate  style 

Renwick,  James  Jr.,  183,  232;  Aspinwall's 
Gallery,  105;  Church  of  the  Puritans,  183, 
436;  no.  94;  Grace  Church,  168, 183, 437; 
no.  95;  Saint  Patrick's  Cathedral,  183 


reproductive  prints,  90,  91-92,  200,  201, 
205-13 

Republic,  The,  wood  engraving  from,  26; 
fig.  21 

republicanism,  11-15,  24-26,  27,  287;  and 
the  arts,  34-40;  style  associated  with, 
253,  298 

residential  architecture,  16-18, 176-77, 185-86 

Revett,  Nicholas.  See  Stuart,  James,  and 
Revett,  Nicholas 

Revolutionary  War.  See  American  Revolution 

Revolution  of  1848,  220, 316 

Reynolds,  Sir  Joshua,  97;  George  Clive 
(1720-1779)  a,nd  His  Family,  53, 54; 
fig.  40;  Self-Portrait  in  Doctoral  Robes,  54 

"Rhenish-Belgian  Gallery,"  79 

Rhind,  Charles,  358-59;  silver  presented  to, 
cake  basket,  358, 359;  — ,  tea  service,  358; 
— ,  tray,  358,  359  and  n.12, 358;  fig.  294 

Ribaillier,  Pierre,  dressoir-Renaissance  ("old 
oak"),3op,  311;  fig.  252 

Ribaillier,  Pierre,  and  Mazaroz,  Paul,  buffet 
dressoir,  322n.22i 

Rich,  Obadiah,  and  Ward,  Samuel,  vase 
presented  to  Daniel  Webster,  373 

Richard,  Stephen,  359-61;  cake  basket  pre- 
sented to  Charles  Rhind,  358,  359;  ewer 
and  salver  presented  to  Charles  Bancroft, 
359;  gold  box  presented  to  William 
Bainbridge,  359;  pair  of  pitchers  pre- 
sented to  Jameson  Cox,  359-61;  tray 
presented  to  Charles  Rhind,  358-59 
and  n.12,358;  fig.  294 

Richards,  William  Trost,  99, 119 

Richardson,  Andrew,  70 

"Richardson's  Gallery  of  Landscape 
Paintings,"  70,  76 

Richardt,  Ferdinand  Joachim,  Grace 
Church,  Broadway  and  Tenth  Street,  168, 
183, 437;  no.  95;  Niagara  Gallery,  79 

Richmond,  Virginia,  340, 361.  See  also 
Virginia  State  House 

Ridgway,  John,  pottery,  330-31  and  n.21, 
332n.22,  333 

Ridgway,  William,  and  Company,  334n.36, 
336 

Ridner,  John  (publisher),  207;  fig.  163 
Ridner,  John  P.,  163 
Riell,  Henry  E.,  77 

Riell,  Henry  E.,  and  Arcularious,  Jacob, 
73,  77 

Riker,  Richard,  pitcher  presented  to,  358, 

358;  fig.  293 
Riley,  Joseph  N.,  282 

rimmonim  (Torah  finials),  369,  37on. 78, 37/; 
fig.  305 

Ringuet-Leprince,  Auguste-Emile,  93,  289, 
309-12,  3i8n.205,  325;  furnishings  for 
CoUes  house,  93,  309-ir  and  n.156;  — , 
sofa  and  armchair  from  drawing-room 
suite,  307,  310, 524;  no.  236A,  b 

Ringuet-Leprince  and  L.  Marcotte,  312, 313, 
316;  Johnston  suite,  312;  — ,  armchair 
from,  312, 534;  no.  248 

BJtch,  John,  Workingmen's  Home,  17 

riviere,  George  IV-style,  502;  no.  204 

Robert-Fleury,  Tony,  64 

Roberts,  David,  26 

Roberts,  K.  W,  wood  engraving.  Iron 
Warehouse  of  John  B.  Wickersham,  311; 
fig.  255 

Roberts,  Marshall  O.,  98, 100, 101, 149 
Roberts,  Robert,  wood  engravings:  Four 
Elements  Centerpiece  by  Tiffany,  Toung 
and  Ellis,  364,3(^4,  373;  fig-  298;  Glass- 
ware from  the  Brooklyn  Flint  Glass  Works, 
348, 348;  fig.  285;  Two  Plates  with  the 


632    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Cipher  and  the  Arms  of  the  United  States^ 
329, 330;  fig.  268 

Roberts,  William,  wood  engravings:  after 
Voight,  24^7;  fig.  198;  — ,  after  Waud  (?), 
Sutphen  and  Breed's  Paper-Han^in^ 
Store^  280;  figs.  230,  231 

Robertson,  Alexander,  Seibert,  Henry,  and 
Shearman,  James  A.,  lithographed  bill- 
head, 276;  fig.  227 

Robertson,  Archibald,  189, 190-91, 199; 
Grand  Canal  Celebration  medals,  gold 
medal  and  presentation  case,  ssp'-, 
no.  283A,  b;  — ,  silver  medal  and  origi- 
nal box,  287,  358,  SSP]  no.  282A,  b; 
Grand  Canal  Celebration:  View  of  the 
Fleet  Preparing  to  Form  in  Line,  3, 189-90, 
4S0-SI;  no.  118.  See  2\so  Memoir 

Robinson,  John  D.,  277 

Rochefort  and  Skarren,  316;  oak  sideboard, 
132, 133, 136,  318;  fig.  102 

rococo,  term,  303 

Rococo  Revival  style,  293, 307, 320, 330, 
333, 363,  369,  370.  See  also  "Old  French'* 
styles;  "modem  French"  style 

Rodgers,  Charles  T.,  American  Superiority 
at  the  World's  Fair,  lithograph  from,  347, 
fig.  284 

Rodgers,  Mr.,  collection,  75 

RofF,  Almon,  house,  Brooklyn,  23s;  fig.  185 

Rogers,  Augustus,  366 

Rogers,  Isaiah,  18, 174-75, 181;  Astor  House, 
174-75;  I7S;  fig.  134;  Second  Merchants' 
Exchange,  28, 175, 17s;  fig.  135;  Tremont 
House,  Boston,  174 

Rogers,  John,  161;  plaster  after  Barbee,  TTje 
Fisher  Girl,  161;  The  Slave  Auction,  422; 
no.  67 

Rogers,  Nathaniel, /o/;w  Ludlow  Morton, 

384;  no.  16;  Mrs.  Stephen  Van  Bxnsselaer 

III,  384;  no.  14 
Rollins,  Gustavus  Adolphus,  portrait  of,  by 

Cummings,  384;  no.  17 
Roman  Campagna,  124, 126, 127-28, 128; 

figs.  96,  97 
Romanesque  style,  183, 186 
"Roman  Gallery  of  Ancient  Pictures,"  78 
Romantics,  119, 127 

Rome,  10, 123, 124-25, 126-27, 128, 148, 
224;  views  of,  55, 406;  no.  48.  See  also 
Roman  Campagna 

Romney,  George,  105 

Roosevelt,  Cornelia  Van  Ness,  photographic 
portrait  of,  by  Brady,  240, 497;  no.  196 

Roosevelt,  James  J.,  240 

Root,  Samuel,  or  Root,  Marcus  Aurelius, 
attributed  to,  P.  T.  Bamum  and  Charles 
Stratton  CTom  Thumb''),  25, 483;  no.  168 

Rose,  William,  cameo,  with  portrait  bust 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  so4y  no.  206 

Rosebrook  family,  115 

Roseland  Cottage,  Woodstock,  Connecticut, 

ftimiture  for,  299 
Rosenberg,  Charles  G.  See  Cafterty,  James 

H.,  and  Rosenberg,  Charles  G. 
Ross,  David  S.,  271 
Rossiter,  T.  P.,  Studio  House,  73,  80 
Rossiter,  Thomas  P.,  73,  74,  80, 166, 186; 

house,  186, 441;  no.  loi 
Rossiter,  Thomas  P.,  and  Mignot,  Louis 

Remy,  The  Home  ofWashington  after  the 

War,  80, 166 
Rotunda.  See  New-York  Rotunda 
Roulstone,  John,  193, 193;  fig.  151 
Rousseau,  Theodore,  105 
Roux,  Alexander,  262  and  n.8, 281-82  and 

n.89,  289-90,  303n.io9,  305-6,  308, 

3i2n.i77,  313,  316,  3i7n.203,  318  and 


nn.204,  205,  322  and  n.224,  323n.225, 

325;  etagere,  320, 532;  no.  246;  etagere- 

sideboard,  318  andn.2o8,i3o;  no.  243; 

attributed  to,  sideboard,  319, 321-22; 

fig.  262 
Row,  The,  177 
Rowand,  Carrie  A.,  212 
row  houses,  176, 179-80, 185,  261.  See  also 

Chapel  Street  houses;  La  Grange  Terrace; 

"Syllabus  Row" 
Royal  Academy  of  Arts,  London,  55,  72, 

140, 196 
Royal  Gurley,  57,  68,  70,  72,  78 
Rubens,  Peter  Paul,  86,  90,  loy,  Amazons 

on  the  Moravian  Bridge,  engraving  after, 

211;  Crucifixion,  76 
Ruisdael,  Jacob  van,  85;  A  Landscape  with 

a  Ruined  Castle  and  a  Church,  53, 4oj; 

no.  47 

Rumrill,  Alexander  Jr.,  370.  See  also 

Stebbins  and  Company 
Ruskin,  John,  107, 118, 128, 187;  Modem 

Painters,  118 
Russ  pavement,  laying  of,  on  Broadway, 

234-35, 489;  no.  180 
Rust,  Thomas,  172 
Rutgers,  Henry,  5 

Ryall,  Henry  Thomas,  engravings  after 
Dubufe,  The  Temptation  of  Adam  and 
Eve  and  The  Expulsion  from  Paradise, 
54-55, 57;  figs.  42,  43 

Sabin,  J.,  and  Company,  73 

Sabin,  Joseph,  90-91 

Sackett,  Mrs.  William  H.,  fan  carried  by, 
joj;  no.  205 

Saco  River,  115 

Sailors'  Snug  Harbor,  13 

St.  Ann  and  the  Holy  Trinity  Church, 
Brooklyn  Heights.  See  Holy  Trinity 
Church 

Saint  George's  Church,  183 

Saint  John's  Church,  5 

Saint  John's  (Hudson)  Square,  5, 6, 7 

Saint  John's  Park,  28;  fig.  23 

Saint-Memin,  Charles-Balthazar-Julien 
Fevret  de,  69,  81, 192;  ^4  View  of  the  City 
of  New  Torkfrom  Brooklyn  Heights,  189, 
190;  fig.  147 

Saint  Nicholas  Hotel,  23, 185 

Saint  Patrick's  Cathedral,  183 

Saint  Paul's  Chapel,  32, 238;  sculpture  trans- 
ferred to,  by  Frazee,/o/?»  Wells  Memorial, 
137;  vase  depicting,  328,  S37;  no.  251; 
view  from,  3,  220, 464'^  no.  135 

Saint  Peter's  Church,  Buffalo,  351 

Saint  Peter's  Church,  Chelsea,  182 

Salamander  Marble  Company,  262-63 

Salamander  Works,  334-36;  advertising 
broadside,  334, 336;  fig.  273;  "Antique" 
ale  pitcher,  336, 33s;  fig.  274;  punch  bowl, 
S4S;  no.  265;  "Spanish"  pitcher,  336,  J4<^; 
no.  266;  water  cooler,  336,  S44;  no.  264 

salts  and  saltcellars,  glass,  342,  343,  SSo; 
no.  272 

Sandby,  Paul,  193 

Sandford,  Rollin,  collection,  80 

Sanford,  George  T.  See  "Spoodlyks" 

Sanguinetti  collection,  76 

Santa  Claus,  216,  218-19;  fig.  171 

Saratoga,  112, 122 

Saratoga  Springs,  112-13, 120 

Sarony,  Major  and  Knapp,  printed  or  pub- 
lished by,  375n.96;  Architectural  Iron 
Works,  Hau£[hwout  Buildin£f,  439  \  no.  98; 
Rembrandt  Peale,  Court  of  Death,  223; 
Sarony,  The  Horse  Fair,  after . . .  Rosa 


Bonheur,  221,  222;  fig.  177;  Walker,  The 
Stormin£i  of  Chapultepec,  218, 220;  fig.  174 

Sarony,  Napoleon,  220,  224  and  n.144;  The 
Horse  Fair,  after . . .  Rosa  Bonheur,  221, 
222;  fig.  177;  Squier's  Ancient  Monuments 
the  Mississippi  Valley,  222;  published  by, 
Cxxma:,  Awful  Confla0ration  of  the  Steam- 
boat ^^Lexin^itonf  213,  214,  220;  fig.  168 

Sarony  and  Major,  220,  222;  printed  or 
published  by,  Bottischer,  Turnout  of  the 
Employees  of  the  American  Express 
Company,  219,  220;  fig.  175;  — ,  Darley, 
illustrations  of  "Rip  van  Winkle"  and 
"The  Legend  of  Sleepy  Hollow,"  4(^3'-, 
nos.  133, 134;  — ,  D'Avignon,  after 
Matteson,  Distribution  of  the  American 
Art-Union  Prizes,  207;  fig.  163 

Sartain,  John,  318, 2o6n.6o 

Sarti,  Antonio,  collection,  51, 52,  75 

Sarto,  Andrea  del,  53,  93 

Saunders,  Mr.,  collection,  76 

Saxony  and  Major,  fashions  by,  24S'y  fig.  196 

Sayre  and  Yates,  346n.i05 

scarves,  246 

Schaus,  William,  63, 74,  208;  collection, 

79;  published  by,  47/;  no.  148 
Schaus  Gallery,  73-74,  79,  80, 165 
Scheffer,  Ary,  63,  92, 105,  209;  Dante  and 

Beatrice,  79,  209;  — ,  engraving  after,  by 

Lecomte,  209, 209;  fig.  165;  The  Holy 

Women  at  the  Sepulchre,  58,  s8\  fig.  46 
Scheggia  (Giovanni  di  Ser  Giovanni  di 

Simone),  103;  The  Triumph  of  Fame  and 

Arms  of  the  Medici  and  Tomabuoni 

Families,  402;  no.  42 
Schelftiout,  Andreas,  99 
Schenck,  74,  81 
Schenck,  Edward,  74 
Schenck,  Edward  and  F.  H.,  74,  81 
Schermerhorn,  Abraham,  372 
Schermerhorn,  Caroline  Webster,  372 
Schermerhorn,  Mrs.  John  James  (Mary 

Hone),  bust  of,  by  Crawford,  152 
Schinkel,  Karl  Friedrich,  Altes  Museum, 

Berlin,  174 
Schlegel,  Fridolin,  William  Cowper  Prime, 

96;  fig.  67 
Schmidt,  Frederick,  Park  Hotel  (Later 

Called  the  Astor  House),  174, 17s;  fig.  134 
Schmidt,  L.  W.  (publisher),  469;  no.  145 
Schoff,  Alonzo,  after  Vanderlyn,  Caius 

Manus  on  the  Ruins  of  Carthage,  206 
Schrader,  Julius,  Baron  Alexander  von 

Humboldt,  130, 131;  fig.  99 
Schuyler,  Mrs.,  loo,  39s;  no.  34 
Scientific  American,  front  page,  278',  fig.  229 
Scott,  Sir  Walter,  302;  statue  of,  by  James, 

144 

Scottish  paintings,  87 

Scudder,  John,  American  Museum,  66, 140 

sculpture,  135-67;  nos.  52-69.  For  specific 
materials^  see  bronze:  sculpture;  lime- 
stone sculpture;  marble  sculpture;  plas- 
ter scviipturt;  for  specific  forms,  see  busts; 
medalUons;  monumental  sculpture 

sculpture  exhibitions:  first  one-person 
show,  154;  single-sculpture  shows, 
141-44;  venues  and  forums,  149-51 

Seagar,  D.  W.,  228  and  n.3;  "Table  of 
General  Rules  for  Exposure  of  the 
Plate,"  229-30 

Second  Congregational  (Unitarian) 
Church,  169, 170, 42s;  fig.  129,  no.  72 

Second  Empire  style,  185, 313, 323-24,  325 

Second  Merchants'  Exchange,  7, 18, 28, 153, 
160, 174, 175,  i7S;  fig.  135;  in  1855, 29, 30; 
fig.  26 


Second  Unitarian  Church.  See  Second 
Congregational  (Unitarian)  Church 

secretary,  296,  297n.68,  si9'->  no.  229 

secretary-bookcases,  293,  294-95  and  n.52, 
SUy  fig.  239,  no.  223 

Sedgwick,  Theodore,  153 

Seely,  Samuel  S.,  355n.4 

Seibert,  Henry.  See  Robertson,  Alexander, 
Seibert,  Henry,  and  Shearman,  James  A. 

Seitz,  Emil  (publisher),  4^8;  no.  144 

Seneca  Canal,  355 

Seneca  C^t^f  (canal  boat),  3, 189, 287 
Senefelder,  Aloys,  191 
Sewall,  Henry  Foster,  92-93,  201,  212 
Sewall,  Samuel,  92 

Shakespearean  subjects:  house  at  Stratford- 
on-Avon,  237;  Romeo  and  Juliet,  port- 
folio cabinet-on-stand  with  scene  from, 
302-3,  J22;  no.  233;  Son£fs  and  Ballads, 
222.  See  also  West,  Benjamin:  Kin^Lear, 
Ophelia 

Sharp,  Henry,  351,  352n.i28 

Sharp,  William,  91,  224n.i44;  after  West, 
King  Lear,  208  and  n.70, 211, 477\  no.  156 

Sharp  and  Steele,  351 

Shattuck,  Aaron,  119 

Shaw,  Henry,  Specimens  of  Andent  Furniture, 
300 

Shaw,  Joshua,  engravings  after,  by  J.  Hill, 
Picturesque  Views  of  American  Scenery,  iii 

shawls,  245, 257;  paisley,  ^oo;  no.  200 

Shearman,  James  A.  See  Robertson,  Alex- 
ander, Seibert,  Henry,  and  Shearman, 
James  A. 

sheet-music  covers,  218 

Sheffield  plated  ware,  367 

Shepard,  George  L.,  361, 374 

Shepherd,  T.      Metropolitan  Improvements, 
171 

Shepherd,  Thomas  Christy,  277 
Sheraton,  Thomas,  Cabinet  Directory,  297 
Shiff,  Hart  M.,  185,  312;  house,  185-86, 440; 

nos.  99, 100 
shipbuilding,  137 
shoes,  250.  See  also  boots;  slippers 
shopping,  23-24,  247-48,  252,  259-60, 

303 

Sibell,  John  W,  349n.ii8 

sideboards,  132, 133, 288n.2, 316, 318  and 
n.2o8,  ijp,  j-jo;  figs.  102, 262,  no.  243. 
See  also  buffets 

side  chairs,  301, 304, 306-7, 523;  fig,  247, 
no.  235 

Sigourney,  Lydia  H.,  90 

silk  and  silk  goods,  247,  250, 254,  255-56, 
257, 259,  281 

silkscreen,  225 

Silliman,  Benjamin  Jr.,  113 

Silliman,  Benjamin  Jr.,  and  Goodrich, 
Charles  Rush,  The  World  of  Science,  Art, 
and  Industry  Illustrated  from  Examples  in 
the  New-York  Exhibition,  i8s3-S4,  237, 
316  and  n.199,  318,  364;  wood  engrav- 
ings from,  3i5n.i9i,  316;  — ,  Glassware 
fivm  Joseph  Stouvenel  and  Company,  345, 
346;  fig.  283;  — ,  by  J.  W.  On,  Armchair, 
316,  318-19;  fig.  259;  — ,  Buffet,  31S,  316- 
i7n.20i,  318;  fig.  258;  — ,  Oak  Sideboard 
by  RjDchefbrt  and  Skarren,  132, 133,  316, 
318;  fig.  102;  — ,  by  N.  Orr,  Service  of 
Plate  Presented  by  the  Citizens  of  New 
Tork  to  Edward  K.  Collins,  370,  372, 372; 
fig.  307;  — ,  by  R.  Roberts,  Four  Elements 
Centerpiece  by  Tiffany,  Toun£f  and  Ellis, 
364,5*54, 373;  fig.  298;  —,  Two  Plates 
with  the  Cipher  and  the  Arms  of  the 
United  States,  329, 330;  fig.  268 


INDEX  633 


silver,  355-75;  basket,  5*^2;  no.  288;  center- 
pieces, 364,       373;  fig.  298;  coffee  urn, 
S6o;  no.  285;  communion  set,  370,  jf/J'; 
no.  304;  covered  ewer,  357;  fig.  291; 
footed  cup,  370;  fig.  304;  hot-water  urn, 
361,5(54;  no.  290;  m2LCC,366,  367,  368; 
fig.  301;  medals,  j-j-p,     ;  nos.  282A,  b, 
291;  pitcher,  trophy,  jrfz;  no.  297;  pitchers, 
3S8,3S9,S73\  figs.  293,  295,  no.  310;  pitch- 
ers with  goblets,  s<^7,  S7i^  S72;  nos.  298, 
305,  306;  plateau,  355,357;  fig.  292;  rim- 
monim  (Torah  finials),  369,  37on.78,57J; 
fig.  305;  table  service,  57^;  fig.  309;  tea 
and  coffee  service  with  tray,  j-(J^>;  no.  301; 
tea  services,  349^  37i,  SS9\  figs.  286,  306, 
no.  284;  tray,  3s8\  fig.  294;  tureens,  361, 
S6i;  fig.  297,  no.  286;  urn,  36p;  fig.  302; 
vases,  3S6, 360,  s66\  figs.  290,  296,  no.  296 

silver  flatware,  366-67,  370;  Gothic-pattern, 
crumber,5d5;  no.  299;  — ,  dessert  knife, 
sugar  sifter,  fork,  and  spoon,  367,  s68\ 
no.  300 

silver-plate  wares,  368 

Sketch  Club,  no  and  n.8 

Skidmore,  Samuel  Tredwell,  268,  269,  271; 
house,  177-79,  i7S^  180, 269;  figs.  138, 139 

slaver)^:  debate  over,  158;  manumission 
act,  13 

slippers,  pair  of,  50/;  no.  203 

Sloane,  John  (William's  brother),  271,  272 

Sloane,  John  (William's  son),  272 

Sloane,  W.  and  J.,  268,  271-72;  Carpet 
Warehouse,  271,  27/;  fig.  223 

Sloane,  William,  271-72 

Smillie,  James,  200;  after  Cole,  The  Dream 
of  Arcadia,  20;  —,  The  Voyage  of  Life 
series,  79;  — ,  Youth,  207,4^2;  no.  130; 
after  Durand,  Dover  Plains,  207;  after 
Kensett,  Mount  Washin^onfrom  the 
Valley  of  Conway,  118, 119;  fig.  85 

Smirke,  Robert,  176;  Saint  Mary's,  Wynd- 
ham  Place,  171 

Smith,  Alexander,  carpet  factories,  267,  268 

Smith,  Alexander,  and  Sons  Carpet 
Company,  Yonkers,  272 

Smith,  Alfred,  120 

Smith,  Benjamin  F.  Jr.,  New  York,  1855,  from 
the  Lattin^  Obserpatory,  engraving  after, 
by  Wellstood,  42,  221, 468;  no.  143 

Smith,  B.  J.,  Drawing  Room  of  Grace  Hill, 

307,  307-8;  fig-  250 

Smith,  C.  S.,  74,  77 

Smith,  Fern  and  Company  (publisher), 
468\  no.  143 

Smith,  George,^  Collection  of  Designs  for 
Household  Furniture  and  Interior  Deco- 
ration, 293-94,  296n.54;  — ,  plate  from, 
Drawin£f-Room  Chair,  292,  294;  fig.  237; 
Cabinet-Maker  and  Upholsterer's  Guide, 
292,  293n.42,  296 

Smith,  George  C.  [O.],  370 

Smith,  H.,  212 

Smith,  James,  304n.i22 

Smith,  John  Rowson,  Panorama  of  the  Tour 
of  Europe,  79 

Smith,  John  Rubens,  iii,  194;  Portrait  of  a 
Lady  [Mrs.  John  Rubens  Smith?],  191,191; 
fig.  148 

Smith,  Thomas  C,  339 

Smith,  William  D.,  wood  engraving  after 
Davis,  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  of 
New-York,  170;  fig.  129 

Snedecor,  John,  74 

Snedecor's,  74,  80,  81 

Snook,  John  Butler,  184.  See  also  Trench, 
Joseph,  and  Snook,  John  Butler 

Snooks,  Mr.,  283 


Soane,  John,  176;  Holy  Trinity,  Maryle- 
bonc,  171 

Society  of  Iconophiles,  224,  225 

sofas,  295  and  n.54,  299n.74, 308, 308,  318-19, 
^20,  si6,S24yS26,S3i'->  fig-  251,  nos.  224, 
236A,  240A,  245;  in  Greek  Revival  par- 
lor, 291, 447;  no.  112;  in  Ixjuis  XV  floor 
plan,  306, 307;  fig.  249;  in  Morse  paint- 
ing, 2pi,  292;  fig.  236 

Solomon,  B.  L.,  and  Sons,  285 

Solomon,  Barnett  L.,  273,  285  and  n.107 

Solomon,  Isaac  S.,  285 

Solomon,  Solomon  B.,  285 

Solomon  and  Hart,  281,  283,  284-85; 
Upholstery  Warehouse,  271;  fig.  223 

Sonntag,  Louis,  Dream  of  Italy,  80 

Sonntag,  William  L.,  166 

Southack,  J.  and  W.  C,  282 

South  Street,  19;  view  of,  45/;  no.  119 

Southworth,  Albert  Sands,  23on.i8 

"sovereigns,"  36,  42,  43 

Spafford,  Horatio,  Gazetteer  of  the  State  of 
New-York,  in,  112 

spandrel  panel,  cast-iron,  438;  no.  97 

Spanish  paintings,  86 

"Spanish"  pitcher,  stoneware,  336,  S4<^y 
no.  266 

Sparrow,  John,  163 

Spaulding,  John  H.,  117 

Spencer,  Asa,  201 

Spencer,  Frederick  R.,  105;  Family  Group, 
297, 320, 383;  no.  13 

Spencer,  Lilly  Martin,  79;  Kiss  Me  and 
YouHlKiss  the  ^Lasses,  394;  no.  33 

Spingler  Institute,  79 

spinning,  from  sheet  metal,  368, 369;  fig.  303 

"Spoodlyks"  (possibly  George  T.  Sanford), 
lithograph  after,  by  G.  and  W.  Endicott, 
Santa  Clauses  Quadrille,  216,  218-19  and 
n.114;  fig.  171 

spoon,  silver,  jM;  no.  300 

Spooncr,  Shearjashub,  80,  207,  208,  209, 
210,  211;  American  edition  of  J.  and  J. 
Boydell,  Shakespeare  Gallery,  208  and 
n.70,  zion.yr.  Appeal  to  the  People  of  the 
United  States,  210;  A  Biographical  and 
Critical  Dictionary  of  Painters,  Engravers, 
Sculptors,  and  Architects,  210 

Squier^s  Ancient  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  222 

Staffordshire,  England,  pottery,  330,  333, 

334,  336, 55^;  nos.  253,  254 
stained  glass,  350-53, 3S0, 352,  SS7\  figs.  287-89, 

no.  280 
Stanfield,  Clarkson,  99 
Stanfield's  Great  Moving  Panorama,  76 
Stanley,  Joseph,  and  Company  (publisher), 

4SS'-,  no.  123 
Stanton,  Daniel,  collection,  78 
Starr,  Fellows  and  Company  or  Fellows, 

Hoffman  and  Company,  gasolier,^/^; 

no.  302 
State  Street,  177 

steam  power:  elevators,  22  and  n.96;  glass- 
cutting  lathe,  340;  ocean  vessels,  123; 
presses,  224;  tools,  262 

Stebbins,  E[dwin],  and  Company,  370; 
octagonal  teapot,  368-69n.75 

Stebbins,  William,  370 

Stebbins  and  Company,  retailed  by,  tea 
service  in  Gothic  Revival  style,  370, 37i\ 
fig-  306 

Stebbins  and  Howe,  363 

Steele,  William,  351,  352n.n8.  See  also  Sharp 
and  Steele 

steel-plate  engraving,  20m. 44,  202,  205n.5i 
Stephens,  Ann  S.,  Fashion  and  Famine,  260 


Stephenson,  Peter,  The  Wounded  Indian, 
78, 162, 163;  fig.  124 

stereoscopic  images,  234-35, 489',  nos.  180,  i8i 

Sterne,  Laurence,  Tristram  Shandy,  sculpture 
drawn  from,  by  Hughes,  Uncle  Toby  and 
Widow  Wadman,  55,  76, 144  and  n.37 

Stevens,  Colonel,  74 

Stevens,  Henry,  97 

Stevens,  John  Cox,  house,  180 

Stevenson,  Abner,  stained  glass  for  Trinity 
Church,  352;  Saint  Mark,  Christ,  and 
Saint  Luke,  3S2;  fig.  289 

Stewart,  A.  T,  store  (Marble  Palace),  7, 
23-24, 32,  42, 183-85,  244,  245-46  and 
n.io,  246,  247,  248,  249n.23,  257,  259,  265, 
438;  fig.  197,  no.  96;  ball  gowns  from, 
2S0, 2si;  figs.  202, 203;  wedding  veil 
from,  24,  245  and  n.io,  soi;  no.  201 

Stewart,  Alexander  T,  23,  70, 160, 183, 184, 
245 

Stiles,  S.,  and  Company  (printer),  4S6-S7'-, 
no.  124 

Stirewalt,  John,  Colonnade  Row,  16, 175, 

179, 180, 431;  no.  86 
Stirling,  Lewis,  suite  commisioned  from 

Phyfe,  297,  298n.70 
stock,  498;  no.  197 

Stokes,  Isaac  Newton  Phelps,  225;  The 
Icono£iraphy  of  Manhattan  Island,  189; 
— ,  plates  from,  166, 17s;  figs.  128, 134, 135 

Stollenwerck,  Mechanical  Panorama,  74 

Stollenwerck  and  Brothers  (Washington 
Divan),  74,  76 

stonecutters,  137 

stoneware,  332-33,  33^;  pitchers,  333, 335,540, 

54i,S42,546;  figs.  272,  274,  nos.  256-259, 

266;  punch  bowl,  545;  no.  265;  water 

cooler,  336,544;  no.  264 
Stoppani's  Building,  78 
storefronts,  20-21, 183-84 
Storr,  Paul,  367n.6i;  plateau,  355 
Storr  and  Mortimer,  367  and  n.6i 
Stout,  James  D.,  359n.i3;  tray  presented  to 

Charles  Rhind,  3S8, 358-59  and  n.12; 

fig-  294 
Stouvenel,  Joseph,  346n.i02 
Stouvenel,  Joseph,  and  Brother,  339,  345 
Stouvenel,  J[oseph],  and  Company,  345, 

346  and  n.103;  glassware  exhibited  at 

New  York  Crystal  Palace  Exhibition, 

345-46, 346;  fig.  283 
Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher,  Uncle  Tom^s  Cabin, 

260;  vases  with  scenes  from,  330, 537; 

no.  252 
Strange,  Robert,  91 
Stratton,  Charles  ("Tom  Thumb"),  25; 

daguerreotype  of,  attributed  to  S.  or 

M.  A.  Root,  483;  no,  168 
straw  matting,  265-67 
Strickland,  William,  181 
Stringer  and  Townsend  (publisher),  466; 

no.  138 
Strong,  Ellen,  313 

Strong,  George  Templeton,  18,  29,  31,  32, 

33,  4on.233,  42,  43,  92, 152,  313,  372 
Stuart,  Gilbert,  American  Art-Union  medal, 

565;  no.  293;  George  Washington,  105 
Stuart,  James,  and  Revett,  Nicholas, 

Antiquities  of  Athens,  171, 173, 176,  293 

and  n.45 

Stuart,  Robert  L.,  collection,  100, 101-2 
Stuart- Wortley,  Lady  Emmeline,  244 
Stubbs,  Joseph,  pitcher  depicting  City 

Hall,  8, 330,55^;  no.  254 
Sturges,  Jonathan,  72,  73,  87-88,  89,  93,  98, 

ICQ,  122,  151,  154,  155 

Sturges,  Mrs.  Jonathan,  86-87 


Stuyvesant,  Peter,  56,  no;  in  print  by  Lumley, 
474,  no.  152;  in  scene  by  Durand,  388; 
no.  25 

Stuyvesant  Institute,  55, 56,  74,  76,  77,  78, 

79,  94, 161, 162,  228n.3 
Stuyvesant  Square,  7, 183 
sugar  bowl  with  cover,  silver,  569;  no.  301 
sugar  sifter,  silver,  568;  no.  300 
Sully,  Thomzs,  Queen  Victoria,  76,  77; 

Thomas  Jefferson  Bryan,  103, 103,  212; 

fig-  75 
Sumner,  Charles,  152 
Sutphen,  Teneyck,  279,  280 
Sutphen  and  Breed  (later  Sutphen  and 

Weeks),  279-80,2^0;  figs.  230,  231 
Suydam,  James  A.,  92;  Paradise  Rocks,  91, 

92;  fig.  62 

Swepstone,  W.  H.  (author),  and  Ashley, 
Alfred  (artist),  Christmas  Shadows,  a  Tale 
of  the  Poor  Needle  Woman,  22^,466;  no.  138 

Swift,  Abel,  3i2n.i77 

Swinbourne,  J.,  collection,  80 

"Syllabus  Row,"  16, 179,450;  no.  84 

Sypher  and  Company,  305n.i25 

Taber,  Augustus,  264,  265 

tableaux  vivants,  40 

table  dc  canape  (sofa  table),  307 

tables,  291,574;  no.  222;  console,  307;  nested, 

297, 30on.76,  S2o;  no.  230.  See  also  center 

tables;  pier  tables;  worktable 
table  supports,  cast-iron,  300, 301;  fig.  245 
table-top  bookcase,  3i4n.i88, 315-16,  525; 

no.  238 
tailcoat,  498;  no.  197 
Tait,  Arthur  Fitzwilliam,  101 
Talbot,  William  Henry  Fox,  237 
Tallis,  J.  and  F.  (publisher),  City  Hall, 

New  York,  342-44n.83;  goblet  with, 

343,344;  fig.  281 
Tammany  Museum,  66 
Tappan,  Arthur,  store,  2m. 93, 184, 183; 

fig.  144 

tariffs,  308,  331, 339;  of  1842, 364, 367-68 
Tatler,  Elijah,  scene  of  New  York  Harbor 

on  doorplatc,  337,357;  fig-  275 
Taylor,  Alexander  H.,  74 
Taylor,  Bayard,  Views  A-Foot,  123, 127 
Taylor,  Zachary,  22on.ii7 
tea  and  coffee  service  with  tray,  569',  no.  301 
Tea  Island,  Lake  George,  113 
tea  services:  porcelain,  552, 55^?;  figs.  270, 

271,  no.  255;  silver,  54f,  57/,  55i>;  figs.  286, 

306,  no.  284 
telegraph,  227,  228,  236.  See  also  transadantic 

telegraph  cable 
Templeton,  James,  and  Company, 

Glasgow,  carpet,  286 
tenements,  17;  Grove  Court,  16, 17;  fig.  10 
Teniers,  David  the  Younger,  ]udith  with  the 

Head  ofHolofemes,  403\  no.  43 
"Ten  Thousand  Things  on  China"  exhibi- 
tion, 78 

Tenth  Street  Studio  Building,  61,  74,  79,  80 
"Terrace  Houses,"  16, 173, 179, 430',  no.  85 
textiles,  23-24n.io8,  257,  284;  brocatelle, 
512;  no.  219.  See  also  carpets;  curtains 
and  draperies;  lace;  muslin;  quilts;  silk; 
upholstery 
Thaw,  Robert,  engraving  by,  161;  fig.  121 
Thistle  pitcher,  stoneware,  333,542;  no.  259 
Thorn,  James,  55, 144  and  nn.34, 35, 161; 
Old  Mortality  and  His  Pony,  Willie  and 
Allan,  144;  Robert  Bums,  144;  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  144;  Tarn  O'Shanter,  Souter  Johnny, 
the  Landlord  and  Landlady,  55,  76, 144 
and  n.35,  147 


634   ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Thomas,  Griffith,  i8i 

Thomas,  GrtfFith,  and  Washburn,  William, 

Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  185 
Thomas,  Thomas  (architea),  181 
Thomas,  Thomas  (glass  stainer),  351  and 

n.127 

Thomas,  Thomas,  and  Son  (architects), 
177-79;  Samuel  T.  Skidmcre  House ^ 
177-79, 178, 180;  figs.  138, 139 

Thompson,  Martin  Euclid,  169-70, 171, 
172-73, 176;  Branch  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  170, 170, 173, 424'.y  fig.  129,  no.  71; 
Phenix  Bank,  171-72, 176;  attributed  to, 
plot  plan  and  drawings  for  Columbia 
College  Chapel  Street  houses,  16, 177, 
177, 179, 290,452;  fig.  137,  nos.  87,  88 

Thompson,  Martin  Euclid,  and  Brady, 
Josiah  R.,  First  Merchants*  Exchange, 
18-19,  28, 170-71, 170, 17/,  172, 173, 175, 
181, 426^  537\  figs.  129, 130,  nos.  74,  75,  251 

Thompson,  Martin  Euclid,  and  Town, 
Ithiel,  Church  of  the  Ascension  (Canal 
Street),  172, 172, 176, 181;  fig.  132 

Thompson,  Thomas,  192;  New  Tork  Harbor 
from  the  Battery^  9, 192  and  n.12, 197, 
4S2-S3't  no.  121 

Thompson  and  Company,  271  and  n.46, 
272 

Thomson,  James,  collection,  78 
Thomson,  James,  The  Seasons^  scene  from, 

by  Dur^d,  Musidora,  90,  pi;  fig.  61 
Thomson,  James  (silver  manufacturer),  363 
Thomson,  William,  359  and  n.15,  363,  369 
Thome,  Col.  Herman,  house,  185 
Thorvaldsen,  Bertcl,  105, 137, 141,  i47, 148, 
160;  Christ  and  the  Apostles,  160;  Gany- 
mede and  the  Ef^le^  160, 411;  no.  54; 
l<li0ht  and  Day^  161 
Thumb,  Tom.  See  Stratton,  Charles 
Tiebout,  Comehus  H.,  349 
Tiepolo,  Giovarmi  Battista,  53 
Tiffany,  Charles  L.,  364 
Tiffany,  W.L.,  36 

Tiffany,  Young  and  Ellis,  314, 316, 364  and 
n,44,  370,  372,  373-74n.87;  Four  Ele- 
ments centerpiece,  364  and  n.44, 364^ 
373;  fig.  298;  worktable,  3/2, 3i3n.iS3, 
314;  fig.  256 

Tiffany  and  Company,  255,  289, 370, 
372-73,573,  374-75  and  n.88;  fig.  308; 
Astor  service,  372;  fan,  soi;  no.  202;  five- 
piece  parure  in  fitted  box,  255,  $04;  no. 
208;  hair  bracelet,  sos\  no.  209;  medal 
and  presentation  box  (transadantic  cable 
commemorative),  9,  375  and  n.96, 572; 
nos.  307, 308;  mounted  section  of 
transadantic  telegraph  cable,  9, 375,  XTz; 
no.  309;  seed-pearl  necklace  and  pair  of 
bracelets  for  Mrs.  Lincoln,  257^  S0$\ 
fig.  209,  no.  211;  service  presented  to 
Samuel  Francis  Du  Pont,  373,  i74; 
fig.  309;  service  presented  to  Col.  Abram 
Duryee,  ^7S^375,S73\  fig-  310,  no.  310 

Tiffany  and  Young,  364 

Tillman,  Madame,  247 

Tilton,  John  RoUin,  105 

Tingle,  George,  334n.38,  345 

Tingle  and  Marsh,  327,  334n.38 

Tintoretto  (Jacopo  Robusti),  86 

Titian  (Tiziano  Vecelli),  86, 105;  Bacchus  and 
Ariadne^  engraving  after,  by  Lossi,  211, 
476\  no.  155;  Magdalen  in  the  Wilderness^ 
53;  Venus,  77 

Tombs.  See  New  York  Halls  of  Justice  and 
House  of  Detention 

Tompkins,  Erastus  O.,  365.  See  also  Ball, 
Tompkins  and  Black 


Tompkins  Square,  7 
Tom  Thumb.  See  Stratton,  Charles 
Tontine  Coffee  House,  i7in.8 
Tornabuoni  family,  arms  of,  402;  no.  42 
tourism,  and  landscape  painting,  111-33.  See 

also  Grand  Tour 
Town,  Ithiel,  89-90, 171, 172-74,  i75, 176, 
177, 180, 181, 299;  Arthur  Tappan  Store, 
2m.93, 183, 183;  fig.  144;  New  York 
Theatre  (Bowery  Theatre),  171-72  and 
nn.14, 15, 172;  fig.  131;  Outline  of  a  Plan 
fir  Establishing  in  New-Tork  an  Academy 
and  Institution  ofthe  Fine  Arts,  89-90; 
projea  for  Henry  Byard,  179.  See  also 
Thompson,  Martin  Euclid,  and  Town, 
Idiiel 

Town,  Ithiel,  and  Davis,  Alexander  Jackson, 
89, 173-74  and  n.23,  175,  179, 180; 
designs  for  Park  Hotel  (Astor  House), 
173, 174, 174, 175,427;  fig.  133,  nos.  77,  78; 
Indiana  State  Capitol,  Indianapolis,  173; 
Lyceum  of  Natural  History,  i73n.23; 
North  Carolina  State  Capitol,  Raleigh, 
173-74;  United  States  Custom  House, 
28, 173, 175, 181,428,429;  nos.  79-81 

Town,  Ithiel,  Davis,  Alexander  Jackson,  and 
Dakin,  James  H.:  University  of  the  City 
of  New  York  (New  York  University), 
Washington  Square,  I73n.23, 175, 176, 180; 
fig.  136;  Washington  Street  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church,  Brooklyn,  175 

Townsend,  W  A.,  and  Company,  223 

trade  cards,  58, 343;  figs.  44, 279 

Trainque,  Peter,  300 

transatlantic  telegraph  cable,  9,  374-75; 
commemorative  medals  and  presenta- 
tion boxes,  374-75,-^72;  nos.  307, 308; 
mounted  section,  9, 375, 572;  no.  309 

Travellers'  Club,  London,  184-85 

trays:  painted,  birth  tray  of  Lorenzo 
de' Medici,  402;  no.  42;  silver,  3j5,  jtf^, 
S7i;  fig.  294,  nos.  301, 305 

Tredwell,  Seabury,  house,  177 

Tremont  House,  Boston,  174 

Trench,  Joseph,  23, 184 

Trench,  Joseph,  and  Snook,  John  Butler, 
A.  T.  Stewart  Store,  23, 184,  245, 438; 
no.  96;  Metropolitan  Hotel,  185;  Saint 
Nicholas  Hotel,  185;  Thome,  Col. 
Herman,  house,  185 

Trentanove,  Raimondo,  137 

Trenton  Falls,  Catskills,  112 

Trested,  Richard,  lettering  upon  die  for 
Grand  Canal  Celebration  medal,  358, 
SS9;  no.  282A 

Trinity  Building,  186 

Trinity  Chapel,  447;  no.  113;  communion 
service  for,  370  and  n.8o,  S7i;  no.  304 

Trinity  Church,  New  Orleans,  351 

Trinity  Church,  New  York,  5, 28;  sculpture 
for,  by  Hughes,  Bishop  John  Henry 
Hobart  Memorial,  140;  second  building 
(1790),  182,  351;  — ,  viewed  from  Liberty 
Street,  44S;  no.  109;  third  building 
(1846),  7, 144n.34, 182, 182, 183,  238,  351, 
352-53  mdn.116,436;  fig.  142,  no.  93;  — , 
chancel  window  with  Saint  Marky  Christy 
and  Saint  Luke,  351,  JJ2, 352-53;  fig.  289; 
— ,  depiaed  on  wallpaper,  sio;  no.  216 

Trollope,  Frances,  199, 255,  290, 291 

trophy  pitcher,  silver,  368,  s^7;  no.  297 

trousers,  4p8;  no.  197 

trousseau,  245-46n.io 

Troye,  Edward,  80 

Troyon,  Constant,  64, 105 

Trumbull,  John,  48,  49, 50-55,  69,  75,  76, 
83,  84,  90, 109, 136, 137  and  n.9, 138, 


140-41  and  n.23, 144,  200;  Alexander 
Hamilton,  34, 378;  no.  i;  American  Art- 
Union  medal  depicting,  s6s;  no.  295; 
bust  of,  by  Hughes,  141, 414;  no.  57; 
Declaration  (^Independence,  engraving 
after,  by  Durand,  200, 200;  fig.  157; 
Sortie  Made  by  the  Garrison  at  Gibraltar, 
46,  SI,  51-52;  fig.  38 

Trumbull,  Mary,  95 

Tucker,  Gideon,  177 

Tucker,  Thomas,  332 

Tucker  and  Morss,  Columbia  College 
houses,  177 

Tuckerman,  Henry  T,  68, 87-88,  loi,  103, 
163, 166;  Book  of  the  Artists,  American 
Artist  Life,  106;  Italian  Sketchbook,  127, 
128;  "Newport  Beach,"  120 

Tuileries,  Paris,  312;  dress  worn  to  ball  at, 
256,  257  and  n.43 

turbans,  254 

tureens,  silver,  361,  s6i;  fig.  297,  no.  286 
Turkish  trousers,  253 
Turner,  Harriet  Corning,  347n.io6 
Turner,  J.  M.  W,  85,  88,  91,  92,  97,  99,  ii9, 

196;  Crossing  the  Brook,  print  after,  88; 

Slave  Ship,  England,  94, 94;  fig.  65; 

Staffa,  Fin^ah  Cave,  97, 407;  no.  49 
Turtie  Grove,  201, 201;  fig.  158 
Tuscan-pattern  flatware,  366 
Tuttie  and  Ducluzeau,  74, 77 
Twelftii  Night  Festival,  67 
Tyler,  John,  248, 249n.23 
Tyler,  Julia  Gardiner,  248, 24^,  249n.23, 

256;  fig.  199 
Tyndale,  Richard,  345 
typing,  of  New  Yorkers'  characters,  28 

Uhlfelder,  E.,  257n.46 

Underhill,  Edmund,  264 

Underbill  and  Ferris,  264-65;  mantels  for 

Knoll  (later  Lyndhurst),  after  designs 

by  Davis,  264, 264;  fig.  216 
Union  Army,  325 
Union  Club,  186 

Union  Glass  Works,  Philadelphia,  345 
Union  Magazine,  158 
Union  Porcelain  Works,  Brooklyn,  339 
Union  Square,  7, 11, 16, 183;  Washington 

Monument,  166, 167, 239, 493;  fig- 128, 

no.  188 

Unitarian  Church,  early  photograph  of,  228 

United  States,  great  seal  of:  on  plates  and 
matching  pitcher,  329, 330;  figs.  268, 
269;  on  pitcher  made  for  Harrison  cam- 
paign, 1^4,  S43;  no.  263;  on  pottery 
mark,  331,  ii2;  fig.  271 

United  States  Bank  Branch  (Wall  Street),  6, 
7, 18, 169, 170, 170, 173,424;  fig.  129,  no,  71 

United  States  Capitol,  34, 174,  322;  com- 
missions to  Crawford,  153, 154;  sculp- 
ture for  rotunda,  by  Greenough,  Geoi^e 
Washin^on,  144,  i45n.39 

United  States  Congress,  34,  i47, 200, 227, 367 

United  States  Custom  House  (now 
Federal  Hall),  7, 18,  28, 147  and  n.49, 
148, 173, 175, 181, 428, 429;  nos.  79-81 

United  States  House  of  Representatives; 
armchairs  for,  322;  mace  of,  366,  367  and 
n,56,  368;  fig.  301 

United  States  Magazine,  36 

United  States  Magazine  and  Democratic 
Review,  149 

United  States  Pottery  Company,  Bennington, 
Vermont,  display  at  the  New-York 
Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations, 
338, 339;  fig.  276;  central  monument 
from,  119,  S49;  no.  270 


United  States  Senate,  chairs  for,  282 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  sculpture 
for,  by  ¥T2iZte,John  Jay,  34, 146, 147; 

fig.  HI 

University  Building,  74 

University  of  the  City  of  New  York  (now 
New  York  University),  7,  74,  153n.23, 
175, 176, 180, 205, 227, 228, 270;  fig.  136; 
Gothic  Chapel,  187 

upholsterers,  280-85;  cabinetmakers  as, 
281-82;  female,  281;  as  interior  decora- 
tors, 282,  284;  as  wallpaper  retailers, 
272,  273,  282 

upholstery,  259,  280-85, 289;  chairs  attrib- 
utable to  upholstery  shops,  283, 28s; 
figs.  232, 233.  For  other  upholstered  pieces, 
see  chairs;  couches;  sofas;  window  bench 

Upjohn,  Richard,  38n.229, 181-82, 186, 187, 
351;  Bowdoin  College  chapel,  Maine, 
351;  Church  of  the  Ascension  (Fifth 
Avenue  and  Tenth  Street),  181;  Church 
of  the  Pilgrims,  Brooklyn,  183;  Henry 
Evelyn  Pierrepont  House,  Brooklyn,  186, 
322,442;  no.  103;  Saint  Paul's  Church, 
Buffalo,  351;  Trinity  Building,  186;  Trinity 
Church,  182,  351,  352-53, 436;  no.  93;  — , 
detail  of  chancel  window  designed  for. 
Saint  Mark,  Christ,  and  Saint  Luke,  352; 
fig.  289 

Upjohn,  Richard  Michell,  186 
Upper  East  Side,  43 

urns:  glass,  341;  silver,  ^61,369,560,564; 

fig.  302,  nos.  285, 290 
Utica,  288 

Valentine,  Elizabeth  Ann,  trousseau, 
245-46n.io 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  240-41,  275;  photo- 
graphic portrait  of,  by  Brady,  240-41, 
497;  no.  195 

Vance,  Robert  H.,  views  of  California,  237 

Vanderlyn,  John,  38, 56, 72,  83,  8$;  Ariadne 
Asleep  on  the  Island  ofNaxos,  engraving 
after,  by  Durand,  199,  201, 205, 212, 458; 
no.  125;  CaiusMarius  on  the  Ruins  of 
Carthage,  engraving  after,  by  Schoff, 
206;  Landing  of  Columbus,  78;  The  Palace 
and  Gardens  of  Versailles,  38, 39, 72;  figs.  33, 
34;  attributed  to,  architectural  design 
for  the  New-York  Rotunda,  38, 55, 169, 
424;  no.  70 

Vanderpoel,  Julie  A.,  pair  of  pitchers  pre- 
sented to,  359;  fig.  295 

Vandewater,  John  L.,  and  Company,  74 

Van  Gorder,  Mr.,  275  and  n.6i 

Van  Nest,  Abraham,  368-69n.75 

Van  Rensselaer,  Mrs.  Stephen  III,  portrait 
of,  by  N.  Rogers,  384;  no.  14 

vases:  glass,  14%,5SS;  no.  278;  porcelain, 
195,  327-28,  j2*,  330,536,537;  fig.  266, 
nos.  250-252;  silver,  356, 360, 555, 558, 566; 
figs.  290, 296,  nos.  278,  281A,  B,  296 

Vassar  College,  99 

Vatican  galleries,  125, 148 

Vattemare,  Alexander,  collection,  77 

Vaux,  Calvert,  43, 45, 181;  ''Greensward^ 
Plan  for  Central  Park,  43, 241, 495;  nos. 
192, 193.  See  also  Olmsted,  Frederick 
Law,  and  Vaux,  Calvert 

Vauxhall  Gardens,  6, 16 

Vedder,  Elihu,  10 1 

vegetable  dish,  earthenware,  542; 
no.  260 

Velazquez,  Diego,  53;  Charles  I,  78 
Venetian  (striped)  carpets,  267  and  n.26, 

267, 268;  fig.  218 
Venice,  123;  Doge's  Palace,  187 


INDEX  635 


venues,  for  art  exhibitions,  47-65,  66-^4 

Verboeckhoven,  Eugene,  102 

Vernet,  Horace,  63,  64>  105;  Joseph  and  His 

Brothers^  79;  Joseph  Sold  by  His  Brothers^ 

print  after,  209 
Vernets,  the,  209 
Veronese,  86 

Verplanck,  Guliaii  Crommelin,  83,  84, 137; 

portrait  of,  by  Ingham,  381  \  no.  7 
vest,       no.  197 

Vibert,  69.  See  also  Goupil,  Vibert  and 
Company 

Victoria,  queen  of  England,  240,  248  and 
n.2i;  portraits  of,  31,  215,  247n.i5;  — ,  by 
Sully,  76,  77 
Viaoria  and  Albert  Museum,  London,  90 
Victoria  Mansion,  Maine.  See  Morse-Libby 
House 

Viele,  Egbert  L.,  Sanitary  and  Topographical 
Map  of  the  City  and  Island  of  New  York, 
line  drawings  after,    6, 7;  figs.  2-4 

Views  in  New  York  and  Its  Environs^  33on.6 

Views  of  the  Public  Buildings  in  the  City  of 
New-York^  illustrations  by  Davis,  litho- 
graphed by  Imbert,  169, 180, 192, 197, 
212, 424, 42j;  nos.  70-72;  Branch  Bank 
of  the  United  States^  18, 170, 173,424; 
no.  71;  The  Rotunda^  38, 55,424;  no.  70; 
Second  Congregational  (Unitarian) 
Churchy  169, 42j;  no.  72 

Virginia,  balls  in  honor  of  Lafayette, 
gowns  worn  to,  254n.38 

Virginia  State  House,  Richmond,  Washing- 
ton monument,  by  Crawford,  153 

Visconti,  Louis,  324 

Voight,  Lewis  Towson,  wood  engraving 
after,  by  W.  Roberts,  247;  fig.  198 

Volk,  Leonard,  statuette  of  Senator 
Douglas,  80 

Volney,  Comte  de,  127 

Waddell,  William  C.  H.,  house,  /4, 16, 180; 
fig-  7 

Wadleigh,  J.  C,  collection,  77 
Wadsworth,  Daniel,  48,  50, 114, 116, 117; 

Avalanches  in  the  White  Mountains^  115^ 

116;  fig.  82 
Wadsworth  Atheneum,  Hartford,  66 
Wainwright,  Dr.  Jonathan  Mayhew,  181-82 
Waites,  Edward,  wood  engraving  after,  2so\ 

fig.  202 

Wakefield  Plantation,  near  Saint  Francisville, 
Louisiana,  ftimishings  ordered  for,  297 

Walcker,  E.  R,  and  Company,  Germany, 
organ  for  Boston  Music  Hall,  325,  325; 
fig.  265 

Walcott  (of  Christy,  Shepherd  and  Walcott), 
277 

Waldmiiller,  Ferdinand  Georg,  99;  Letting 
Out  of  School^  58,  j^;  fig.  47 

Waldo,  Samuel  Lovett,  attributed  to, 
Portrait  of  a  Girl,  38s;  no.  21 

Wales,  Albert  Edward,  Prince  of,  255;  ball 
for,  see  Prince  of  Wales  Ball;  Broadway 
parade  for,  2ss\  fig.  207;  painting  pre- 
sented to,  see  Brown,  George  Loring, 
Bay  and  City  of  New  York 

Walker,  Edward,  and  Sons,  The  Odd-Fellows 
Offering,  466\  no.  139 

Walker,  James  A.,  The  Storming  ofChapul- 
tepec^  218,  220;  fig.  174 

Wall,  William  Guy,  85,  no-ii,  194;  City 
Hall,  aquatint  after,  by  J.  Hill,  136, 755; 
fig.  103;  New  York  from  the  Heights  near 
Brooklyn,  3,3, 197-99;  fig-  ^  Tork 
from  Weehawk,  i27n.io8, 199.  See  also 
Hudson  River  Portfolio 


WaUhalla,  40 

wallpaper  (paper  hangings),  259,  260, 
272-80, 273,  281,  282,  284^85,  289,  Sio, 
Sii;  figs.  224,  225,  nos.  216,  217 

Wall  Street,  6, 7, 18, 19,  28-30, 32, 171, 187, 
398;  no.  38;  depicted  on  wallpaper,  j-jo; 
no.  216 

Walter,  Thomas  Ustick,  170.73,  i74, 181, 

187, 322 
Ward,  James,  75 

Ward,  John  Quincy  Adams,  167;  The  Indian 

Hunter,  422;  no.  68 
Ward,  Samuel  (banker),  13,  89, 147, 152; 

house,  16,  i7n.73 
Ward,  Samuel  (silversmith).  See  Rich, 

Obadiah,  and  Ward,  Samuel 
Ward,  Samuel  Jr.,  89 
Ward,  Thomas  Wren,  147 
Ward  family,  149 

Warner,  Cyrus  L.,  Second  Merchants^ 
Exchange,  175,  i75\  fig.  135 

War  of  1812,  3,  259,  268,  330,  331,  367n.56 

Warwick  Vase,  355, 361, 373 

Washburn,  William.  See  Thomas,  Griftith, 
and  Washburn,  William 

Washington,  D.C.,  169 

Washington,  George,  136,  2i9n.ii6,  223, 
251-52, 355;  busts  of,  by  Ceracchi,  86, 
4/0;  no.  52;  — ,  by  Houdon,  167;  — ,  by 
Kneeland,  157;  colossal  seated  statue,  by 
Greenough,  36, 144, 1450.39;  equestrian 
statues,  by  H.  K.  Brown,  166, 167,  239, 
493\  fig- 128,  no.  188;  — ,  by  Causici, 
136-37, 138-40;  — ,  by  Marochetti,  41, 
160;  historical  and  allegorical  scenes,  66, 
223;  — ,  by  Burns,  Washington  Crowned 
by  Equality^  Fraternity^  and  Liberty,  35;  , 
by  Darley,  The  Triumph  of  Patriotism, 
223;  — ,  by  Leutze,  Washington  Crossing 
the  Delaware,  100,101,  209;  fig.  71; 
by  Powers,  Washington  at  the  Masonic 
Altar,  80;  — ,  by  Rossiter  and  Mignot, 
The  Home  of  Washington  after  the 
War,  80;  portraits  of,  31,  84,  215;  by 
Rembrandt  Peale,  62;  — ,  by  Stuart,  105 

Washington  Divan.  See  Stollenwerck  and 
Brothers 

Washington  Exhibition  in  Aid  of  the  New- 
York  Gallery  of  the  Fine  Arts,  79 

Washington  Gallery  of  Art,  79 

Washington  Hall,  75 

Washington  Market,  8 

Washington  Monument,  Union  Square,  by 
H.  K.  Brown,  168,  169,  239, 493\  fig. 
128,  no.  188;  eariier  proposals,  designs, 
and  models,  136, 144, 152;  — ,  by  Causici, 
136-37  and  n.8, 138-40;  — ,  by  Crawford 
and  Catherwood,  151, 152;  fig.  113;  — , 
by  Frazee,  152;  — ,  by  Greenough,  144, 
I45n.38;  — ,  by  Lefever,  152;  •— ,  by 
Pollard,  152 

Washington  Monument  Association  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  152 

Washington  Square,  7,  16, 19, 185,  309; 
Row,  177 

Washington  Square  Park,  239, 4p2;  no.  187 
Washington  Street  Methodist  Episcopal 

Church,  Brooklyn,  175 
watercolors,  nos.  106-113 
water  cooler,  stoneware,  336,  S44\  no.  264 
Water  Street,  wholesale  store,  20, 21;  fig.  17 
waterworks  projects,  9-11.  See  also  Croton 

Aqueduct 
Watson,  John  Fanning,  4, 12,  20 
Watteau,  Jean-Antoine,  53, 103,  212 
Waud  (?),  A.,  wood  engravings  after,  280; 

figs.  230,  231 


Waverly  House,  74 

Waverly  Sales  Room,  69 

Weale,  John,,  3i5n.  196 

Webster,  Daniel,  27,  2i9n.ii6,  22on.ii7; 

bust  of,  by  Frazee,  147;  photographic 

portrait  of,  by  Brady,  230;  statuette  of, 

by  Ball,  160;  vase  presented  to,  373 
wedding  veil,  245  and  n.io,  sor,  no.  201 
Wedgwood,  Josiah,  23 
Weehawken,  New  Jersey,  201, 201;  fig.  158; 

view  of  New  York  from,  i27n.io8, 199 
Weeks,  Fielder  S.,  279,  280 
Weeks,  James  H.,  74 
Weingartner,  Adam,  219;  The  New  York 

Elephant,  217^  219;  fig.  172;  printed  by, 

Bachmann,  The  Empire  City,  469  \  no.  145. 

See  also  Nagel  and  Weingarmer 
Weir,  Robert  Walter,  85, 99;  Embarkation  of 

the  Pilgrims,  77, 79;  The  Microscope,  loi; 

A  Visit  from  Saint  Nicholas,  389^  no.  27 
Weld,  Charles  Richard,  320 
Weld,  Harriet,  347n.io6 
Weld  family,  service  of  table  glass  made  for  a 

member  of,  346,  347n.io6,  SS4\  no.  277 
Wells,  ]'3iCoh,All'Souls'  Churchy  Fourth  Avenue 

at  Twentieth  Street,  186, 187;  fig.  146 
Wells,  John,  bust  of,  by  Frazee,  137 
Wellstood,  William,  after  Smith,  Benjamin 

F.  Jr.,  New  York,  i8ss,ff^om  the  Lotting 
Observatory,  42, 221, 468',  no.  143 

Wendt,  John  R.,  366 
Wenzler,  F.,^  Scene  in  Berkshire  County, 
Mass.,  80 

West,  Benjamin,  75,  90, 123, 140;  Christ 
Healing  the  Sick,  38;  — ,  copy  after,  by 
Dunlap,  56, 76;  Christ  Rejected,  77;  Death 
on  the  Pale  Horse,  76;  King  Lear,  52, 52, 
208  and  n.70;  fig.  39;  — ,  engraving  after, 
by  Sharp,  208  and  n.70,  211, 477;  no.  156; 
Ophelia  before  the  King  and  Queen,  52, 
2o8n.70 

West,  Benjamin,  and  Livesay,  Robert, 

Introduction  of  the  Duchess  of  York  to  the 

Royal  Family  of  England,  54 
West,  James,  351  and  n.127.  See  also  Carse 

and  West 
Westall,  Richard,  196 
West  Broadway,  31 
Wetmore,  William  Shepherd,  312 
Wheeler,  Asa  H.,  lithograph  by,  245;  fig.  196 
Whig  Ladies  of  Tennessee,  vase  presented 

to  Henry  Clay  by,  368  and  n.66, 369^ 

fig.  302 

Whigs,  33,  34n.i93,  334,  367,  368 
White,  John,  367 

White,  John  Blake,  General  Marion 
Inviting  a  British  Officer  to  Dinner, 
engraving  after,  by  Sartain,  206n.6o 

White,  Richard  Grant,  103;  Catalogue  of  the 
Bryan  Gallery  of  Christian  Art,  103-4 

White,  Stanford,  103 

Whitehorne,  James,  Nancy  Kellogg,  38s; 
no.  19 

White  House:  glass  compote,  348,  ss6; 
no.  279;  porcelain  service,  330;  silver 
plateau,  355 

White  Mountains,  loo,  108, 109, 114-19, 
116, 117, 120, 126, 192, 193;  figs.  72, 
82-84, 150.  See  also  Mount  Washington 

Whitley,  T  W,  37-38 

Whitman,  Walt,  33,  233, 336, 338;  Leaves  of 
Grass,  204-5,  234,47c;  no.  146;  por- 
traits of,  "Christ  likeness,"  attributed  to 

G.  Harrison,  204,  234, 481;  no.  163;  — , 
engraving  by  Hollyer,  after  daguerreo- 
type by  G.  Harrison,  204-5  and  n.57, 
234, 470;  no.  146 


Whitney,  Stephen  and  Harriet,  armchairs 
acquired  by,  294 

Whittel,  B.  Jr.,/.  andR.  Fisher^s Blooming- 
dale  Flint  Glass  Works,  341, 342;  fig.  277 

Whittemore,  H.,  3i5n.i9i 

Whittier,  John  Greenleaf,  119 

Whitde,  B.,  Bbomingdale  Flint  Glass  Works, 
34on.68 

Whittredge,  Worthington,  loi,  119, 130  and 
n.119 

Wickersham,  John  B.,  iron  warehouse,  311; 
fig.  255 

Widdleton,  W.  J.  (publisher),  204, 462; 
fig,  160,  no.  132 

Wiggins  and  Pearson,  74,  75 

Wight,  Peter  Bonnett,  186;  National  Aca- 
demy of  Design,  38, 186-87,445;  no.  105 

Wightman,  George,  346n.i03 

Wilkie,  David,  91,  92, 212;  The  Blind  Fiddler, 
engraving  after,  by  Burnet,  211,  212, 477; 
no.  157 

Wilkins,  Rollins  and  Company,  74,  77 

Wilkinson,  George,  366 

Wille,  Johan  Georg,  91 

Willey,  Benjamin,  116 

Willey  family,  and  avalanche,  115, 116-17, 

J92, 193  and  n.i6;  fig.  150 
Williams,  George  H.,  74 
Williams,  James  Watson,  furniture  pur- 
chased by,  313;  armchair,  i/o,  313, 319; 

fig.  253 
Williams,  John  H.,  74 
Williams,  John  H.,  and  Son,  pier  mirror, 

297,  Si9'y  no.  228 
Williams,  Michael,  Church  of  the  Ascension, 

Canal  Street,  172, 181;  fig.  132 
Williams,  Stevens  and  Williams,  60,  61,  64, 

69, 74, 78,  79,  80, 105,  220-21,  222, 

223n.i34;  published  by,  47P;  no.  159 
Williams,  William  (diemaker).  Grand  Canal 

Celebration  medal,  358,  jjp;  no.  282A 
Willis,  Nathaniel  Parker,  31;  Pencillings  by 

the  Way,  127-28 
Wills  and  Ellsworth,  74 
Wilson,  James  G.,  fashions  by,  24^;  fig.  195 
Wilson  and  Nicholls  (bookbinder),  450; 

no.  117 

Wilton,  Joseph,  135;  King  George,  135; 
William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham,  135,  i4in.23 

Wilton  carpeting,  267 

window  bench,  292,  294, 300;  fig.  238 

window  shades,  275,  282,  sii'->  no.  218 

wineglasses,  343,  S53\  no.  276 

Winterhalter,  Franz  Xaver,  The  Empress 
Eugenie  Surrounded  by  Her  Ladies-in- 
Waiting,  65,  6s,  80,  312;  fig.  56 

Withers,  Frederick,  181 

Wolcott,  A.  S.,  230 

Wolfe,  Catharine  Lorillard,  collection,  99 

Wolfe,  John,  collection,  98,  99, 107 

women:  dressmakers  and  milliners,  247;  as 
shoppers,  24,  248,  259;  upholsterers,  281 

women's  costumes,  244, 24*,  245-46n.io, 
246-47,  246,  247s  248,  249,  2S0,  251, 25/, 
252-57, 254, 2S6, 2S7,  S0I\  figs.  195,  197-99, 
201-4,  206,  208,  209,  nos.  198-205; 
evening  toilettes  worn  to  Prince  of 
Wales  Ball,  J02, 503;  nos.  204,  205;  walk- 
ing ensembles,  498, 499 ^  soo;  nos.  198-200 

Wood,  Charles,  373.  See  also  Wood  and 
Hughes 

Wood,  Fernando,  43 

Wood,  Jacob,  373 

Wood,  Silas,  Gotham  Court,  17, 17;  fig.  11 
Wood  and  Hughes,  373;  commemorative 
pitcher,  Kiddush  goblets,  and  tray,  S7i\ 
no.  305;  tea  service  depicting  views  of 


636    ART  AND  THE  EMPIRE  CITY 


Long  Island  Flint  Glass  Works,  349, 
349;  fig.  286 
wood  carving,  137 

wood  engravings,  202-4, 205  and  nn.51, 53 

wood  imports,  295 

wood  mantels,  261,  262 

Woodville,  Richard  Caton,  105;  The  Card 

Players^  engraving  after,  by  Burt,  207 
wool  goods,  250 


Wollctt,  William,  91 
Woram  and  Haughwout,  3 3 on.  11 
Workingmen's  Home  (Big  Flat),  17 
Workingmen's  Party,  34-35  and  n.193 
worktable,  papier  mache,^/^^  3i3n.i83,  314; 
fig.  256 

Worth,  Charles  Frederick,  256 
Worth,  Thomas,  217,  219;  Darktown 
Comics,  214 


Worth  et  Bobergh,  Paris,  256:  attributed 
to,  ball  gown,  253,^02;  no.  204 

Wren,  Sir  Christopher,  1710.6 

Wright,  Ambrose,  300 

Wright,  Charles  Cushing:  American  Art- 
Union  medals,  jtfj;  nos.  292-295;  Grand 
Canal  Celebration  medal,  358,  SS9\ 
no.  282A 

writing  desk,  lady's,  313,  S2S\  no.  237 


Yale  University,  143 

Yates,  Edward,  3460.105 

Yonkers  Docks,  239, 494\  no.  189 

Young,  John  B.,  364,  372.  SDee  aJso  Tiffany, 
Young  and  Ellis 

Yznaga,  Mrs.  Antonio,  bouquet  holder  car- 
ried by,p2;  no.  204 

Zuber  firm,  Paris,  279,  280 


Photograph  Credits 


All  rights  are  reserved.  Photographs  were 
in  most  cases  provided  by  the  owners  of 
the  works  and  are  published  with  their 
permission;  their  courtesy  is  gratefully 
acknowledged.  Additional  credits  follow. 

©  Allen  Memorial  Art  Museum:  fig.  37 

David  Allison:  cat.  no.  280 

Jorg  P.  Anders:  fig.  40 

Jorg  P.  Anders,  1975:  fig.  47 

©  1999  The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago: 
cat.  no.  105 

Gavin  Ashworth,  Courtesy  of  The 
Magazine  ANTIQU'ES:  cat.  no.  304 

Michael  Bodycomb:  cat.  no.  44 

Davis  Bohl,  Courtesy  of  The  IvLa^azim 
ANTIQUES:  fig.  266 

Erik  Borg  1987:  fig.  81 

©  The  British  Museum:  figs.  42, 43 

Nicholas  L.  Bruen:  fig.  211 

Richard  Caspole,  Yale  Center  for  British 
Art:  cat.  no.  49 

Courtesy  of  Christie's,  Amsterdam:  fig.  306 

©  Chrysler  Museum  of  Art,  Norfolk,  Va.: 
cat.  nos.  64, 166;  fig.  124 

©  1999  The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art: 
fig.  241 

©  2000  The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art: 
figs.  69,  86 

A.  C.  Cooper,  ©  Royal  Institute  of  British 
Architects:  cat.  no.  82 

©  1989  Dallas  Museum  of  Art:  cat.  no.  289 

©  1993  Dallas  Museum  of  Art:  cat.  nos.  300, 
309 

©  1995  Dallas  Museum  of  Art:  fig.  100 


©  1989  The  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts: 
fig-  76 

©  1999  The  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts: 
cat.  no.  285 

G.  R.  Farley:  fig.  60 

G.  R.  Farley  Photography:  cat.  nos.  90,  91 

David  Finn:  fig.  290 

Courtesy  of  Flomaton  Antique  Auction, 
1999:  fig.  213 

Matt  Flynn:  cat.  nos.  98,  218 

Matt  Flynn/Art  Resource,  N.Y.:  fig.  18 

Richard  Goodbody,  1999/©  The  Newark 
Museimi:  cat.  no.  60 

Helga  Photo  Studio:  cat.  nos.  25,  63, 141, 
151,  238,  239,  253,  290,  310;  figs,  no,  176 

Alt  Lee,  Courtesy  of  The  Magazine 
ANTIQUES:  fig.  233 

Schecter  Lee:  figs.  271, 276 

Schccter  Lee/Courtesy  of  The  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art:  cat.  no.  255 

Schecter  Lee  for  The  Metropolitan  Museum 
of  Art/Courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  the 
City  of  New  York:  cat.  no.  268 

Hanz  Lorenz  of  Colonial  Williamsburg 
Foundation,  1992:  fig.  232 

Melville  McLean,  Fine  Art  Photography: 
cat.  no.  249;  fig.  234 

Maertens:  fig.  54 

©  Manchester  City  Art  Galleries:  fig.  46 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  The  Photograph  Studio:  cat.  nos. 
2, 18,  46,  58,  61,  65,  67,  70,  78,  94,  95, 
104, 110-12, 128, 136, 138, 155, 160, 162, 
167, 169, 170, 172, 175, 178, 179, 182-84, 
196,  2or,  208,  222,  226-29,  231,  232,  256, 


258,  261,  263,  264,  266,  267,  283,  286, 
297;  figs.  126, 127, 130, 167, 182, 186,  215, 
220,  221,  226,  228,  240,  275 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  The  Photograph  Studio/  Courtesy 
of  the  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York: 
cat.  nos.  150, 199  (dress  and  bonnet), 
200  (bonnet),  203, 204  (evening  gown 
and  headdress),  205  (evening  gown, 
fan,  wrap,  and  headdress),  220, 301 

©  1998  Museimi  Associates,  Los  Angeles 
County  Museum  of  Art:  cat.  no.  34 

©  1999  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston: 
cat.  nos.  II,  35, 125, 130, 131, 147, 154, 
237;  fig.  39 

©  2000  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston: 
cat.  no.  23;  figs.  64,  65 

©  1999  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art, 
New  York;  fig.  181 

©  Museum  of  the  City  of  New  York: 
cat.  no.  38;  figs.  25, 57, 145, 179, 185, 
196, 197, 199,  212 

©  2000  Board  of  Trustees,  National 
Gallery  of  Art,  Washington,  D.C.: 
fig.  84 

The  Newark  Museum/Art  Resource,  N.Y.: 
fig-  74 

Robert  Newcombe/©  1998  The  Nelson 
Gallery  Foundation:  cat.  no.  241;  fig.  258 

©  Collection  of  the  New-York  Historical 
Society:  figs.  15  (neg,  no,  2684),  44  (neg. 
no.  36263),  48  (neg.  no.  52607),  58  (neg. 
no.  2090),  59  (neg.  no.  6352),  67,  72 
(neg.  no.  27194),  75  (neg.  no.  41267), 
91-95, 115  (neg.  no.  1025),  117  (neg. 
no.  26115),  120  (neg.  no.  26153),  129 
(neg.  no.  73286),  141  (neg.  no.  47399T), 
151  (neg,  no.  73287),  183  (neg.  no.  26134), 
187  (neg.  no.  26131),  188  (neg.  no.  26143), 


189  (neg.  no.  26142),  195  (neg.  no.  60778), 
209  (neg.  no.  73292),  217  (neg.  no. 
26140),  223  (neg.  no.  26120),  274  (neg. 
no.  23279),  278  (neg.  no.  6252),  297 
(neg.  no.  43251) 

©The  New-York  Historical  Society:  cat. 
nos.  7, 27,  40, 45,  72  (neg.  no,  43759),  96 
(neg.  no.  52485T),  152,  209 

John  Pamell:  cat.  nos.  284,  306;  figs.  296, 
305 

Photo  Archives,  Bob  Lorenzon,  Courtesy 
of  T.  Augustyn  and  Paul  E.  Cohen: 
fig-  36 

©  Photo  Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux: 
fig.  56 

Mark  Rabinowitz:  fig.  118 

M.  S.  Rezny  Photography:  cat.  no.  296 

©  Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects: 
cat.  no.  83 

Larry  Sanders:  cat.  no.  245 

Courtesy  of  Sotheby's,  New  York:  cat. 
no.  230 

Lee  Stalsworth:  cat.  no.  loi 

John  Bigelow  Taylor:  fig.  254 

Don  Templeton:  figs.  11,  21, 128, 134, 135, 
236,  238,  245, 279,  280, 284-86, 304 

Jerry  L.  Thompson:  cat.  nos.  16, 19,  21, 55, 
57,  59,  62,  68,  69,  206,  207,  210,  299; 
figs.  73,  III,  112, 114, 125, 143 

Courtesy  of  Phyllis  Tucker  Antiques: 
fig.  307 

Richard  Walker/©  New  York  State 
Historical  Association,  Cooperstown, 
N.Y.:  cat.  nos.  28,  282 

Scott  Wolff,  2000:  fig.  119 

©  Worcester  Art  Museum:  fig.  123 


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